ifli!!l(i!  !  iliili  I  I 


/^,- 


>; '  Jz<^Y/^/<'^  <^ 


W  <^ 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE, 


FROM  THE  EARLIEST  TIMES  TO  THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST. 


WITH  SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTERS  ON  THE  HISTORY  OF 
LITERATURE  AND  ART. 


BY  WILLIAM  SMITH,  LL.D., 

Editor  of  tlio  Dictionaries  of  "  Greek  .nnd  Roman  .^utiquitics,"  "  Biography  and  Mythology, 
and  "Geography." 


REVISED,   -WITH    AX    APPENDIX, 

BY  GEORGE  W.  GREENE,  A.M. 


JtUusttatc^  bs  ®nc  J^untiteti  Enurabfnfla  on  WSooti. 


NEW     YORK: 
HARPER    &    BROTIiEKS,    PUBLISHERS, 

TRANKLIN     BQTJABB. 

1891 


THE     S  I  UDENT'S     SERIES. 

12Mn,  Ci.OTii,  CMironM  if  httlb. 


M.I  M' A  I.  or  KCClfOlfASTICAL  IHBTORY. 
Ily  I'liiLir  Mumi.    Illu>lr«twi.    |l  M. 

TIIK   STl'PKSTH   CLASSICAL    DICTIOS 
ARY.    llliutritUHl.    %\  ». 

AXCIKST  IIISTOHY   Of  TIIK  KAHT.     Ky 
1-iiiLip  SMini.     IlluitmU.I.    (I  ». 

niSTOtir    Of   ailKlXK.     ny   Dr.  WiLLUH 
Smith.    IllutraUd.    %\  '.'i. 

COX'H  GKXERAI.  IIISTOR}'  OF  GUEECE. 
With  M*i».    tl  n. 

l.innEt.l.'S  IIISTOHY  OF  noME.     IlliulTO- 
toJ.     $1  U. 

ilKni\ALE-S     nKXERAL     IIISTORY    OF 
ROME.    Wllh  Mn|>«.    $1  54. 

GIRBOSS  DF.CUXK  AXP  FALL  OF  TUB 
ROHAX  EMt'lKE.     llluUriilod.     |l  «. 

LYKLVS  GEOLOGY.     Illnilrnle.1.     (I  S5. 


IIIHTOR  Y  OF  FRA ITCK.  ftj  Ika  lUf.  W.  II. 
lutLW,  M.A.    Illw«r»l«<i.     |l  ». 

IIVMKS  HISTORY  OF  KSULASD.  XWrn- 
Irauj.     N«w  Kdlllvo.    11  (0. 

HTRICKLASIrS  QVEKSS  OF  ESGLAHD. 
Illtulral«4.    |l  U. 

IIALLAM'S  roN/tTITVTIOSAL  mSTORt 
OF  H.SULAXV.    1 1  n. 

UALLAVS   illDVLE  AGES.    %\  M. 

OLD  TESTA H EXT  IIISTOHY.  By  PifiLir 
Sumi.  With  Map*  and  IMaalrattoiM. 
%\  2i. 

KEn-  TESTA JfE.VT  III.HTORY.  By  PHiiir 
Smith.  With  Map*  aod  lllwtrallofi*. 
%\  ih. 

LEtriS'S  HISTORY  OF  GERXASY.    With 
Map*  and  IlliHttatlon*.    tl  M. 


'X'HE    STTJDKNT'S    SIMALLKR    SKRIKS. 

16uo,  Cf.oTii. 


SCRIPTURE  HISTORY.    60  cenU. 
HISTORY  OF  GREECE.    60  ccnU. 
HISTORY  OF  ROME.    60  cenU. 
COTS   SCHOOL    HISTORY    OF  GREECE. 


60  ( 


nU. 


HISTOR  Y  OF  EXGL.i  XD.     «0  wnt*. 

A  XCIEXT  HISTOR  Y  OF  THE  £.iST.    •*  tt.. 

SEEMAXX'S  MYTHOLOGY.    «0  owU. 

XERIVALS'8    SCHOOL     HISTORY     OF 
ROME.      -i  rtnu. 


PcDUSUED  iiY  HARPER  &  BROTHERS,  Nr.w  Yokk. 

CiT  .4ny  o/Uit  lAooe  hoott  ml  I'f  mail,  fvlagt  prepaid,  lo  any  pari  tf  iX*  V*ilti  Sutm,  *■  rtm^ 
o/  U«  priet. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  rear  186^  by 

II  A  «  PER    i    nR  OTHERS, 
In  the  Clerk's  Office  for  the  Southern  District  of  Xow  York. 


Z.  IS 
1  SS  I 


PREFACE 

BY    THE    AMERICAN    EDITOR. 


No  history  is  so  full  of  instruction  as  that  of  Greece,  and 
there  is  none  whose  lessons  have  heen  more  uniformly  perverted. 
Gilhes  treated  it  as  an  exposition  of  the  "  incurable  evils  inhe- 
rent in  every  form  of  republican  policy,"  and  dedicated  his 
work  to  the  King.  Mitford  wrote  from  a  point  of  view  sg 
purely  English,  that,  with  all  his  learning  and  industiy,  he  was 
never  able  to  understand  the  distinction  between  a  republican 
and  a  demagogue.  We  have  all  been  taught  that  the  condem- 
nation of  Miltiades  was  a  flagi'ant  instance  of  republican  in. 
gratitude ;  that  tbe  Athenian  democracy  w^as  fickle,  and  cow- 
ardly, and  mean  ;  and  that  the  happy  days  of  Greece  were  those 
transient  pauses  which  followed  the  concentration  of  power  in 
the  hands  of  an  oligarchy  or  a  tyrant. 

Now,  if  there  be  any  value  hi  histor}^  it  must  consist  in  the 
truthful  record  of  man's  tendency  to  grow  wiser  and  better,  or 
more  ignorant  and  more  wicked,  under  particular  forms  of  gov- 
ernment, and  in  certain  modes  of  existence.  If  "  every  form  of 
republican  policy"  be  tainted  by  incurable  evils,  it  is  very  im- 
portant that  we  should  know  it,  and  prepare  ourselves  in  time 
for  the  inevitable  development  of  them.  If  the  experience  of 
other  nations  has  brought  any  thing  to  light  which  can  be  ap- 


o%  .oQ^r; 


vi  riuTAci:  14V  iHi:  amkkican  editor. 

pliL-d  to  our  own  (ucu-,  it  is  our  duty  to  Btudy  it  carefully,  and 
do  our  hrst  to  turn  it  to  ucrouiit.  The  paut  Iiuh  a  claiin  upon 
us  l<ir  just  and  ronscinitiouH  upprcriation.  It  \n  a»  wicked  an 
it  is  vain  to  attempt  to  ucver  the  tics  which  hind  us  to  the  old 
world  and  make  the  civilization  of  elder  days  an  important 
element  in  our  own.  And  as  every  vice  wxiner  or  later  Virinp* 
its  own  chastisement,  the  people  which  shuts  its  eyes  wilfully 
to  the  tcuehings  of  history,  will  sooner  or  later  find  that,  even 
in  its  hardest  stru«!;gles,  it  has  been  treadiiiir  a  j»ath  in  which 
almost  all  the  dangers  had  been  revealed  long  before. 

If  we  would  read  these  lessons  aright,  we  must  come  to  the 
study  of  the  past  with  candid  and  fearless  minds  ;  ready  to  accept 
whatever  it  really  tells  us  ;  and  earnest  only  in  searching  out  the 
true  meaning  of  its  revelations.  This  alone  can  make  the  study 
of  history  fruitful,  and  bring  out  that  eamcstDe«s,  sincerity,  can- 
dour, and  toleration,  which  are  as  essential  to  the  healthy  develop- 
ment of  nations  as  of  individuals. 

It  is  all  the  more  to  be  regretted  that  Grecian  histor)-  has 
been  so  sadly  distorted,  as  it  necessarily  lies  at  the  basis  of  our 
historical  studies.  Greek  civilization  is  the  first  of  the  civiliza- 
tions of  the  old  world  with  which  we  still  have  an  active  and 
enduring  sympathy.  The  elder  empires  of  Asia  are  subjects  of 
deep  interest  to  the  professed  scholar  ;  Eg}-pt  is  full  of  strange 
revelations  of  character  and  power ;  but  Greece  is  the  only 
country  which  still  continues  to  exercise  a  direct  and  healthy 
influence  upon  the  development  of  the  mind  in  every  depart- 
ment of  thought  and  taste.  Every  now  and  then,  it  is  true, 
we  are  startled  by  the  apparition  of  some  new  Homer,  or  De- 
mosthenes, or  Phidias :  but  long  before  their  generation  has 
passed  away,  the  world  is  glad  to  fall  back  again  upon  the  old 
ones.  "VYhen  Canova  began  his  reform  in  sculpture,  he  went 
back  to  the  antique  Avith  the  simplicity  and  devotion  of  a  child  ; 
and  the  result  wa.-^  the  modern  school,  the  most  brilliant  sine* 


PREFACE  BY  THE  AJMERICAN  EDITOR.  viv 

the  brilliant  days  of  Greece.  And  yet  I  have  often  heard  its 
greatest  master  say,  that  he  never  could  look  at  an  ancient 
statue  without  feehng  that  there  was  something  in  it  which 
neither  he,  nor  Canova,  nor  any  modern  of  them  all,  had  ever 
reached. 

It  has  often  been  said  that  half  the  disputes  betvv'een  philoso- 
phers arise  from  tlie  want  of  accurate  definitions  :  and  the  word 
progress  is  a  striking  illustration  of  the  truth  of  this  saying. 
For  the  greater  part  of  mankind  it  means  nothing  but  move- 
ment ;  a  change  of  position,  without  any  definite  starting-point 
or  goal :  any  thing,  in  short,  to  gratify  the  feverish  love  of 
novelty  and  that  impatience  of  delay,  which  are  the  real  incen- 
tives of  more  than  half  we  do.  But  progress  implies  move- 
ment from  a  fixed  point  to  one  still  higher  ;  a  movement  which 
shall  be  in  itself  the  preparation  for  something  higher  and  bet- 
ter still.  There  is  but  one  way  of  finding  that  starting-point, 
and  that  is  by  a  thorough  and  conscientious  study  of  the 
past. 

The  reform  in  the  study  of  Grecian  history  began  in  Germany, 
and  Mr.  Bancroft  rendered  a  real  service  to  his  countrymen  when 
he  published  his  translation  of  Heeren's  "  Politics  of  Ancient 
Greece."  Thirlwall's  work  was  a  great  improvement  upon  every 
thing  that  had  preceded  it,  both  in  the  conception  of  the  subject 
and  in  the  exposition  of  it.  But  Grote,  with  his  vast  learning, 
his  sound  philosophy,  his  grasp  of  mind,  and  his  republican  con. 
victions,  was  eminently  fitted  to  be  the  historian  of  Greece. 
The  present  volume,  though  not  without  pretensions  to  original 
investigation,  is  mainly  based  upon  Grote,  whose  erdarged  views 
will  generally  be  found  to  be  happily  reflected  in  its  pages. 
Its  author  is  well  known  by  previous  publications,  which  had 
wen  him  the  repvitation  of  an  accurate,  diligent,  and  profound 
scholar.  He  may  now  justly  lay  claim  to  the  additional  one 
of  a  pleasing,  graceful,  and  classic  writer. 


viii  rUEFACE  BY  THE  AMEUK  A.N   KDinjl; 

hi  |iri']turiii^  an  edition  fur  American  kcHm^U  ami  n-an'TK,  1 
have  nut  lull  ul  lilM-rty  to  make  any  ehan^^ex  in  the  text ;  which, 
with  the  exception  oi'  a  lew  «»1  thwte  ulip  of  the  jicn  from  which 
no  work  in  ttlt«)j;»*lher  free,  will  be  found  to  corn*«jMjfid  word  for 
word  with  the  original  ]iiihli(*ation.  \Vhut  I  felt  to  U*  neces- 
sary for  the  American  Htiidcnt  I  have  thrown  into  an  Ap- 
[KMidix  ;  and  the  Hiipgef<tionH  on  the  following  page  contain  an 
oiitliiif  of  the  manner  in  which,  I  Ixdieve,  it  can  be  Htudied 
With  iiuwt  plea.H'jre  and  jjrolit  both  to  the  teacher  and  bia 
pii|iil. 

GEO    W.   GREESE. 


SUGGESTIONS  TO  TEACHERS. 

I  HAVE  already  remarked  that  this  work  is  equally  adapted  to  the  private 
Student  and  the  school  or  college  class-room.  To  those  who  use  it  as  a  text, 
book,  the  following  suggestions  may  not  be  unwelcome. 

The  historical  course  in  our  public  institutions  is  thus  far  so  imperfect, 
ihat  it  is  safer  to  take  it  for  granted  that  the  student  on  opening  this  volume 
gets  his  first  glance  at  Grecian  history.  Now  it  is  very  important  that  this 
glance  should  be  accompanied  by  a  definite  conception  of  the  space  which 
that  history  fills  both  in  territory  and  in  time  ;  and  it  is  for  this  purpose  that 
1  have  added  Heeren's  clear  and  comprehensive  geographical  summary,  and 
drawn  up  the  synchronitic  tables  in  the  Appendix.  The  first  should  be  studied 
with  the  map;  the  second  by  itself;  and  both  repeated,  even  after  the  nar- 
rative has  been  begun,  until  the  geography  and  general  chronology  of  Greece 
have  become  as  familiar  as  the  boundaries  of  the  States  and  the  names  of  the 
Presidents.  During  the  whole  of  this  stage  of  the  study  the  black-board 
may  be  used  with  great  advantage. 

The  student  now  begins  with  a  fir.m  basis.  The  first  course  may  be  made 
rapidly,  and  in  the  form  of  narration.  It  will  give  him  a  clear  and  compre- 
hensive view  of  the  subject ;  and,  in  connection  with  the  geography  and 
chronolo?3',  make  a  distinct  and  definite  impression  upon  his  mind. 

The  second  course  should  be  one  of  thorough  detail ;  combining  narration 
and  questions.  The  summaries  at  the  head  of  each  chapter  will  be  found  to 
answer  the  purpose  of  regular  examination  questions  ;  and  the  substance  of 
each  section  should  be  narrated,  leaving  the  teacher  to  ask  additional  ques- 
tions whenever  the  subject,  or  any  omission  in  the  narrative,  requires  it. 
Half  the  advantage  of  the  study  is  lost  where  every  thing  is  put  down  in  the 
form  of  question,  instead  of  requiring  the  scholar  to  select  the  circumstances 
for  himself,  and  express  them  in  his  own  language. 

Take,  for  example,  the  first  chapter  cf  the  first  book.  A  scholar  is  called 
upon  to  recite  : 

Q.  What  is  the  general  subject  of  this  chapter? 

A.  The  earliest  inhabitants  of  Greece. 

Q.  To  what  age  of  Grecian  history  does  this  question  belong? 

A.  To  the  Mythical. 

Q.  "What  are  the  subjects  of  the  first  three  sections  .' 

A.  1.  The  legendary  character  of  early  Grecian  history. 

2.  Legends  of  the  Greeks  respecting  their  origin. 

3.  The  Hellenes  and  their  diffusion  m  Greece. 

Now  call  upon  him  to  give  in  his  own  language,  but  in  a  proper  order,  the 
substaace  of  these  three  sections.  And  if  you  are  not  satisfied  with  his  nar- 
ration question  him  minutely  upon  the  parts  where  he  has  failed. 

The  third  course  should  be  guided  by  the  general  questions  (pp.  G33,  634), 
which  may  be  answered  orally,  on  the  black-board,  and  in  the  form  of  regular 
written  exercises. 


X  SUOOEKTION.S  TO  'I'luAVUElUi. 

DiiririK  ihc  mconJ  aiiil  itiird  i-ourii(.-a,  written  weekly  cxcrcucs  sliould  bo 
r(<(|Uiri-il  ii|M>n  ^iven  milijecta  ;  (he  rliurnclcr*  of  indiviclunlii ;  the  nature  of 
pnrtii-iilnr  ivenlii ;  |inrnllrlfi  between  iniinent  men  ;  partieulur  •ysletn*  ol  pol- 
icy, nnil  nn  infiiiily  uf  other  r|Uc»tionii,  which  )«ill  readily  MUj^seni  thenmelves 
to  every  rompeteiil  iimlructor.  In  prepnrinx  Ihcac,  the  Ntudant  iihould  Im;  rc- 
qiiirril  lo  ronault  other  writem  ;  Oroie,  Thirlwall,  llecrcn,  Warhmnulh,  etc.. 
And  Justify  every  nimcrtion  liy  exnrt  referenee«. 

Tnkr  nil  exiiiiiplr.  The  condrrntiution  of  Miltia<leH  linii  U-en  a  atanding: 
repronrh  upon  the  Athenian  deniocrary,  and  through  that  iiiiftn  democracy  it- 
self.    1h  thiM  JuHt  ? 

Let  the  Htiident  give  finit  a  lirieratatemenl  of  the  farta.  Let  him  rompare 
varioua  »uthoritie<4,  befcinnini;  with  ('omeliiia  Nejioa,  and  weighing  carefully 
Uilliea,  Mitford,  'I'hirlwiill,  and  Grote.  Let  him  nvf,  too,  whether  the  rjuca- 
tion  has  not  Ikcii  redured  to  ii.M  true  form  hy  Mnchiavelli  in  the  paaaafie  cited 
hy  Orole  in  hia  notes.  A  aingle  exercise  like  thi.s  will  do  more  for  him  as  a 
thinker  nnd  a  writer,  than  three  months  of  ordinary'  com[>osition. 

But  this  is  very  slow  work.  It  may  seem  so.  It  may  keep  you  loncer  at 
school ;  liut  it  will  send  you  into  the  world  with  Imowlcdgc  and  habits  thai 
•vill  stick  iiy  you  through  life. 


PREFACE. 


The  following  work  is  intended  principally  for  schools.  It  was 
commenced  several  years  ago,  at  a  time  when  the  Grecian  his- 
tories used  in  schools  w^ere  either  the  superficial  and  inaccurate 
compilations  of  Goldsmith  and  older  writers,  or  the  meagre 
abridgments  of  more  recent  scholars,  in  which  the  facts  were 
presented  in  so  brief  a  manner  as  to  leave  hardly  any  recollec- 
tion of  them  in  the  minds  of  the  readers.  Since  that  time  one 
or  two  school  histories  of  Greece  of  a  superior  kind  have  ap- 
peared, but  they  have  not  been  written  from  the  same  point  of 
view  which  I  had  proposed  to  myself;  and  in  the  best  of  them 
the  history  of  literature  and  art,  as  well  as  several  other  sub- 
jects which  seemed  to  me  of  importance,  have  been  almost 
entirely  omitted.  I  have  therefore  seen  no  reason  to  abandon 
my  original  design,  which  now  requires  a  few  w^ords  of  expla- 
nation. 

My  object  has  been  to  give  the  youthful  reader  as  vivid  a 
picture  of  the  main  facts  of  Grecian  history,  and  of  the  leading 
characteristics  of  the  political  institutions,  literature,  and  art  of 
the  people,  as  could  be  comprised  within  the  limits  of  a  volume 
of  moderate  size.  "With  this  view  I  have  omitted  entirely,  or 
dismissed  in  a  few  paragraphs,  many  circumstances  recorded 
in  similar  works,  and  have  thus  gained  space  for  narrating  at 
length  the  more  important  events,  and  for  bringing  out  promi- 
nently the  characters  and  lives  of  the  great  men  of  the  nation. 
It  is  only  in  this  way  that  a  school  history  can  be  made  in- 
Btructive  and  interesting,  since  a  brief  and  tedious  enumeration 


,„  niEPACE. 

r»|'  rvrry  I'Vi'iil,  wliftluT  ^roal  cjf  email,  inijirtrtant  or  uiiini{X)r- 
tuiit,  cdiiluiHii  tliu  reader  and  leavcit  no  ]N-niiaiifiit  iniprcMioii 
U|M»ii  lii«  iiifiii'iry.  ('(iiiHidcralile  i«|(acu  lia.t  Im-cii  fnvm  to  iho 
history  of  liU'raliin;  and  art,  wince  tl»*y  fcjnn  llu;  uumi  durable  evi- 
dences of  a  nation'x  f^owth  in  civilization  and  in  Docial  profptMfc 
A  luiowlcdj^e  of  tlicso  Hiiliji-ctri  i«  of  far  more  inii)ortance  to  a 
pupil  at  the  conunencenu-nt  of  his  claiuticul  KtudieM  than  an  ac- 
quaintance with  every  insignificant  battle  in  the  Pcloponucflian 
war,  or  with  the  theories  of  nifKleni  scholars  resi)eetiug  the 
early  {K)pulation  of  (Jreeee  ;  and  as  it  cannot  Ijc  expected  that  a 
sidioulboy  shuuhl  read  8{)ecial  treatises  upon  Grecian  literature 
and  art,  these  subjects  lind  their  appropriate  place  in  a  work 
like  the  present. 

It  is  perhaps  hardly  necessary  to  observe  that  I  have  availed 
nivsfif  of  the  researches  I'f  the  eniiuent  scholars,  lx)th  in  thir 
countr)'  and  in  tiennany,  whose  writings  have  thrown  so  much 
light  upon  the  history  of  Greece;  but  the  obligations  I  am  under 
to  Mr.  Grote  require  a  more  particular  acknowledgment.  It  is 
not  too  much  to  say  that  his  work  forms  as  great  an  epoch  .»a 
the  study  of  the  history  of  Greece  as  Niebuhr's  has  done  in  the 
study  of  the  history  of  Rome,  and  thai  Mr.  Grote's  contributions 
to  historical  science  are  some  of  the  most  valuable  that  have 
been  made  within  the  present  generation.  As  my  own  studies 
have  led  me  over  the  same  ground  a.>  Mr.  Grote,  I  have  care- 
fully weighed  his  opinions  and  tested  his  statements  by  a  refer- 
ence to  his  authorities ;  and  in  almost  all  cases  I  have  been 
cDiiipellcd  to  ado})t  his  conclusions,  even  where  they  were  iri 
oj)positiou  to  generally  received  opinions  and  prejudices,  as,  for 
instance,  in  his  views  respecting  the  legendary  history  of  Greece; 
the  legislation  of  Lycurgus.  the  object  of  ostracism,  the  general 
working  of  the  Athenian  constitution,  and  the  character  of  the 
Sophists.  Indeed  it  will  be  admitted  by  the  most  competent 
judges,  that  any  school  liiston,'  of  Greece,  which  aspires  to  re- 
present the  present  state  of  knowletlge  upon  the  subject,  must 
necessarily  be  founded  to  a  great  extent  upon  Mr.  Grote's  his- 


PREFACE.  X3cH 

tory;  but  I  have  derived  such  valuable  assistance  frurn  his  re- 
searches, that  I  am  anxious  to  express,  m  the  fullest  manner, 
the  great  obligations  this  vi^ork  is  under  to  that  masterpiece 
of  historical  literature.  In  a  brief  outline  of  Grecian  history, 
original  research  is  of  course  out  of  place  ;  all  that  can  be  ex- 
pected from  the  writer  is  a  clear  and  accurate  account  of  the 
most  recent  results  at  which  the  best  modern  scholars  have 
arrived  ;  and  in  this  respect  it  is  hoped  that  the  intelligent 
reader  will  not  be  disappointed.  Of  the  many  other  modern 
works  which  I  have  consulted,  it  is  only  necessary  to  refer  to 
Colonel  Mure's  "  Critical  History  of  Greek  Literature,"  from 
which  I  have  derived  valuable  assistance  in  the  chapters  of  the 
work  devoted  to  that  subject. 

As  a  general  rule,  references  to  ancient  and  modem  works 
are  not  given,  since  they  are  useless  to  the  pupil  and  occupy 
valuable  space,  while  the  scholar  will  look  for  the  authorities 
elsewhere.  The  illustrations,  of  which  the  majority  have  been 
drawn  by  my  friend  Mr.  George  Scharf,  consist  of  maps  of 
difierent  districts,  plans  of  battles  and  places,  views  of  public 
buildings,  works  of  art  and  other  objects,  the  representation  of 
which  renders  the  descriptions  in  the  history  more  intelligible 
and  interesting  to  the  reader 

WILLIAM  SMITH. 
London,   November,  1853. 


Greek  and  Persian  Combatants.     From  the  Frieze  of  the  Temple  of  Nike  Apteroa. 
(See  pp.  216.  391,  392.) 


CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION. OUTLINES  OF  GRECIAN  GEOGRAPHY. 

1.  The  three  peninsulas  of  Southern  Europe.  <J  2.  Position  and  boundaries 
of  Greece.  ^3.  Size  of  the  country,  iji  4.  Name.  ^5.  Northern  Greece: 
Thessaly  and  Epirus.  ()  6.  Central  Greece :  its  principal  divisions  and 
mountains.  ^  7.  Eastern  half  of  Central  Greece  :  Doris,  Phocis,  Locris, 
Boeotia,  Attica,  Megaris.  ^  8.  Western  half  of  Central  Greece:  Ozolian 
Locris,  ^Etolia,  Acarnania.  i^  9.  Peloponnesus  :  Arcadia,  i)  10.  Achaia, 
Argolis,  Laconia,  Messenia,  Elis.  ij  11.  The  Grecian  Islands.  (}  12.  In- 
fluence of  the  physical  geography  of  Greece  upon  the  political  destinies  of 
the  people,  i^  13.  Likewise  upon  their  intellectual  character.  (J  14.  Rivers 
and  chief  productions.     ^15.  Climate Page  1 


BOOK    I. 
THE  MYTHICAL  AGE. 

CHAPTER  I. 


THE  EARLIEST  INHABITANTS  OF  GREECE. 

§  /.  Legendary  character  of  early  Grecian  history.  ()  2.  Legends  of  the 
Greeks  respecting  their  origin.  ^  3.  The  Hellenes  and  their  diffusion  in 
Greece.  ()  4.  Connexion  of  the  Hellenes  with  the  Indo-European  stem. 
^  5.  The  Pelasgians.  (J  6.  Foreign  settlers  in  Greece.  ^  7.  Egyptian  col- 
onies of  Cecrops  and  Danaus.  (J  8.  Phrygian  colony  of  Pelops.  <J  9.  Phoe- 
nician colony  of  Cadmus 11 


«Tl  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  II. 

Tilt:    (JUr.CIA.M    IIKUOKB. 

1)  1.  Mylhicnl  chnrnrirr  of  llm  Hcrroic  Age.  ^2.  Hercules.  ^3.  Thcieus. 
()  4.  Minus.  <f  5.  Voyage  of  iho  Argoiiauls.  <)  0.  The  Seven  against 
ThelM'S  anil  the  tlingoni.  (f  7.  The  Trojan  War  as  related  in  ihc  JliBil. 
^  H.  I.ntf-r  athtittons.  ^9.  Return  of  the  Grecian  heroes  from  Troy.  ^10. 
l)ato  of  the  full  of  Troy.  <)  11.  Whrlher  the  Meroir  li-gcnds  contain  any 
historical  facts,  (f  12.  The  llomuric  poems  present  a  picture  of  a  real 
state  of  society 17 

CHAPTER  III. 

ST\TF.    OF    SOIIKTV    OK    THK    HF.ROIC    AOE. 

<)  1.  Political  condition  of  Greece — the  Kings.  <)  2.  The  Bouli,  or  Council 
of  C-'hiffs.  ^  3.  The  At;oTa,  or  general  assembly  of  freemen.  ^  4.  The 
condition  of  common  freemen  and  slaves.  ()  5.  Stale  of  social  and  moral 
feeling.  ^  G.  .Simplicity  of  manners.  ^7.  Advances  made  in  civilization. 
<)  8.  ('ommercc  and  the  arts,  i)  9.  The  physical  sciences.  ()  10.  The  art 
of  war 25 


CHAPTER  IV. 

RETtRN    OK    THF.   HERACLID.'E    INTO    PELOPONNESUS,  AND   FOINDATION  OP 
THE    EARLIEST    GREEK    COLONIES. 

^  1.  The  mythical  character  of  the  narrative  of  these  events.  ^2.  Migra. 
tion  of  the  Bccotians  from  Thcssaly  into  Bccotia.  ()  3.  Conquest  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus by  the  Dorians.  ()  4.  The  legendary  account  of  this  event. 
The  invasion.  ()  5.  The  legendary  account  continued.  The  division  of 
Peloponnesus  among  the  conquerors,  (j  6.  Remarks  upon  the  legendary 
account.  ^7.  Foundation  of  the  Greek  colonies  in  Asia  Minor.  ^  8.  The 
iGolic  colonies,  ij  9.  The  Ionic  colonies,  i)  10.  The  Doric  colonies. 
^11.  Colonization  of  Crete  by  the  Dorians,  (j  12.  Conclusion  of  the 
Mythical  age 31 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE    POEMS    OF    HOMER. 

^  1.  Importanci  of  the  subject.  ()  2.  Rise  of  poetry  in  Greece.  Epic  bal- 
lads preparatory  to  the  Epopee.  ()  3.  The  poems  of  the  Epic  Cycle,  in 
•i%hich  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  were  included.  ^  4.  Diversity  of  opin- 
ions respecting  the  life  and  date  of  Homer.  ()  5.  Iliad  and  Odyssey  le 
cited  to  public  companies  by  the  Rhapsodists.  ^  6.  A  standard  text  of  th; 
poems  first  formed  by  Pisistratus.  i)  7.  Modem  controversy  respecting 
the  origin  of  the  Homeric  poems.  Prolegomena  of  Wolf.  ^  8.  The  Iliad 
and  the  Odyssey  were  orimnally  not  committed  to  writing.  ^  0.  They 
were  preserved  by  the  Rhapsodists.  ij  10.  They  did  not  consist  originally 
of  separate  lays,  but  were  composed  by  one  poet,  as  is  shown  by  their 
poetical  unity 39 


CONTENTS.  xTii 

BOOK    II. 

GROWTH  OF  THE  GRECIAN  STATES. 

B.C.  776 — 500. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

GENERAL    SURVEY    OF    THE    GREEK    PEOPLE. 

§  1.  Nature  of  the  subject.  ^  2.  The  chief  ties  which  bound  tte  Greeks 
together.  Community  of  blood  and  of  language.  ()  3.  Community  of 
religious  rites  and  festivals.  ^  4.  The  Amphictyonic  Council.  ^  5.  The 
Olympic  games.  ^  6.  The  Pythian,  Nemean,  and  Isthmian  games. 
§  7.  The  influence  of  these  festivals.  <J  8.  Influence  of  the  oracle  of 
Apollo  at  Delphi.  <J  9.  Community  of  manners  and  character.  ^  10 
The  independent  sovereignty  of  each  city  a  settled  maxim  in  the  Greek 
mind 47 

CHAPTER.  VII. 

EARLY    HISTORY^    OF    PELOPONNESUS    AND    LEGISLATIO.N    OF    LYCURGUS. 

§  1.  Conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians.  Division  of  the  Peloponne- 
sus into  the  Doric  states,  Elis,  Achaia,  and  Arcadia.  ^  2.  Division  of  the 
Doric  states  in  Peloponnesus.  Argos  originally  the  first  Doric  state, 
Sparta  second,  Messene  third.  ^  3.  Phidion  of  Argos.  ^  4.  Legislation 
ofLycurgus.  <J  5.  Life  of  Lycurgus.  <J  6.  The  chief  object  of  Lj'curgus 
in  his  legislation.  (J  7.  Population  of  Laconia  divided  into  three  classes. 
Spartans.  <J  8.  Periceci.  ^  9.  Helots.  ^  10.  Political  government  of 
Sparta.  The  kings.  The  senate.  The  popular  assembly.  The  ephors- 
^  11.  Training  and  education  of  the  Spartan  youths  and  men.  ^  12.  Train- 
ing of  the  Spartan  women.  <J  13.  Division  of  landed  property.  ^  14. 
Other  regulations  ascribed  to  Lycurgus.  Iron  money.  ^  15.  Defensible 
position  of  Sparta.  ^  16.  Growth  of  the  Spartan  power,  a  consequence 
of  the  discipline  of  Lycurgus.     Conquest  of  Laconia 56 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

HISTORY    OF    SPARTA.       THE    MESSENIAN,    ARCADIAN,    AND    ARGIVE    WARS. 

^  1.  Authorities  for  the  history  of  the  Messenian  wars.  ^  2.  The  first  Mes- 
senian  war,  B.C.  743 — 724.  (J  3.  The  second  Messenian  war,  B.C.  685 — 668. 
Aristomenes,  the  Messenian  hero,  and  Tyrtseus,  the  Spartan  hero,  of  this 
war.  ^  4.  Wars  between  the  Spartans  and  Arcadians.  Conquest  of  the 
southern  part  of  Arcadia  by  Sparta.  War  between  Sparta  and  Tegea. 
(f  5.  Wars  between  the  Spartans  and  Argives.  Battle  of  the  three  hundred 
champions  to  decide  the  possession  of  Cynuria 72 


XVIII  CONTENTS. 

CllAlTKR  IX. 

TMR    AGK    or    TIIK    IlKIII'OTI. 

if  1.  Aliolition  of  royolty  throughout  Om-ci?,  except  m  Sparta,  (f  2.  Etiaii 
li.sliiricnt  of  the  oliKiirrhinil  govi-rninnUfi.  ^.1  Ovrrlhrow  of  (h<-  olienr- 
chicii  l>y  th<-  ilcMpot.s.  C'tiiirurtfr  of  ihc  (U-itpot.i,  and  cnum-ii  oftlit-ir  'all 
^  4.  Cunli'Hl  iH-twcm  oligarcliy  and  il«-inc)crary  on  the  removal  of  the 
despots.  ^  A.  DenpolK  of  Hiryon.  Hmtory  of  CliMthenea.  ^  C.  DeiifMts 
of  Corinth.  History  of  C^ypselus  and  I'eriander.  ^7.  Conflicis  of  the 
oligarcliirni  and  deinocratical  iiurtics  at  Mcgara.  Despotism  of  Thcagenee. 
The  poet  Thcogiiis 79 


CHAPTER  X. 

KARI.V   IIISTORV   OF   ATIIF.NS    DOWN   TO   THE    fSL'KPATION   OK  PliilSTBATUS. 

^  1.  Early  division  of  Attica  into  twelve  independent  states,  said  to  have 
been  united  hy  Theseus.  ^  2.  AI)olition  of  royalty.  Life  archons.  Dc 
ccnnial  archons.  Annual  archons.  i)  3.  Twofold  division  of  the  Athe. 
nians.  (1.)  Eupatrida;,  Geomori,  Dciniurgi.  (2.)  Four  tribes  .  Gelcon. 
tcm,  Hoplctr.s,  /Egicores,  Areades.  {)  1.  Division  of  the  four  tribes  into 
Trittycs  and  N:mcrariie,  and  into  Phralriie  and  Gcntcs.  (/  5.  The  gov- 
ernment exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  Eupatrida;.  The  nine  archons 
and  their  functions.  The  Senate  of  Areopagus.  ^  G.  The  legislation  of 
Draco.  ^  7.  The  cons()iracy  of  Cylon.  His  failure,  and  massacre  of  his 
partisans  by  Megacles,  the  Alcma;onid.  Expulsion  of  the  Alcmsoi.ids. 
^  8.  Visit  of  Epimenides  to  Athens.  His  purification  of  the  city.  ^  9. 
Life  of  Solon.  ^  10.  State  of  Attica  at  the  time  of  Solon's  legislation. 
^11.  Solon  elected  archon,  B.C.  594,  wiih  legislative  powers.  ^  12.  His 
Seisachtheia  or  dislmrdening  ordinance.  ^  13.  His  constitutional  changes. 
Division  of  the  people  into  four  classes,  according  to  their  property. 
^  II.  Institution  of  the  Senate  of  Four  Hundred.  Enlargement  of  the 
powers  of  the  .\rcopagus.  The  Athenian  government  continues  an  oligar- 
chy after  the  time  of  Solon,  i)  15.  the  special  laws  of  Solon.  <J  IG.  The 
travels  of  Solon,  i^  17.  Vsurji.ition  of  Pisistnitu.s.  Return  and  death  of 
Solon 87 


CHArXER  XI. 

niSTOKY    OF    ATIIF.NS     FROM    THE     LSLRPATION    OF    PISISTRATIS    TO    THE 
ESTABLISHSIENT    OF    THE    DEMOCRACY    BY    CLISTHENES. 

41.  Despotism  of  Pisistratus.  His  first  expulsion  and  restoration.  ^2. 
His  second  expulsion  and  restoration,  i)  3.  Government  of  Pisistratus 
after  his  final  restoration  to  his  death,  B.C.  527.  ^  4.  Government  of 
Hippias  and  Hipparchus.  Conspiracy  of  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton,  and 
assassination  of  Hipparchus,  B.C.  514.  ^  5.  Sole  government  of  Hippias. 
His  expulsion  by  the  Alcma»onid!e  and  the  Lacedsmonians,  B.C.  510.  i)  fi. 
Honors  paid  to  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton.  if  7.  Party  struggles  at 
Athens  between  Clisthenes  and  Isasoras.     Establishment  of  the  Athenian 


CONTENTS.  xix 

(iemocracy.  ^8.  Reforms  of  Clisthenes.  Institution  of  ten  new  tribes  and 
of  the  demes.  ^  9.  Increjtse  of  the  number  of  the  Senate  to  Five  Hundred. 
()  10.  Enlargement  of  the  functions  and  authority  of  the  Senate  and  the 
Ecclesia.  ()  11.  Introduction  of  the  judicial  functions  of  the  people.  In- 
stitution of  the  Ten  Strategi  or  Generals.  ^  12.  Ostracism.  ^  13.  First 
attempt  of  the  Lacedaemonians  to  overthrow  the  Athenian  democracy. 
Invasion  of  Attica  by  Cleomenes,  followed  by  his  expulsion  with  that  of 
Isagoras.  ^  14.  Second  attempt  of  the  Lacedjemonians  to  overthrow  the 
Athenian  democracy.  The  Lacedaemonians,  Thebans,  and  Chalcidians 
attack  Attica.  The  Lacedfemonians  deserted  by  their  allies  and  compelled 
to  retire.  Victories  of  the  Athenians  over  the  Thebans  and  Chalcidians, 
followed  by  the  planting  of  4000  Athenian  colonists  on  the  lands  of  the 
Chalcidians.  ij  15.  Third  attempt  of  the  Lacedaemonians  to  overthrow 
the  Athenian  democracy,  again  frustrated  by  the  refusal  of  the  allies  to 
take  part  m  the  enterprise.  ^  16.  Growth  of  Athenian  patriotism,  a  conse- 
quence of  the  reforms  of  Clisthenes 102 


CHAPTER  XII. 

HISTORY    OF    THE    GREEK    COLONIES. 

(;  I.  Connection  of  the  subject  with  the  general  history  of  Greece.  ^  2.  Ori- 
gin of  the  Greek  colonies  and  their  relation  to  the  mother-country,  (j  3. 
Characteristics  common  to  most  of  the  Greek  colonies.  ^  4.  The  ^Eolic, 
Ionic,  and  Doric  colonies  in  Asia.  Miletus  the  most  important,  and  ths 
parent  of  numerous  colonies.  Ephesus.  Phocasa.  <J  5.  Colonies  in  the 
south  of  Italy  and  Sicily.  History  of  Cumee.  (}  G.  Colonies  in  Sicily. 
Syracuse  and  Agrigentum  the  most  important.  Phalaris  despot  of  Agri- 
gentum.  <J  7.  Colonies  in  Magna  Grascia  (the  south  of  Italy).  Sybaris 
and  Croton.  War  between  these  cities,  and  destruction  of  Sybaris.  ^  8. 
Epizephynan  Locri :  its  lawgiver,  Zaleucus.  Rhegium.  ^  0.  Tarentum. 
Decline  of  the  cities  in  Magna  Graecia.  ^  10.  Colonies  in  Gaul  and  Spam. 
Massalia.  ij  11.  Colonics  in  Africa.  Cyrene.  ^  12.  Colonies  in  Epirus, 
Macedonia,  and  Thrace.  ^  13.  Importance  of  a  knowledge  of  the  history 
of  the  Greek  colonies •   114 


CHAPTER  Xin. 

HISTORY    OF    LITERATURE. 

^  1.  Perfection  of  the  Greeks  in  literature.  ^  2.  Greek  epic  poetry  divided 
into  two  classes,  Homeric  and  Hesiodic.  ^  3.  Poems  of  Hesiod.  ^  4. 
Origin  of  Greek  lyric  poetry.  ^  5.  Archilochus.  ^  6.  Simonides  of 
Amorgos.  ^  7.  Tyrtaeus  and  Alcman.  ^  8.  Arion  and  Stesichorus.  ^  9. 
Alcffius  and  Sappho.  ^  10.  Anacreon.  ^  11.  The  Seven  Sages  of 
Greece.  ^  12.  The  Ionic  school  of  philosophy.  Thales,  Anaximander, 
and  Anaximcnes.  ^  13.  The  Eleatic  school  of  philosophy.  Xenopha- 
nes.  <^  14.  The  Pythagorean  school  of  philosophy.  Lile  of  Pythago- 
ras. Foundation  and  suppression  of  his  society  in  the  cities  of  Magna 
Graecia 126 


XX  CONTENTS. 

CHAITKR  XIV. 

lltMTOKV    or    ART. 

i  1.  Perfection  of  Orrriiin  (irl.  ^2.  Origin  of  Arrhitrctiiro.  ^3.  Cyrlop^ui 
walls,  'rrrnsiiry  of  AtridM.  if  i.  Archileriiirc  of  tcin|>lrrs.  ^  5.  Three 
orders  of  iirrliitcTlurf,  lln'  Doric,  Ionic,  and  ('orinthian.  (f  0.  'I'emide*  of 
Artemis  (Diiinii)  at  K|ihcfiiiN,  of  Ilcra  (Juno)  at  SamoN,  of  Ajiollo  at  Dclf/fii, 
and  of  Jovo  at  Athcn.H.  KiMiininit  of  tcniplca  at  t'onidonta  (PsstumX 
Selinus,  and  ^^^gina.  ()  7.  Origin  of  nciilpturc.  Wooden  images  of  the 
gods.  Sculptured  figures  on  architectural  tnonumcnts.  Lions  over  ttie 
gate  at  Mycenir.  if  8.  Improvements  in  sculjiturc  in  the  sixth  and  fifth 
centuries  B.C.  ^9.  Extant  .ipecimens  of  Grecian  sculpture.  The  Selinun- 
Ime,  i^ginetan,  and  Lycinn  marbles.     <)  10.  History  of  j>ainting 140 


BOOK    I  II. 

THE  PERSIAN  WARS. 

B.C.  500 — 178. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

THE     RISE    AND    r.ROWTH     OK    THE    PERSIAN     EMPIRE. 

i  1  Introduction,  i)  2.  The  Assyrian  Empire.  ^  3.  The  Median  Empire. 
^  i.  The  Babylonian  Empire.  ^  5.  The  Lydian  Monarchy,  and  its  influ- 
ence upon  the  Asiatic  Greeks.  ^  C.  Conijuest  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks  by 
Croesus,  king  of  Lydia.  i)l.  Foundation  of  the  Persian  Empire  by  Cyrus, 
and  overthrow  of  the  Median  Empire  by  the  latter.  ^  8.  Conquest  of  the 
Lydian  Monarchy  by  Cyrus.  ^  9.  Conquest  of  the  .\siatic  Greeks  by 
Harpagus,  the  general  of  Cyrus.  Death  of  Cyrus.  ^10.  Reigns  of  Cajn- 
byses  and  of  the  false  Sinerdis.  ^11.  History  of  Polycrates,  despot  of 
Samos.  <J  12.  .\ccession  of  Darius,  son  of  Hysiaspes.  His  organization 
of  the  Persian  Empire.  ^  13.  Invasion  of  Scythia  by  Darius.  ^  14.  Sub- 
jection of  Thrace  and  Macedonia  to  the  Persian  Empire 151 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE    IONIC    REVOLT. 

^  1.  Introduction.  ^  2.  Naxian  exiles  apply  for  aid  to  Aristagoras.  ^  3. 
Expedition  of  Aristagoras  and  the  Persians  against  Naxos.  Its  failure. 
^  4.  Revolt  of  Miletus  and  the  other  Greek  cities  of  Asia.  ^  5.  Aristago- 
ras solicits  assistance  from  Sparta  and  .\thens,  which  is  granted  by  the 
latter.  <)  C.  Burning  of  Sardis  by  the  .\ihenians  and  lonians.  ^  7.  Death 
of  Aristagoras  and  Hist  iaeus.  ^8.  Defeat  of  the  Ionian  fleet  at  Lade.  ^9. 
Capture  of  Miletus  and  termination  of  the  revolt 163 


CONTENTS.  xxi 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE    BATTLE    OF    MAHaTHON, 

1.  Expedition  of  Mardonius  into  Greece,  i^  2.  Preparations  of  Darius  for 
a  second  invasion  of  Greece.  Heralds  sent  to  the  leading  Grecian  states  to 
demand  earth  and  water.  <J  3.  Invasion  of  Greece  by  the  Persians  under 
Datis  and  Artaphernes.  Conquro:  of  the  Cyclades  and  Eretria.  1^4.  Pre- 
parations at  Athens  to  resist  the  Persians.  History  of  Miltiades.  ^5.  De- 
bate among  the  ten  Athenian  Generals.  Resolution  to  give  battle  to  thn 
Persians.  ^6.  Battle  of  Marathon.  (}".  Movements  of  the  Persians  after 
the  battle,  ij  8.  Effect  of  the  battle  of  Marathon  upon  the  Athenians. 
^  9.  Glory  of  Miltiades.  ^  10.  His  unsuccessful  expedition  to  Paros. 
^  11.  His  trial,  condemnation,  and  death.  ^  12.  History  of  jEgina. 
^  13.  War  between  Athens  and  ^gina.  ^  14.  Athens  becomes  a  mari- 
time power.  <J  15.  Rivalry  of  Themistocles  and  Aristides.  Ostracism  of 
the  latter 171 


CHAPTER  XVin. 

THE    BATTLES    OF    THERMOPVL^    AND     ARTEMISIUM. 

^  \.  Death  of  Darius  and  accession  of  Xerxes,  ij  2.  Preparations  for  ttie 
invasion  of  Greece,  ij  3.  A  bridge  thrown  across  the  Hellespont,  and  a 
canal  cut  through  the  isthmus  of  Mount  Athos.  i)  4.  Xerxes  sets  out  from 
Sardis.  Order  of  the  march,  i^  5.  Passage  of  the  Hellespont.  <J  6.  Num- 
bering of  the  army  on  the  plain  of  Doriseus.  ^  7.  Continuation  of  the 
march  from  Doriseus  to  Mount  Olympus.  ^  8.  Preparations  of  the  Greeks 
to  resist  Xerxes.  Congress  of  the  Grecian  states  at  the  isthmus  of  Corinth. 
^9.  Patriotism  of  the  Athenians.  Resolution  of  the  Greeks  to  defend  the 
pass  of  Tempe,  which  is  afterwards  abandoned.  ^  10.  Description  of  the 
pass  of  Thermopylai.  iji  11.  Leonidas  sent  with  300  Spartans  and  a  small 
body  of  Peloponnesians  to  defend  the  pass  of  Thermopylas.  •  ^  12.  Attack 
and  repulse  of  the  Persians  at  Thermopylae.  ^  13.  A  Persian  detachment 
cross  the  mountains  by  a  secret  path  in  order  to  fall  upon  the  Greeks  in 
the  rear,  iji  14.  Heroic  death  of  Leonidas  and  his  comrades.  <J  15.  Monu- 
ments erected  to  their  honour,  i^  16.  Proceedings  of  the  Persian  and 
Grecian  fleets,  (j  17.  The  Persian  fleet  overtaken  by  a  terrible  storm. 
^  18.  First  battle  of  Artemisium.  <J  19.  Second  storm.  (}  20.  Second 
battle  of  Artemisium.     Retreat  of  the  Grecian  fleet  to  Salamis 185 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE    BATTLE    OF     SALAMIS. 

§  1.  Results  of  the  battle  of  Thcrmopyla;.  ^  2.  Alarm  and  flight  of  the 
Athenians.  §  3.  March  of  the  Persians  and  attempt  upon  Delphi.  (}  4. 
Taking  of  Athens  and  arrival  of  the  Persian  fleet.  (J  5.  Dissensions  and 
debates  of  the  Greeks.  ^6.  Stratagem  of  Themistocles.  Arrival  of  Aris- 
tides. ()  7.  Position  of  the  hostile  fleets.  Preparations  for  the  combat. 
^  8.  Battle  of  Salamis.     (}  9.  Defeat  and  flight  of  Xerxes.     ^  10.  Pursuit 


xxii  I'ONTKNTS. 

(if  tlin  (iriM'kN.  ()  II.  Iluiiicuanl  iiiiirch  of  Xnrxcu.  (f  12.  The  Otfciut 
ccli'lirnto  tlii'ir  virtiiry.  <)  l.'l.  (,'urthnginian  cxiiidilion  to  Sicily.  Dcf^nt 
and  (iriitli  of  lliiitiilrar Wl 

CllAPTKU  XX. 

IIATTI.EB    or    PLAT^KA    AND    MVCALE. 

(f  1.  Position  of  lln-  I'tTSinn  and  Cirr-fk  flcrlit.  ^  2.  Prrparalion«  of  Mar- 
doniu.s  for  (lie  rnnipaign.  <^  3.  Ho  noiicils  t)io  Alhrniaim  to  Join  him. 
Faithlessness  of  the  Spartans.  ^1  Mardoniusoccupics  Allu-nn.  Athenian 
cmliaHsy  tu  Sparta.  March  of  the  Spartan  army,  i)  5.  Mardoniuii  retires 
into  Ua'otia:  followed  by  the  fircrinn  army.  Skirmishes.  ^6.  The 
Grcck.s  descend  into  the  plain.  Manauvres  of  the  two  armies.  ^7.  Alex- 
ander, king  of  Mucedon,  visits  the  Grecian  camp.  The  Greeks  resol*e  to 
change  ihcir  ground:  their  <lisordcrly  retreat.  ^8.  Battle  of  Platca. 
Defeat  of  the  Persians.  ()  9.  Division  of  the  spoil,  i)  10.  Ke<luction  of 
Thebes,  and  cxerulion  of  the  Thetian  leaders.  <)  11.  Death  of  .Vristodcmuji. 
()  12  League  of  IMatita.  Religions  ceremonies.  <)  13.  Hallle  of  Mycale. 
Defeat  of  the  Persians.  ()  11.  Liberation  of  the  Greek  islands,  (j  15. 
Siege  and  capture  of  Sestos 210 

CHAPTER   XXI. 

UISTORY  OF  LITBRATURE. 
^  1.  CJeneral  characteristics.  ^  2.  Simonides.  ^  3  Pindnr.  ^  4.  Ibycus 
and  Bucchylides.  ^  5.  Rise  of  history-  and  of  composition  in  prose.  ^  C. 
Hecatajus,  Charon  of  Lampsacus,  Hellanicus.  i)  7.  Herodotus.  ^  8. 
Character  of  his  work.  Analysis.  ()  9.  Predilection  of  Herodotus  for 
Athens.     ^  10.   Style  of  his  work 229 


BOOK   lY. 

THE  ATHENIAN  SUPREMACY  AND  THE 

PELOPONNESIAN  WAR. 

B.C.  .107—404. 

CHAPTER  XXn. 

FROM    THK    K.XPUI.S10N    OF    THE    PERSIANS    TO    TUP    DF.ATH    OF 
THEMISTOCLES. 

1.  Further  proceedings  against  the  Persians.  ^2.  Misconduct  and  treason 
of  Pausanias.  ^  3.  The  maritime  suj>remacy  transferred  to  the  Athenia\ts. 
^  4.  Confederacy  of  Delos.  ^  5.  The  combined  fleet  under  Cimon.  ^  6. 
Growth  of  the  .\theni:in  power.  Plans  of  Themistoeles.  ^7.  Rebuilding 
of  Athens.  The  Lareda-monians  attempt  to  prevent  its  being  fortified. 
^  8.  Fortification  of  Pir;vus.  ij  9.  Strife  of  parties  at  Athens.  Miscon 
duct  of  Themistoeles.     ^10.  He  ia  ostracised.     ^11.  Pausanias  convicted 


CONTENTS.  xxiii 

of  Medism.  ^  12.  Thcmistocles  implicated  in  his  guilt.  He  escapes  into 
Asia,  tj  13.  He  is  magnificently  received  by  Artaxer.xes.  His  death  and 
character.      6  14.  Death  of  Aristides  239 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

KISE    AND    GROWTH    OF    THE    ATHENIAN    EMPIRE. FROM    THE    BATTLE 

OF    EURYMEDON    TO    THE    THIRTY    YEARs'    TRUCE    WITH    SPARTA. 

',.  Cimon  leader  of  the  aristocratical  party  at  Athens.  §  2.  Revolt  of 
Naxos.  ^3.  Battle  of  Eurymedon.  ^4.  The  Athenians  blockade  Thasos, 
and  attempt  to  found  colonies  in  Thrace.  ^  5.  Earthquake  at  Sparta  and 
revolt  of  the  Helots  ^6.  Decline  of  Spartan  power.  ^7.  Cimon  assists 
the  Spartans  to  suppress  the  revolt,  but  without  success.  The  Spartans 
offend  the  Athenians  by  dismissing  their  troops,  (j  8.  Parties  at  Athens. 
Character  of  Pericles.  ()  9.  Attack  upon  the  Areopagus.  ^  10.  Ostra- 
cism of  Cimon.  ij  11.  Administration  and  foreign  policy  of  Pericles. 
^  12-  Expedition  of  the  Athenians  into  Egypt  against  the  Persians. 
1^  13.  Hostilities  with  Corinth  and  ^Egina.  Defeat  of  the  Corinthians  at 
Megara.  ^  14.  The  long  walls  of  Athens  commenced.  ^  15.  The  Lace- 
daemonians march  into  Boeotia.  Battle  of  Tanagra.  <J  10.  Recall  of 
Cimon.  ^  17.  Battle  of  CEnophyta,  and  conquest  of  Boeotia.  Conquest 
of.(Egina.  ij*  '^8.  The  five  years' truce.  Expedition  of  Cimon  to  Cyprus. 
His  death.  ^  19.  Conclusion  of  the  war  with  Persia.  ^  20.  The  Athe- 
nian power  at  its  height.  ^  21.  Decline  of  Athenian  power.  Revolution 
in  Boeotia.  Other  Athenian  reverses.  Invasion  of  Attica  by  the  Lacedae- 
monians under  Pleistoanax.  ^  22.  Pericles  recovers  Euboea.  Thirty- 
years'  truce  with  Sparta 251 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

FROM  THE  THIRTY  YEARs'  TRUCE  TO  THE  WAR  BETWEEN  CORINTH 
AND  CORCYRA. 

^  1.  State  of  parties  at  Athens.  Thucydidcs.  ^2.  Opposite  political  views. 
^  3.  Ostracism  of  Thucydides.  Administration  of  Pericles.  He  adorns 
Athens.  His  foreign  policy  ^  4.  Athenian  colonization.  Cleruchia^. 
Thurii  and  Amphipolis.  ^  5.  Nature  of  the  Athenian  maritime  empire. 
Amount  of  tribute.  Oppressions.  ^  6.  Revolt  of  Samos.  Reduction  of 
the  island  by  Pericles 265 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

CAUSES  OF  THE  PELOPONN ESI  AN  WAR. 

',.  Quarrel  between  Corinth  and  Corcyra.  ^  2.  Corcyrsean  embassy  to 
Athens.  Decision  of  the  Athenians.  ^  3.  They  send  a  fleet  to  Corcyra. 
Naval  engagements.  Defeat  of  the  Corinthians.  ^4.  Revolt  of  Potidaja. 
^  5.  Congress  of  the  Peloponnesian  allies  at  Sparta.  The  Spartans  decide 
for  war.  ^  G.  Second  congress.  The  allies  resolve  upon  war.  <J  7.  The 
Lacedemonians  require  the  Athenians  to  expel  Pericles.  ()  8.  Attacks 
upon   Pericles,   Aspasia,  and  Anaxagoras.     Imprisonment  and  death  of 


xxlv  CONTENTS. 

PliKliu.  if  0.  FiittlxT  rpquiwitiont  of  the  LaccclKmoniani.  Rejected  Itj 
the  Alhcniun.n.  <f  10.  The  Thchiin«  mirpriNo  l'lntii!n.  <f  II.  The  Athe- 
niiiiiM  prepare  for  war.  I'ortentH.  i)  \'i.  Forren  of  the  LnccdivmoniarM 
and  Athciiinnii.  <)  13.  The  Peloponntfsiun  arrny  uncinhlcs  at  the  uthmua 
of  Corinth 273 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

PELOrONNKSIAN    WAR. FKO.M    Til  K    lOMMENCCMKNT    Of    THE    WAK    TO 

THE    CAPTUHE    AND    DESTKf CTION    OK    I'LATiKA. 

<J  1.  The  Pcloponnrsinn.i  invadr  Atiira.  ^2.  Athenian  naval  expeditions  to 
Peloponnesus  and  LocriH.  ()  3.  The  Athenians  invade  the  Megarid.  (f  4. 
Second  inva.sion  of  Attica.  Plague  at  Athcn.-t.  <f  5.  Unpo|iularity  of 
Pericles.  lie  is  accused  of  malversation.  ^  G.  His  domestic  mi.sfortuncs. 
Death.  Character.  ^  7.  The  Lacedicmoniaas  ravage  Attica.  Their  naval 
operations.  i)S.  Snrrenderof  Polidfca.  ^9.  The  Lacedaemonians  l>esicgc 
Plata;a.  ^10.  Part  u(  t!ie  garrison  escape.  ^11.  Surrender  of  the  town. 
Trial  and  execution  of  the  garrison  285 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

PELOPONNESIAN    WAR    CONTINUED. KBOM    THE    SIEGE    OP    PLATjEA    TO 

THE    SEDITION    OF    COUrVRA. 

^  1.  General  character  of  the  war.  ^2.  Military  and  naval  operations  of  the 
third  year.  Atleinpt  ofthc  Peloponnesiansto  surprise  Piraius.  ^3.  Fourth 
year.  Revolt  of  Mytilene.  ^-1.  Fifth  year.  Surrender  of  Mytilene.  ^5. 
Debates  of  the  Athenian  assembly  respecting  the  Mytileneans.  Cleon  and 
the  Athenian  demagogues.  ^  C.  Dloody  decree  against  the  Mytileneans. 
()  7.  Second  debate.  Reversal  of  the  decree.  Lesbos  colonized  by  Athe- 
nians. ^  8.  Civil  dissensions  at  Corcyra.  ()  9.  Picture  of  the  times  by 
Thucydides 296 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

PELOPONNF.SIAN    WAR    CONTINfF.D. FROM    THE    SEDITION    AT    CORCYRA 

TO    THE    PEACE    OF    NICIAS. 

{f  \.  Sixth  year  of  the  war.  Return  of  the  Plagiie.  Purification  of  Dclos- 
^2.  Seventh  year.  Fortification  of  Pylus.  ^3.  Attempts  of  the  Lacedae- 
monians to  recover  Pylus.  ^  4.  Arrival  and  victory  of  the  Athenian  fleet. 
Blockade  of  Sphactcria.  <^  5.  The  Lacedtemonians  sue  for  peace  at  Athens. 
Extravagant  demands  of  Cleon.  ^6.  Renewal  of  hostilities.  ^7.  Debates 
in  the  Assembly.  Clron  elected  general,  i)  8.  Capture  of  Sphacteria. 
^9.  Advantages  of  the  victory.  ^10.  Proceedings  at  Corcyra.  Slaughter 
of  the  oligarchs.  ^11.  Eighth  year  of  the  war.  Capture  of  Cythera. 
<)  12.  Invasion  of  the  Megarid  and  Bceotia  by  the  Athenians.  Capture  of 
Nisa;a,  the  port  of  Megara.  Defeat  of  the  Athenians  at  the  battle  of 
Delium.  ^  13.  Brasidas  in  Tlirace.  Takes  Amphipolis.  Banishment  of 
Thucydides.  ^  14.  Ninth  year  of  the  war.  A  truce  between  Sparta  and 
Athens.     The  war  continued  in  Thrace.     ^  15.  Tenth  year  of  the  war- 


CONTENTS.  XXV 

Cleon  proceeds  to  Amphipolis.  His  defeat  and  death.  Death  of  Brasi- 
das.  (j  16.  Eleventh  year  of  the  war.  Fifty  years'  peace  between  Athens 
and  Sparta 306 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

PELOP0NNESI.4N  WAR    CONTINUED. FROM   THE    PEACE    OF    NICIAS   TO   THE 

EXPEDITION    OF    THE     ATHENIANS    TO    SICILY. 

^  1.  League  of  Argos,  Corinth,  Elea,  Mantinea,  and  Chalcidice.  ()  2.  Trans 
actions  between  Sparta  and  Athens.  ()  3.  Policy  and  character  of  Alcibi- 
ades.  ^  4.  He  advocates  a  league  with  Argos.  Resorts  to  a  strategem  to 
procure  it.  ^  5.  Alcibiades  victor  at  Olyinpia.  His  magnificence.  ^  6. 
He  proceeds  to  Peloponnesus.  <5  7.  Proceedings  of  the  Lacedaemonians. 
Battle  of  Mantinea.  §  8.  Revolutions  at  Argos.  A  democracy  estab- 
lished. ^  9.  Conquest  of  Melos  by  the  Athenians.  ^  10.  Intervention  of 
the  Athenians  in  Sicily.  ^  11.  Embassy  of  the  Egestaeans.  They  deceive 
the  Athenians  respecting  their  wealth.  ^  12.  The  Athenians  resolve  on 
an  expedition  to  Sicily,  i^  13.  Preparations  at  Athens.  Popular  delusion. 
^14.  Mutilation  of  the  Hermae.  Accusation  of  Alcibiades.  <J  15.  Depart- 
ure of  the  Athenian  fleet  for  Sicily 321 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

PELOPONNESIAN    WAR    CONTINUED. THE    SICILIAN    EXPEDITION. 

§  1.  Armament  mustered  at  Corcyra.  <J  2.  Its  reception  in  Italy.  Proceed- 
ings at  Syracuse.  ^  3.  Plans  of  the  Athenian  generals.  ^  4.  The  advice 
of  Alcibiades  adopted.  He  gains  over  Naxos  and  Catana.  ^5.  Proceed- 
ings at  Athens  respecting  the  mutilation  of  the  Hermae,  and  the  profanation 
of  the  mysteries.  ^  6.  Alcibiades  accused,  and  ordered  to  return  to  Athens. 
^  7.  Proceedings  of  Nicias  in  Sicily.  ^  8.  Preparations  of  the  Sicilians 
for  defence.  ^  9.  Nicias  lays  siege  to  Syracuse.  <J  10.  He  seizes  Epipols 
and  constructs  a  fort  at  Syke.  Attempt  of  the  Syracusans  against  it.  ^  11. 
Arrival  of  the  Spartan  general  Gylippus.  Change  in  the  Athenian  pros- 
pects. ^12.  Invasion  of  Attica  by  the  Lacedaemonians.  They  fortify  De- 
celia.  ^  13.  The  Syracusans  defeat  the  Athenians  at  sea.  <^  14.  Demos- 
thenes and  Eurymedon  arrive  in  Sicily  with  reinforcements.  Reverses. 
The  Athenians  resolve  to  retreat.  ^  15.  Naval  engagement  in  the  Great 
Harbor.  Victory  of  the  Syracusans.  <J  16.  Its  effects.  Disastrous  retreat 
of  the  Athenians.  Surrender  of  Demosthenes.  (J  17.  Surrender  of  Nicias. 
Treatment  of  the  prisoners.  Death  of  Nicias  and  Demosthenes.  <^  18. 
Their  characters 332 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

FROM    THE    END    OF    THE    SICILIAN    E.XPEDITION    TO    THE    OVERTHROW    OP 
THE    FOUR    HUNDRED    AT    ATHENS. 

^  1.  Consternation  and  hardships  at  Athens.     <J  2.   Measures  for  defence. 
6  3.  Revolt  of  Chios,  Erythrae,  and  Clazomenae.     ()  4.  Spread  of  the  re* 


XXV I  CONTENTH 

volt.  Dcfcctiori  of  Tc-oH,  I.i'nImih,  ntid  Milctua.  Kcvolution  at  Somos 
which  iMTriincii  ihf  hrncl-ijunrtcrN  of  lh<-  Athf-niiin  (\rvl.  (f  5.  Kfcovcry  of 
I,ckI)o<i  l>y  tho  AthcniiiriN.  DutMntiiifarlion  of  thf  l.ticrdiL-monintiit  with 
TiN.Hii|iti('rni'.M.  ()  0.  Schcmcii  of  Alnltiadc*.  ^  7.  lie  {irojMiMirit  a  league 
|j«'twi'('ii  thi'  Athrniiinn  iiiiil  I'lTHianH,  and  the  estalillahinciit  of  an  oligarchy 
at  Athriix.  (f  H.  A^'ilulion  for  an  <iligarrhy  at  Athetm.  <)  U.  Conferenro  ol 
PiHiiniIrr  wilh  Ali-iliiitd('!(.  Artifir-fn  of  thf  latter.  Frc»h  treaty  l>etwcen 
TisM;iiili('riicH  and  the  Lnredn'moniaiiM.  i)  10.  Progresn  of  the  oligarchical 
conii|iirnry  at  Athrns  and  SamoH.  i)  1 1.  t^Ntahlmhrnent  of  the  Four  Hund- 
red. ^  12.  Their  proceedings.  <f  13.  Proceedings  at  ^ainun.  Alcibiadcc 
joins  the  democracy  there.  ^  II.  Tho  Athenian  envoys  at  Sanio«.  ^  15. 
Dissensions  among  the  Four  Hundred.  They  negotiate  with  Sparta.  ^  16. 
Counter  revolution  at  Athens.  Defeat  of  the  Athenian  fleet  and  capture  of 
Kulxea  liy  the  Lacedtcmonians.  (f  17.  The  P'our  Hundred  deposed  and 
democracy  re-established  at  Athens  rilC 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

FROM    THE    KALI,    OF    THF,    FOUR    HUNDRED     AT    ATHENS    TO    THE     BATTLE 
OF    jEGOSPOTaMI. 

^  1.  State  of  the  belligerents.  ^  2.  Defeat  of  the  Pcloponnesians  at  Cynos. 
scma.  ^  3.  Capture  of  Cyzicus  by  thr  Athenians,  and  second  defeat  of 
the  Pcloponnesians  at  Abydus.  §  4.  Arrest  ofAlcibiades  by  Tissaphemes, 
and  his  subsequent  escape.  Signal  defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at  Cyzi- 
cus. ^5.  The  Athenians  masters  of  the  Bosporus.  The  Lacedjemonians 
propose  a  peace,  which  is  rejected.  (}  6.  Pharnabazus  assists  the  Lacedse- 
nioniuns.  ()  7.  Capture  of  Chalcedon  and  Byzantium  by  the  Athenians- 
^  8.  Keturn  of  Alcil)iades  to  Athens.  ^  9.  He  escorts  the  sacred  proces- 
sion to  Elcusis.  ^  10.  Cyrus  comes  down  to  the  coast  of  Asia.  Lysan- 
der  appointed  commander  of  the  Peloponnesian  fleet.  ^11-  Inter*-iew 
between  Cyrus  and  Lysander.  ^  12.  Alcibiadcs  at  Samos.  Defeat  of 
Antiochus  at  Nolium.  ^  13.  Alcibiades  is  dismissed.  <f  14.  Lysander 
superseded  by  Callicratidas.  Energetic  measures  of  the  latter.  ^15.  De- 
feat of  Conon  at  Mytilenc,  and  investment  of  that  town  by  Callicratidas- 
i)  16.  Excitement  at  Athens,  and  equipment  of  a  large  fleet.  ()  17.  Battle 
of  ArginusiE.  Defeat  and  death  of  Callicratidas.  ^  18.  Arraignment 
and  condemnation  of  the  Athenian  generals.  ^  19-  Re-appointment  of 
Lysander  as  Navarchus.  ^  20.  Siege  of  Lampsacus,  and  battle  of  ^Egos- 
potanii 357 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

FROM  THE  BATTLE  OF  ./ECOSPOTAMI  TC  THE  OVERTHROW  OF  THB 
THIRTY  TYRANTS  AND  THE  RE-EKTABLISHMENT  OF  DEMOCRACY  AT 
ATHENS. 

^  1.  Alarm  at  Athens.  ^  2.  Proceedings  of  Lysander.  Capture  of  the 
Athenian  dependencies,  if  3.  Measures  of  the  Athenians.  Athens  in- 
vested, i)  i.  Embassy  of  Theramenes.  Conditions  of  capitulation.  ^5. 
Lysanilcr  takes  possession  of  Athens.  Destruction  of  the  lone  walls,  &c 
(j  6.  Return  of  the  oligarchical  exiles.     Establishment  of  the  Thirty.     ^  7 


CONTENTS.  xxvii 

Surrender  of  Samos  and  triumph  of  Lysander.  <J  8.  Proceedings  of  the 
Thirty  at  Athens.  ^  9.  Opposition  of  Theramenes.  ^  10.  Proscriptions. 
Death  of  Theramenes.  ()  11.  Suppression  of  intellectual  culture.  So- 
crates. ^12.  Death  of  Alcibiades.  (^i  13.  Jealousy  of  the  Grecian  states 
towards  Sparta  and  Lysander.  (J  14.  Thrasybulus  at  Phyle.  (J  15.  Seiz- 
ure and  massacre  of  the  Eleusinians.  ^  IG.  Thrasybulus  occupies  Pirajus. 
Death  of  Critias.  ^  17.  Deposition  of  the  Thirty  and  establishment  of  the 
Ten.  Return  of  Lysander  to  Athens,  and  arrival  of  Pausanias.  ^  18. 
Peace  with  Thrasybulus,  and  evacuation  of  Attica  by  the  Peloponnesians. 
^19.  Restoratiftn  of  the  democracy,  ij  20.  Archbishop  of  Euclides.  Re- 
duction of  Eleusis 369 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

ATHENS,    AND    ATHENIAN     AND     GRECIAN     ART    DURING     THE     PERIOD     01' 
HER    EMPIRE. 

^  1.  Situation  of  Athens.  ^  2.  Origin  and  progress  of  the  ancient  city. 
()  3.  Extent  of  the  new  city.  Piraius  and  the  ports.  ^  4.  General  ap- 
pearance of  Athens.  Population,  ij  5.  Periods  and  general  character  of 
Attic  art.  (j  6.  Sculptors  of  the  first  period.  Ageladas,  Onatas,  and 
others.  (j7.  Second  period.  Phidias.  ()  8.  Polycletus  and  Myron.  §9. 
Painting.  Polygnotus.  <J  10.  Apollodorus,  Zeuxis,  and  Parrhasius.  ^11. 
Architecture.  Monuments  of  the  age  of  Cimon.  The  temple  of  Nike 
Apteros,  the  Theseum,  and  the  Pcscile  Stoa.  (J  12.  The  Acropolis  and  its 
monuments.  The  Propylsea.  ^  13.  The  Parthenon.  ^  14.  Statues  of 
Athena.  ^  15.  The  Erechtheum.  ^  IG.  Monuments  in  the  Asty.  The 
Dionysiac  theatre.  The  Odeum  of  Pericles.  The  Areopagus.  The 
Pnyx.  The  Agora  and  Ceramicus.  i^  17.  Monuments  out  of  Attica. 
The  Temple  of  Jove  at  Olympia.  <J  18.  The  Temple  of  Apollo  near 
Phigalia 381 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

HIS'^ORY    OF    ATHENIAN    LITERATURE    DOWN    TO    THE    END    OF    THE    PELO- 
PONNESIAN    WAR. 

^  1.  Characteristics  of  the  early  literature  of  Athens.  ^  2.  Origin  of  the 
drama,  i)  3.  Introduction  of  the  drama  at  Athens.  Susarion,  Thespis, 
Phrynichus,  Pratinas.  ij  4.  ^Eschylus.  ij  5.  Sophocles.  ^  6.  Euripides. 
^  7.  Athenian  comedy.  Cratinus,  Eupolis,  Aristophanes.  I)  8.  Prose 
writers  of  the  period.  Thucydides.  ij  9.  Xenophon.  i^  10.  Athenian  ed- 
ucation. (J  11.  Rhetors  and  sophists,  i^  12.  Life  of  Socrates,  i^  13.  How 
he  differed  from  the  sophists.  ^  14.  Enmity  against  him.  ()  15.  His  im- 
peachment, trial,  and  death 400 


xxviii  CONTENTS. 

HOOK    V. 
THE   SPARTAN  AND  TIIEBAN  SUI'REMACIES. 

!,.(;.  .103—371. 

CHAPTEK  XXXVI. 

rllU    i:XI'h;f)ITION    OI-   TIIK    (illKKKS    under    CVBU8,    AND    ItETREAT   09   THE 
TKN    THOUSAND. 

^  I.  (Jausf-s  of  the  r'X|i('iliti(in.  ^  2.  Cyrus  engages  an  army  of  Greek 
mercenaries.  Their  eharjiftcr.  ^  .3.  .March  to  Tarsus,  if  -1.  Discontent 
of  the  Greeks.  March  to  .Myrianilrus.  ^  5.  Passage  of  the  Kuphrates, 
and  march  through  the  desert.  ^  G.  Battle  ofC'unaxa,  and  death  of  Cy- 
rus. ^7.  Dismay  of  the  Greeks.  Preparations  for  retreat.  ^8.  Retreat 
of  the  army  to  the  Greater  Zah.  Seizure  of  the  generals.  <j  9.  Election 
of  Xcnophon  and  others  as  generals.  ()  10.  March  from  the  Zab  to  the 
confines  of  the  Carduchi.  March  across  the  mountains  of  the  Carduchi. 
^11.  Progress  through  Armenia.  ^  12.  March  through  the  country  of 
the  Taochi,  Chaiylics,  Scythini,  Macrones,  and  C'olchi  to  Trapczus  on 
the  Euxine.  i)  13.  March  along  the  coast  of  the  Euxine  to  Chryso- 
polis.  Passage  to  Byzantium,  tj  14.  Proceedings  at  Byzantium.  ^  15. 
The  Greeks  enter  the  service  of  Seuthes.  ^  10.  Are  engaged  by 
the  Laccda-monians.  Last  exploits  of  the  arinv.  and  retirement  of 
Xcnophon 119 

CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

FROM    THE    COMMENCE-MICNT    OF    THE    SPARTAN     EMPIRE    TO    THE    BATTLK 
OF     CNIDL'S. 

(}  1.  Invasion  and  reduction  of  Elis  by  King  Agis.  ^  2.  Ambitious  projects 
of  Lysandcr.  ^  3.  He  procures  the  throne  for  Agesilaus.  (f  4.  Character 
of  Agesilaus.  ^  5.  Nature  of  the  Spartan  empire.  ^  6.  Affairs  of  Asia 
Minor.  ^  7.  Agesilaus  proceeds  thither.  ^  8.  Mortifies  Lysandcr.  if  9. 
Campaigns  of  Agesilaus  against  Tissaphernes  and  Pharnabazus.  ^  10. 
Execution  of  Tissajiherncs.  <J  11.  Proceedings  of  Conon.  Rhodes  re- 
volts from  Sparta,  if  12.  Agesilaus  ravages  the  satrapy  of  Pharnabazus. 
Interview  between  them,  (f  13.  Recall  of  Agesilaus.  ^  14.  Battle  of 
Cnidus 434 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

THE  CORINTHIAN  WAR.   FROM  THE  BATTLE  OF  CMDUS  TO  THE  PEACE 
OF  ANTALCIDAS. 

^  1.  Mission  of  Timocrates  to  the  Grecian  cities.  ^  2.  Hostilities  between 
Sparta  and  Thel)es.  ^  3.  The  .\thenians  join  the  Thebans.  Defeat  and 
death  of  Lysandcr.  Retreat  of  Paus.inias.  ^4.  League  against  Sparta. 
Battle  of  Corinth,  if  5.  Homeward  march  of  Agesilaus.  ^  6.  Battle  of 
Coronea.  ^  7.  Loss  of  the  Spartan  maritime  empire.  ^  8.  Conon  rebuilds 
the  walls  of  .\thens.     if  9.  Civil  dissensions  at  Corinth,     if  10.  Campaign 


CONTENTS.  XXIX 

of  Agesilaus  in  the  Corinthian  territory.  ^  11.  New  system  of  tactics 
introduced  by  Iphicrates.  Destruction  of  a  Spartan  mora  by  his  light- 
armed  troops.  ^12.  Negotiations  of  Antalcidas  with  the  Persians.  Death 
of  Conon.  Defeat  and  death  of  Thimbron.  ()  13.  Maritime  war  on  the 
coast  of  Asia.  Revolt  of  Rhodes.  Thrasybulus  appointed  Athenian  com- 
mander. His  death  at  Aspendus.  Anaxibius  defeated  by  Iphicrates  at  the 
Hellespont,  ij  14.  War  between  Athens  and  ^gina.  Teleutias  surprises 
the  Pirffius.     ij  15.  Peace  of  Antalcidas.     <J  16.  Its  character 443 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

FROM    THE    PE.\CE    OF    ANTALCIDAS    TO    THE    PEACE    OF    CALLIAS. 

1.  Aggressions  of  Sparta  in  BoBOtia.  Rebuilding  of  Plataea.  ^2.  Reduc- 
tion of  Mantinea.  ()  3.  Olynthian  confederation.  Sparta  interferes.  ^  4. 
Seizure  of  the  Cadmea  at  Thebes  by  the  Lacedaemonians.  (J  5.  Reduction 
of  Olynthus.  <J  6.  Unpopularity  of  Sparta.  <J  7.  Revolution  at  Thebes. 
^  8.  The  Lacedaemonians  expelled  from  the  Cadmea.  <J  9.  Their  expedi- 
tions against  Thebes.  Alarm  of  the  Athenians,  who  ally  themselves  with 
Thebes.  (J  10.  Reorganization  of  the  Athenian  confederation.  ^11.  Pre- 
parations for  war.  The  Theban  "  Sacred  Band."  ^  12.  Character  of 
Epaminondas.  <S»  13.  Spartan  invasions  of  Boeotia.  ^  14.  Maritime 
affairs.  Battle  of  Naxos.  Success  of  Timolheus.  ^  15.  Progress  of  the 
Theban  arms.  ^  16.  The  Athenians  form  a  peace  with  Sparta,  which  is 
immediately  broken.  Proceedings  at  Corcyra.  ^  17.  The  Lacedaemonians 
solicit  Persian  aid.  (J  18.  Congress  at  Sparta  to  treat  of  peace.  The 
Thebans  are  excluded  from  it   ....   456 


CHAPTER  XL. 

THE    SUPREMACY    OF    THEBES. 

1.  Invasion  of  Boeotta  by  Cleomlirotus.  ^2.  Battle  of  Leuctra.  ^3.  Its 
effect  throughout  Greece.  <^  4.  Jason  of  Phevaj  joins  the  Thebans.  ()  5. 
Progress  of  Thebes.  <J  C.  Assassination  of  Jason,  ij  7.  Establishment  of 
the  Arcadian  league.  (J  8.  First  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  Epaminondas. 
Alarm  at  Sparta.  Vigorous  measures  of  Agesilaus.  ^  9.  Epammonda.s 
founds  Megalopolis,  and  restores  the  Messenians.  §  10.  Alliance  between 
Athens  and  Sparta.  Second  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  Epaminondas. 
1^  11.  Invasion  of  Laconia  by  the  Arcadians.  ^  12.  Expedition  of  Pelo- 
pidas  into  Thessaly.  The  "Tearless  Battle"  between  the  Arcadians  and 
Lacedaemonians.  ^  13.  Third  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  Epaminondas. 
^  14.  Mission  of  Pelopidas  to  the  court  of  Susa.  <J  15.  Seizure  of 
Pelopidas  by  Alexander.  His  release.  <J  16.  The  Athenians  acquire 
Oropus.  Alliance  between  Athens  and  Arcadia.  ()  17.  Attempt  of  the. 
Athenians  to  seize  Corinth  followed  by  an  alliance  between  the  Corinthians 
and  Thebans.  ^  18.  Success  of  the  Athenians  at  sea.  A  Theban  fleet 
commanded  by  Epaminondas.  §  19.  Death  of  Pelopidas.  (J  20.  Wars 
between  Elis.and  Arcadia.  Battle  of  Olympia  during  the  festival.  ^  21. 
Dissensions  among  the  Arcadians.  <^22.  Fourth  invasion  of  Peloponnesus 
by  Epaminondas.  Attempts  upon  Sparta  and  Mantinea.  ^  23.  Battle  ot 
Mantinea,  and  death  of  Epaminondas.     (J  24.  Death  of  Agesilaus  ... .   469 


CONTF.N'IS. 


CIIAITKR  XLI. 

MIHTOKV    OK    TIIK    HKII.M.V    (IHKKKH    KH()S«    THE    riKdTRf rTION    OP    TIIH 
ATIIKNUN     AltMAMENT    TO    THE    IIEATII    OK    TIMOI.KON. 

t)  I.  l{)'viiluti()ii  al  Kyrtiriisc.  DionyNitii  tho  I'AiU-t  iti-iz«-ii  the  dciipotisin 
(f'Z.  Him  NUCCdNHnN.  ^  .'i.  Ilm  |K>fticnl  corii)Kiiiitionii.  I'liito  vimiU  Syracuae. 
<)  •!.  Di'iith  of  DionysiuH.  11  m  rharncter.  Hlory  of  Damurlcit.  ^  5, 
Accc.-sMiun  of  ttic!  younger  DionyNiUN.  K(-rond  vimt  of  Plato.  liariifihrnrnt 
of  Dion.  Third  visit  of  Plato.  ^  (i.  Dion  cxftelM  Dionyaiua,  and  lM:conica 
inastor  of  Syraciiso.  ^  7.  Assn.Mxinnlion  of  Dion,  if  8.  Revolution*  at 
SyriicuHC.  Thn  Syracusans  invokf  tlic  aid  of  Corifith.  ^9.  Charaetrrof 
Tiinolcon.  ^10.  lli.s  RiircciiMrs.  Surrcndcrof  Dmnysiufi  and  conijuful  o/" 
SyriicUMC.  ^11.  .Moderation  of  Timolfon.  He  rrfnodclit  thf  roniititulion 
^  I'i.  i)('f<'iiis  the  Carthaginians  at  the  Crirnesus.  if  13.  DefKiscH  the 
Sicilian  (l<'.s[>ots.  ^  14.  Retires  into  a  private  station.  His  great  popu- 
larity and  death 487 


BOOK  VI. 

THE  MACEDONIAN  SUPREMACY. 

B.C.  359— 1 16. 

CHAPTER  XLII. 

FROM    THE    ACCESSION    OF    PHILIP    TO    THE    END    OF    THE    SACRED    WAR. 

^  1.  State  of  Greece,  ij  2.  Description  of  Macedonia.  ^3.  Kines  of  Macedon. 
^  4.  Character  of  Philip.  ^  5.  He  subdues  the  Paeonians  and  Illyrians. 
^  G.  His  military  discipline.  ^7.  Capture  of  Aniphi])olis,  and  foundation 
of  Philippi.  i)  8.  The  Social  War.  ^  9.  Commeijcement  of  the  Sacred 
War.  The  Phociansseize  Delphi.  ^  10.  Successes  of  the  Phocians.  ^11. 
Phili])  interferes  in  the  war.  Conquers  Thessaly.  ^12.  Philip  in  Thrace. 
Dcmo.sthcnes.  <)  13.  The  Olynthian  War.  ^  14.  Character  of  Phocion. 
Fall  ofOlynlhus.  <^  15.  Progress  of  the  Sacred  War.  Embassy  to  Philip. 
^  16.  Coiujuest  of  Phocis  by  Philip.  Sentence  of  the  Amphictyonic 
Council  on  the  Phocians 499 

CHAPTER  XLUI. 

FROM  THE  END  OF  THE  SACKED  WAR  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  PHILIP. 

^1.  Resultsof  the  Sacred  War.  ^2.  Macedonian  embassy  to. \thens.  Second 
Philippic.  ^  3.  Philip's  expedition  into  Thrace.  ^  4.  Third  Philippic. 
Progress  of  Philip.  Siege  of  Perinthus.  ()  5.  Phocion's  successes  in 
fcubcea.  <J  (>.  Declaration  of  war  between  .Athens  and  Macedon.  Phocion 
compels  Philip  to  evacuate  the  Chersonese.  ^  7.  Charge  of  sacrilege 
against  the  .\inphissians.  ()  8.  Philipappointed  general  by  the  Amphictyons 
to  conduct  the  war  against  Amphissa.  ij  9.  He  seizes  Elatea.  League 
between  Athens  and  Thebes.  ()  10.  Battle  of"  Chwronea.  (f  11.  Philip's 
extravagant  joy   for  his  victory,     i^  12.  Congress  at   Corinth.     Philip's 


♦ 


CONTENTS.  xxxi 

progress  through  the  Peloponnesus.  (}  13.  Philip's  domestic  quarrels. 
^  14.  Preparations  for  the  Persian  expedition,  i^  15.  Assassination  of 
Philip 514 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 

ALEX.^NDER  THE  GRE.4T. 

S  1.  Education  of  Alexander.  ()  2.  Rejoicings  at  Athens  for  Philip's  death. 
Movements  in  Greece.  §.  3.  Alexander  overawes  the  malcontents,  and  is 
appointed  generalissimo  for  the  Persian  war.  (J  4.  Alexander  subdues  the 
Triballians,  Getae,  lllyrians,  and  Taulantians.  iji  5.  Revolt  and  destruc- 
tion of  Thebes.  ^  6.  Alexander  prepares  to  invade  Persia.  Nature  of 
that  empire.  I)  7.  Alexander  crosses  the  Hellespont,  ij  8.  Battle  of  the 
Granicus.  §  0.  Alexander  overruns  Asia  Minor.  The  Gordian  knot. 
§10.  March  through  Cilicia.  Battle  of  Issus.  Victor}'.  §11.  Conquest 
of  Phoenicia.  Siege  of  Tyre.  §  12.  Alexander  marches  into  Egypt. 
Foundation  of  Alexandria.  Oracle  of  Ammon.  §  13.  Battle  of  Arbela. 
§  14.  Alexander  takes  possession  of  Babylon,  Susa,  and  Persepolis.  §  15. 
March  to  Ecbatana,  and  pursuit  of  Darius.  Death  of  Darius.  §  16. 
March  through  Hyrcania,  Asia,  and  Drangiana.  Conspiracy  of  Philotas. 
§  17.  Alexander  crosses  the  Oxus.  Death  of  Bessus.  Reduction  of  Sog- 
diana.  Alexander  marries  Roxana.  §  1^-  Murder  of  Clitus.  §  19.  Plot 
of  the  pages.  Alexander  invades  the  Penjab,  and  defeats  Porus.  Marches 
as  far  us  the  Hyphflsis.  §  20.  Descent  of  the  Hydaspes  and  Indus.  §  21. 
March  through  Gedrosia.  Voyage  of  Nearchus.  §  22.  Arrival  at  Susa. 
Intermarriages  of  the  Greeks  and  Persians.  Mutiny  of  the  army.  §  23. 
Death  of  Hephsestion.  Alexander  takes  up  his  residence  at  Babj'lon 
His  death.     6  24.  Character 525 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

FROM   THE   DEATH   OF  ALEXANDER  THE   GREAT   TO  THE  BATTLE  OF 

IPSUS. 

tj  1.  Division  of  the  provinces  after  Alexander's  death.  §  2.  Retrospective 
view  of  Grecian  affairs.  Revolt  of  Agis.  Demosthenes  de  Corona.  §  3. 
Arrival  of  Harpalus  at  Athens.  Accusation  and  exile  of  Demosthenes.  §  4. 
The  Lamian  war.  Defeat  of  Antipater,  and  siege  of  Lamia.  §5.  Defeat 
and  death  of  Leonnatus.  Battle  of  Crannon.  End  of  the  Lamian  war. 
§6.  Death  of  Demosthenes.  Aml)i!ious  projects  of  Perdiccas.  His  inva- 
sion of  Egypt,  and  death.  §  7.  Fresh  division  of  the  provinces  at  Tripa- 
ladisus.  Death  of  Antipater.  Polysphercon  becomes  regent,  and  concili- 
ates the  Grecian  stales.  Death  of  Phocion.  §  8.  War  between  Polysper- 
chon  and  Cassander.  Ill  success  of  Polysperchon.  Cassander  becomes 
master  of  Macedonia,  and  puts  Olympias  to  death.  §  9.  Coalition  against 
Antigonu^.  Peace  concluded  in  b.c.  311.  Murder  of  Roxana  and  her  son. 
§  10.  R.  "^ewal  of  the  war  against  Antigonus.  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  ex- 
pels the  Macedonians  from  Athens.  §  11.  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  at  Cy- 
prus. Battle  of  Salamis.  Attempt  on  Egypt.  Siege  of  Rhodes.  §  12. 
Battle  of  Ipsus,  and  death  of  Antigonus 552 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XLVI, 

KKOM     TIIK     lUTTI.K     OK     II'MIU    TO    TIIK     lONgiKflT     (iK     r.Hrr.r  K     BY     t      f. 
ROMANN. 

^  1.  Prorfcdinns  of  Dr-inctrius  I'oliorcftcii.  He  rapturi-ii  Athcnii.  <f  2. 
Obtiiins  the  Miircduiiiiin  rrown.  Ill*  flight  tind  death.  ^3.  Lysirnachus 
rci(!ns  ovrr  Mnrcdonia.  Ho  is  drfentrd  and  iilnin  \>y  ScIcucuh.  if  i.  tie- 
IciicuH  iissa.MHiiiatt'd  liy  Ptnleiny  (,'i.'raiiiiii.<i.  Iiivamon  of  the  Cells,  and 
doalli  of  I'tolcniy  Ccraunu.s.  <f  5.  AiitigoiiUN  Goiiataii  aitcriidii  the  Mace- 
donian throne.  Death  of  Pyrrhii.i  of  Kpirus.  Chrcmoiudfan  war.  if  6. 
The  Achiean  League.  ^  7.  State  of  Sparta.  KcforiiiH  of  Agiit  arid  Clco- 
mene.s.  The  Cleomenic  war.  ^  8.  The  it^tolian  League.  ^  9.  The  So- 
cial War.  ^  10.  War  between  Philip  and  the  Romans.  ^11.  Philoprcmcn. 
(}  12.  Second  war  hetwcen  Philip  and  the  Romans.  Battle  of  Cynocc- 
phala-.  ^  13.  Defeat  of  Antioehus,  and  subjugation  of  the  i&olians  by 
the  Romans.  ^  11.  Extension  of  the  Acha-an  League.  Contjuext  of 
Sparta.  Death  of  Philopfpnicn.  ^  13.  War  between  Perseus  and  the 
Romans.  Conciuest  of  Macedonia.  ^  IC.  Proceedings  of  the  Romans  in 
Greece,  ij  17.  Athens  and  Oropvis.  War  IfCtween  the  Achaians  and  Spar- 
tans. ()  18.  The  Spartans  appeal  to  the  Romans,  who  reduce  Greece  into 
a  Roman  province 564 


CHAPTER  XLVn. 

IIISTOKY    OK     GKECI.\N     ART    KRO.M    THE      K  .V  I)     OK     THE      rELOPONNESIAIf 
WAR    TO    ITS    DECLINE. 

^  1.  Later  school  of  Athenian  sculpture.  ()  2.  Scopas.  if  3.  Praxiteles. 
^4.  Sicyonian  school  of  sculpture.  Euphranor,  Lysippus.  ^5.  Sicyo- 
nian  school  of  painting.  Eupompus,  Piunphilius,  Apelles.  ^6.  Architec- 
ture. ()  7.  Period  after  Alexander  the  Great.  School  of  Rhodes.  ^  8. 
Plunder  of  Greek  works  of  art  by  the  Romans 579 


CHAPTER  XLVni. 

GRECIA.N    LITERATl'RE    KROM    THE    END    OF   THE    PELOPONNESI A.H    WAR   TO 
THE    LATEST    PERIOD. 

f)  1.  The  drama.  The  Middle  comedy.  The  New  comedy:  Philemon, 
Menander.  ^  2.  Oratory.  Circumstances  which  favoured  it  at  Athens. 
^3.  Its  Sicilian  origin.  (J  4.  The  ten  Attic  orators:  Antiphon,  Ando. 
cides,  Lysias,  Isocrates,  Is»us,  JEschines,  Lycurgus,  Demosthenes.  Hy- 
pcrides,  and  Dinarchus.  ^  5.  Athenian  philosophy,  Plato.  ^  6.  Sketch 
of  his  philosophy.  <J  7.  The  Megarics,  Cyrenaics.  and  Cynics.  ^  8.  The 
Academicians.  ^  9.  Aristotle  and  the  Peripatetics,  if  10.  The  Stoics 
and  Epicureans.  ^11.  The  Alexandrian  school  of  literature.  ^  12. 
Later  Greek  writers  :  Polybius,  Dionysius  of  Halicamassus,  Diodorus 
Sicufus,  Arrian,  Appian,  Plutarch,  Josephus,  Strabo,  Pausanias,  Dion 
Cassius,  Lucian,  Galen,  if  13.  The  Greek  Scriptures  and  Fathers.  Con- 
clusion    587 


im^f''' 


The  Bema  of  the  Pnyx  at  Athens. 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


View  of  Athens  , . .   Frontispiece. 

Theatre  of  Dionysius  at  Athens   Title  Page. 


Page 

Greek  and  Persian  combatants. 
From  the  Frieze  of  the  Tem- 
ple of  Nike  Apteros  i.x 

TheBemaof  the  Pny  .x  at  Athens  xxvii 

Coin  of  Acarnania xxviii 

Vale  of  Tempe  in  Thessaly  ...  1 
Map   of     Greece,     showing     the 
general  direction  of  the  Moun- 
tain Ranges 3 

Arch  of  Tiryns 10 

Head  of  Olympian  Jove  11 

Paris,  from  the  ^ginetan  Sculp- 
tures      16 

Ajax,  from  the  ^Eginetan  Sculp- 
tures       17 

Gate  of  Mycenffi   25 

Hercules  and  Bull 31 

Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies 

in  Asia  Minor 37 

Homer  enthroned    39 

Bust  of  Homer 46 

Primitive    Vessels    from    Athens 

and  A-gos    47 

iew  of  Mount    Taygetus    from 

the  site  of  Sparta 56 

Early  Greek  Armour,  from  Vase- 
paintings    72 

Leaden  Sling  biiliets  and  Arrow- 
heads, found  at  Athens,  Mara- 
thon, and  Leontini 79 

Coin  of  Corinth  86 


Croesus  on  the  Funeral  Pile  ....     87 
Ruins  of  the  Temple  of  the  Olym- 
pian Jove  at  Athens 102 

Coin  of  Athens 113 

Ancient  Sculptures  from  Selinus  114 
Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies 

in  Sicily 119 

Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies 

in  Southern  Italy 122 

Coin  of  Cyrene,  representing  on 

the  reverse  the  Silphium 125 

AlcEEUs   and   Sappho.       From  a 

Painting  on  a  vase 126 

Temple  at  ^Egina,  restored 140 

Wall  at  Tiryns 14] 

Wall  of  the  Citadel  of  Argos 142 

Wooden  Hut  in  Asia  Minor  ....   143 
Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corinthian  Co 

lumns 144 

Doric  Architecture 1 15 

Ionic  Architecture ib. 

Corinthian  .A.rchitecture 146 

Cyrus 151 

Behistun  rock  on  which  aie  in- 
scribed the  exploits  of  Darius  163 
Ruins   of    an    Ionic   Temple   in 

Lycia 170 

The  Plain  and  Tumulus  of  Ma- 
rathon     171 

Battle  of  Marathon 176 

Bust  of  Miltiades 184 


XXXIV 


LIST  OF  MJ.l-STRATIONK 


View  of 'I'hfrinopylf  I'l.'i 

IMiiii  of  'rhiTiiio|iyln5 I!»3 

A  (Jnrk  Wuriior UOl 

Hiiltlf  of  HalnmiM     210 

'l'riii|>l<-  of  Nike  Aptcroa,  on  the 

Ac-rupoliM  (It  AtliciiN  210 

Itiittli- of  I'lutiist  2-21 

HuMl  of  I'liular  .  .  .  22U 

Hii.Ml  of  llcrodotUH 23H 

The  'riicstiirn  at  Athens    239 

Pcrirli's  nnd  Aspn^ia 251 

'I'hf  Acropolis  rrstori'd 205 

Must  of  iho  poet  Sophoclr.s 272 

The  IVopylitn  of  the  Acropolis  27;i 
Bust  of  the  historian  Thucydi- 

dcs 284 

The  Parthfrnon 285 

Stiitiic  of  ThcHcus,  from  the  Pc- 

(liinrnt  of  tho  Parlln'non 290 

From  the  Frirzfofthc-  Parthenon. 

Paiialhriiaic  Procession   300 

Bay  of  Pylus   309 

Plan  of    the    neighbourhood  of 

Aniphipolis 317 

Coin  of  Ampliipolis 320 

Centaur  from  llio  Metopes  of  ihc 

Partlienon 321 

Bust  of  Alcil)iades 332 

Plan  of  Syracuse 337 

Street  of  the  Trijjods  at  Athens, 

from  a  has  relief 340 

One  of  the  Caryatides   support- 
ing; the  southern  portico  of  the 

Ererlitheum 257 

Bust  of  the  Poet  Euripides 308 

View  of  Phvle  309 

Clio,  the  Muse  of  History 380 

The  Erechtheum  restored,  view- 
ed from  the  S.W.  angle  381 

Plan  of  Athens 393 

Athens  and  its  Port-towns   385 


Plan  of  the  Arrcipolm  .    .   3'J3 

Coin    nliowuiK    the    I'artliPnon, 
Athrnn    Prtiniurhun,    and    the 

Cave  of  Pan 306 

Theatre  of  DiodyNim,  from  coin  397 
Melpomene,    the   Muac   of  Tra- 
gedy     400 

Thalin,  the  Muse  uf  Comedy  ib. 

Bunt  of  Sorrntes 418 

The  PartoluH  at  Sardin  .  419 

Route  of  the  Ten  Thousniid  421 

Choragic    Monument    of    Lysi- 

cratcs 434 

View  of  Corinth  and  the  Aero- 

corinthuH 443 

Plan  of  Corinth 448 

Advcrntures   of   Dionysus,   from 
the     Choragic     Monument    of 

Lysicratcs 45S 

Ditto,  Ditto 456 

The    Wind    Boreas,    from    the 
llorologium     of     Andrunicus 

Cyrrhestes    468 

Ithomc,    from    the    Stadium    of 

Messene 469 

Bust  of  Plato 487 

View  of  Delphi  and  Mount  Par- 
nassus    499 

The  Plain  of  Chaironca 514 

Bust  of  Demosthenes 524 

Battle  of  Issus 525 

Apollo  Cithara-dus .    .    551 

The  Group  of  NioImj 552 

Group  of  Dirce 5C4 

Group  of  the  Laocoon 5~9 

Bust  of  A  ristotlo 587 

Bust  of  Menander 603 

Colonial  Coin  of  Corinth 614 

Herolou'ium  of  Andronicus  Cyr- 

rhcstes  at  Athens Gt2 

Calliope,  the  Muse  of  Epic  Poetry  055 


Coin  or  Acariianix 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Vale  of  Tempe  in  Thessaly. 


fNTRODUCTION. OUTLINES    OF    GRECIAN    GEOGRAPHY. 


§  1.  The  three  peninsulas  of  Southern  Europe.  §  2.  Position  and  boun- 
daries of  Greece.  §  3.  Size  of  the  country.  §  4.  Kame.  §  5.  Nor- 
thern Greece:  Thessaly  and  Epirus.  §6.  Central  Greece:  its  prin- 
cipal divisions  and  mountains.  §  *?.  Eastern  half  of  Central  Greece: 
Doris,  Phocis,  Locris,  Boeotia,  Attica,  Megaris.  §  8.  Western  half  of 
Central  Greece:  Ozolian  Locris,  yEtolia,  Acarnania.  §  9.  Peloponne- 
sus: Arcadia,  §  10.  Achaia,  Argolis,  Laconia,  Messenia,  Elis.  §  11.  The 
Grecian  Inlands.  §  12.  Influence  of  the  physical  geography  of  Greece 
upon  the  political  destinies  of  the  people.  §  13.  Likewiseupon  their  in- 
tellectual character.  §  14.  Rivers  and  chief  productions.  §  15.  Climate. 

A  1.  Three  peninsulas,  very  different  in  foi'm,  project  from  the 
south  of  Europe  into  the  Mediterranean  sea.  The  most  westerly, 
that  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  is  a  quadrangular  figure  united  to 
the  mainland  by  an  isthmus.  The  central  one,  that  of  Italy,  is 
a  long  tongue  of  land,  down  which  runs  from  north  to  south  the 
back-bone  of  the  Apennines.    The  most  easterly,  of  which  Greece 

B 


2  IILSTOIIY  OF  GKEECH  Hnum 

iitriiiH  the  noulhcm  part,  irt  in  tho  Hlinpc  of  a  triaiiplu  with  iU 
biwu  uxl«Muliiif?  IVdiii  IIk;  top  of  the  Aflriatic  to  the  inoiitliit  of 
the  river  Daiiul)!-,  and  having  iti*  two  nifles  waslied  hy  the  wa. 

I)  'J.  At  the  lorlielh  dcfrrce  of  latitude  a  rhaiti  of  inonntaiiu 
(tailed  the  (Jainhunian,  and  mntinned  nndi-r  the  name  of  Lin^'on, 
runs  a(^r()s.H  the  ]K-ninsula  frrini  eaj*t  to  west,  and  forniH  the 
nortljern  boundary  of  (ireeee.  At  a  time  when  the  Mediterra- 
nean wa.s  the  ^r<?at  hi/.'hway  of  roimneree  and  eivihzation,  no 
position  cuuld  be  more  favorable  than  that  of  (jJreece.  The 
iE^eau  sea,  whieh  batlies  its  eastern  Hhores,  is  studded  with 
numerous  islands,  inviting?  the  timid  mariner  from  one  to  the 
other,  and  thus  establishing,'  an  easy  communieation  Ijctwccn 
Asia  and  Greece.  Towards  the  south  it  I'aees  one  of  the  most 
fertile  portions  of  Africa ;  and  on  the  west  it  is  divided  from 
Italy  by  a  narrow  channel,  wliich  in  one  part  is  not  more  than 
thirty  miles  in  breaillh. 

\  3.  Greece,  which  commences  at  the  fortieth  dejrree  of  lati- 
tude, does  not  extend  farther  than  the  thirty-sixth.  Its  greatest 
length  from  Mount  Olympu.sto  Cape  Ta-nanim  is  not  more  than 
250  Euirlish  miles  ;  its  greatest  breadth  from  the  western  coast 
of  Acarnania  to  Maratlion  in  Attica  is  only  IbO  miles.  Its  sur- 
face is  considerably  less  than  that  of  Portupal.  This  small  area 
was  divided  among  a  number  of  independent  states,  many  of 
them  containing  a  territory  of  only  a  few  square  miles,  and  none 
of  them  larger  than  an  EnL'lish  county.  But  it  is  not  the  mag- 
nitude of  their  territory  which  constitutes  the  greatness  of  a 
people  ;  and  the  heroism  and  genius  of  the  Greeks  have  given  an 
interest  to  the  insignificant  spot  of  earth  bearing  their  name, 
which  the  vast  empires  of  Russia  and  China  have  never  equalled. 

^  4.  The  name  of  G/rcrr  was  never  usetl  by  the  inhabitants  of 
the  country.  They  called  their  land  Hellas,  and  them.«elves  Hel- 
lenes. It  is  from  the  Romans  that  we  have  derived  the  name  of 
Greece;  though  why  the  Romans  gave  it  a  di(lcrei\t  appellation 
from  that  used  by  the  natives  cannot  be  deteniiined.  It  is  however 
a  well  known  fact  that  foreigners  iVequently  call  a  people  by  a  name 
dilferent  from  the  one  in  u.-«e  among  themselves.  Thus  the  nation 
called  Germans  by  us,  bear  the  ap|x41ation  of  Dcut.\chcn  among 
themselves ;  and  the  people  whom  the  Romans  named  Etruscans 
or  Tuscans,  were  known  in  their  own  language  by  that  of  Jiasrna. 

The  word  Hdlas  signitied  at  first  only  a  small  district  in  Thes- 
salv,  the  original  abode  of  the  Hellenes.  From  this  district  the 
people,  and  along  with  them  their  name,  gradually  spread  over 
the  whole  country  south  of  the  Cambunian  mountains.  The 
rude  tribes  of  Epirus,  however,  were  not  reckoned  among  the 
Hellenes,  and  the  u'^rthern  boundary  of  Hellas  proper  was  a  hue 


Introd. 


OUTLINES  OF  GRECIAN  GEOGRAPHY. 


drawn  from  the  Ambraciaii  gulf  to  the  mouth  of  the  river 
Peneus.  The  term  Hellas  was  also  employed  in  a  more  ex- 
tended sense  to  signify  the  abode  of  the  Hellenes,  wherever 
they  might  be  settled  ;  and  accordingly  the  Grecian  cities  of 
Cyrene  in  Africa,  of  Syracuse  in  Sicily,  and  of  Tarentum  in 
Italy,  were  as  much  parts  of  Hellas  as  Athens,  Sparta,  and 
Corinth. 


Map  of  Greece,  showing  tlie  general  direction  of  the  Mountain  Ranges. 


1.  Thessaly. 

2.  Epirus. 

3.  Doris. 

4.  Phocis. 

5.  Locri  Epicnemidii. 

6.  I.ocri  Opuntii. 


7.  BcEotia.' 

8    Attica. 

9.  Megarjg. 
10.  Locri  07ola 
U.  iEtolia. 
12.  Acamania. 


111.  Arcadia. 

14.  Achaia. 

15.  Argolis. 

16.  Laconia. 

17.  Messenia. 


19.  Elis. 

19.  Eubcen. 

20.  Salaniii. 

21.  iEpina. 

22.  CytLcra. 


4  lUSTOUV  OF  (iUKVA'E.  Isrnou 

^  ■').  Midwiiy  Im'Iwccii  ilic  Ionian  and  yEg<'au  man  llie  rlmin  of 
iiininiliiinrt  l<)niiiii<,'  tlu-  iKirtlicni  iNunidary  (>{'  i i n-fcf  ih  intcrwrUHl 
at.  ri<()it.  ani;li'H  Ity  tlir  I(Mi^  and  loi'ty  ranf.'(;  <it°  I'indnM,  ruiinin}^ 
IVoin  north  to  ."ontli,  like  tlio  Aiw-nninoH  a(  the  Italian  ]H>nin- 
Bula.  From  Mount.  l'iiidn»  two  lateral  branrlieH  Ktreteh  towanLj 
the  eastern  si-a,  riniiiini;  |)arallfi  to  one  another  at  the  distance 
of  nixty  miles,  and  encl(»sin<;  the  ])lain  of  Tlirsstilij,  the  riehest 
and  largest  in  (ireeoe.  The  Ninthi-rn  of  these  two  branehe»  lK»re 
the  name  of  Otlnys;  the  northern,  whieh  ha.**  U-cn  already  men- 
tioned under  the  iiam<!  of  the  Camhunian  inountain.x,  terminateii 
upon  the  coast  in  the  lofty  siunmit  of  Olympus,  the  hi^liciit  in 
all  (ireece,  l)ein<r  '.)7l)U  I'eet  above  the  level  ()f  the  sea,  andscarecly 
ever  free  jrom  snr)W.  S>uth  of  Olympus  another  ranpc,  known 
under  the  successive  uame.i  of  Ossa  and  IVlion,  stretches  alonpf 
the  coast  ]i:irallel  to  that  of  I'indus.  Thus  Thessaly  is  enclu»ed 
between  li)ur  luitural  ramj)arts,  which  are  oidy  broken  at  the 
north-eastern  extremity  by  the  celebrated  vale  of  Tempe,  between 
Olympus  and  Ossa,  through  which  the  river  Peneus  finds  its  way 
into  tlie  sea. 

Pindus  ibrms  the  boundary  between  Thessaly  and  Ejrirus. 
The  latter  country  contains  no  enclosed  plain  like  that  of  Thes- 
saly, but  is  covered  by  rupired  ranges  of  mountains  running  from 
north  to  south,  through  which  the  Achelous,  the  largest  river 
of  Greece,  Hows  towards  the  Corinthian  gulf 

k  6.  At  about  the  thirty-ninth  degree  of  latitude  Greece  is 
contracted  into  a  kind  of  isthmus  by  two  opposite  gidfs,  the  Am- 
bracian  on  the  Avcst  and  the  Malian  on  the  east.  This  isthmus 
separates  the  peninsula  of  central  G  reece  from  the  mainland  of 
Thessaly  and  Epirus. 

Central  Greece  again  may  be  divided  into  two  unequal  halves, 
tlie  eastern  half  containing  the  countries  of  Doris,  Phocis,  Locris, 
Bceotia,  Attica,  and  Megaris,  the  western  comprising  Ozolian 
Locris,  ^tolia,  and  Acarnania. 

A  little  above  the  thirty-ninth  degree  of  latitude  there  is  a 
siunmit  in  the  range  of  Pindus,  called  Mount  Tymphrestus.  from 
which  ranges  of  mountains  radiate,  as  from  a  centre,  iji  all  direc- 
tions. On  the  east  two  gigantic  arms  branch  otF  towards  the 
sea :  the  one  which  runs  nearly  due  east  xnider  the  name  of 
Othrys  has  been  already  mentioned  ;  the  other  which  lx*ars  the 
name  of  G:^ta,  has  a  south-easterly  direction,  and  fonns  the 
northern  barrier  of  central  Greece.  The  only  entrance  into  cen- 
tral Greece  from  the  north  is  through  the  narrow  opening  left 
between  Mount  (Eta  and  the  sea,  immortalized  in  history  luider 
the  name  of  Thermopyla?. 

South  of  Tymphrestus  the  chain  of  Pindus  divides  int^  two  great 


Introd.  outlines  OF  GRECIAN  GEOGRAPHY.  a 

branches,  and  no  longer  bears  the  same  name  :  one  strikes  to 
the  south-east  under  the  names  of  Parnassus,  Hehcon,  Citha;ron, 
and  Hymcttus,  and  finally  reaches  the  sea  at  Sunium,  the  south- 
ernmost point  of  Attica  ;  the  other  diverges  to  the  south-west 
under  the  names  of  Corax  and  the  Ozolian  mountains,  and  joins 
the  sea  near  the  entrance  of  the  Corinthian  gulf 

^  7.  In  the  highlands  between  CEta  and  Parnassus  is  a  narrow 
plain  called  Doris,  from  which  the  Dorians  are  said  to  have 
issued  to  the  conquest  of  Peloponnesus.  Here  rises  the  river 
Cephissus,  which  Hows  into  Phocis.  The  greater  part  of  Pliocis 
is  occupied  by  Parnassus,  which  rises  to  the  height  of  8000  feet, 
but  between  this  mountain  and  those  of  eastern  Locris  is  a  fertile 
plain  drained  by  the  Cephissus. 

From  the  eastern  extremity  of  Mount  (FAa,  a  range  of  moun- 
tains runs  southward  along  the  coast.  It  passes  through  the 
country  of  the  Locrians,  called  respectively  Eiiicncmidian,  from 
Mount  Cnemis,  an.d  Opuniian,  from  the  town  of  Opus.  Saotia 
extends  from  sea  to  sea,  but  it  is  separated  from  the  Eubosan 
channel  by  a  continuation  of  the  Locrian  mountains  and  from 
the  Corinthian  gulf  by  the  lofty  range  of  Helicon,  celebrated  in 
poetry  as  the  abode  of  the  Muses.  On  its  northern  frontier 
the  ofishoots  of  Parnassus  and  the  Locrian  mountains  leave  only 
a  narrow  opening  through  which  the  Cephissus  flows  ;  and  on 
the  south  the  country  is  shut  in  by  the  lolty  barrier  of  Citha^ron 
and  Parnes,  which  separate  it  from  Attica.  Boeotia  is  thus  a  large 
hollow  basin,  enclosed  on  every  side  by  mountains,  and  contain- 
ing a  considerable  quantity  of  very  fertile  land.  The  Ce- 
phissus, and  the  streams  which  descend  I'rcm  the  surrounding 
hills,  form  in  the  centre  of  the  country  the  lake  Copais,  which 
finds  an  outlet  for  its  waters  through  subterraneous  channels  in 
the  limestone  mountains. 

Attica  is  in  the  form  of  a  triangle,  having  two  of  its  sides 
washed  by  the  sea  and  its  base  united  to  the  land.  The  range 
of  CithaTon  and  Parnes,  which  forms  its  northern  boundary, 
shuts  oli"  this  peninsula  from  the  rest  of  Greece.  Citha-ron  is 
prolonged  towards  the  south-west,  skirting  the  shores  of  the  Cor- 
inthian gulf  and  forming  the  mountainous  country  of  Megaris. 
Here  it  rises  into  a  new  chain  under  the  name  of  the  Geranean 
mountains,  which  stretch  across  Megaris  from  west  to  east, 
parallel  to  CithcBron.  These  mountains  sink  down  southw'ard 
towards  the  Isthmus,  which  separates  central  Greece  from  Pelo- 
ponnesus. Here  the  Corinthian  gulf  on  the  west  and  the  Saronic 
gulf  on  the  east  penetrate  so  far  inland  as  to  leave  only  a  narrow 
neck  of  land  between  them,  not  more  than  four  miles  across  at 
its  narrowest  part.      The  Isthmus  is  comparatively  level,  but  in)' 


6  HISTORY  OK  fJKEPX'E.  I.-tiuo^ 

modiati'ly  to  lli<!  hoiiiIi  lis.-  llu-  OiKian  liilU,  protecting  Pelopon- 
nu.siirt  t'niiri  invasion  liy  land. 

^  H.  The  western  half  of  central  (irc'ccc  conmi^tH,  tw  already 
said,  of  ij<M;rifl,  /Klolia,  aiul  Arariiaiiia.  fyx^ris,  r.nUcil  OzfjJuin 
to  distiii^nish  it  from  the  eiusteni  district  of  thin  name,  lies  h\kju 
the  Corinthian  ^'nlf,  and  ix  a  wild  and  iiionntainouH  country, 
nearly  (rovcrcd  hy  the  olishoots  of  the  l'h(K;ian  Parn.'Lsstiii  and  the 
.'Etulian  Corax.  yEfo/irt  and  Aairnania,  geparated  hy  the  river 
Aelielnns,  are  also  inonnlainous,  the  prealer  part  of  their  .«urfacc 
heinjr  oceiipied  hy  a  continnation  of  th<r  hills  of  Kj)irns,  hut  at 
the  same  lime  eontainiuL'  a  lew  fertile  plains  upon  the  banks 
of  the  Achelons.  All  tlire(!  countries  were  the  haunts  of  rude 
robber  tribes  even  as  late  as  the  Pclopotniesian  war. 

^  '.>.  The  Isthmus  whieh  connects  central  fireece  with  the 
southern  ])eninsula  is  .«o  small  in  compari.<on  with  the  outspread 
Ibrm  of  the  latter,  that  the  ancients  rej^arded  the  peninsula  as  an 
island,  and  pave  to  it  the  name  oi PclojwiDicsus,  or  the  island  of 
I'elops,  from  the  mythical  hero  of  this  name.  Its  form  was 
compared  in  antiquity  to  the  leaf  of  the  ])lane  tree  or  the  vine, 
and  its  inoderu  name,  the  Morca,  was  bestowed  upon  it  from  its 
resemblance  to  the  leaf  of  the  mulbeny. 

The  mountains  of  Peloponnesus  have  their  roots  in  the  centre 
of  the  country,  from  which  they  branch  out  towards  the  sea. 
This  central  region,  called  Arcculia,  is  the  Switzerland  of  the 
l)oninsula.  It  is  surrounded  by  a  riufr  of  mountains,  forming 
a  kind  of  natural  wall,  which  separates  it  from  the  other 
Peloponnesian  states.  These  moiujtains  are  unbroken  on  the 
northern,  eastern,  and  southern  frontiers,  and  it  is  only  on  the 
western  side  that  the  waters  of  the  Alpheus,  the  chief  river  in 
the  peninsula,  Tmd  their  way  through  a  narrow  opening  towards 
the  Ionian  sea.  It  is  on  the  northern  frontier  that  the  Arcadian 
mountains  are  the  lottiest  and  most  ma.<sive  ;  and  at  the  north- 
eastern extremity  of  the  country  Mount  Cyllcne  rises  to  the 
height  of  7788  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  a  grand  and 
majestic  object  as  seen  from  the  isthmus  and  the  Corinthian 
gulf. 

MO.  The  otlicr  chief  divisions  of  Peloponnesus  were  Achaia, 
Argolis,  Laconia,  Messenia,  and  Elis.  Acluiia  was  a  narrow  slip 
of  country  lying  bftvveeu  the  northern  barrier  of  Arcadia  and 
the  Corinthian  gulf.  It  is  intersected  by  numerous  ranges  of 
hills,  whieh  descend  from  the  Arcadian  mountains,  and  either 
run  out  into  the  sea  in  the  fonn  of  bold  promontories,  or  subside 
before  reaching  the  shore.  The  plains  thus  1  -ft  on  the  coast, 
and  the  valleys  between  the  mountains,  arc  for  the  most  pan 
very  fertile 


Inteod.  outlines  OF  GRECIAN  GEOGRAPHY.  7 

Argolis  was  used  as  a  collective  term  to  signify  the  territories 
of  several  independent  states.  Of  these  the  most  important 
were  Corinth  and  Sicyon,  near  the  eastern  extremity  of  the 
Corinthian  gulf,  and  Argos,  situated  at  the  head  of  the  Argolic 
gulf,  in  a  plain  ten  or  twelve  miles  in  length  and  from  four  to 
five  in  breadth.  The  remainder  of  Argolis  consisted  of  a  rocky 
peninsula  between  the  Saronic  and  Argolic  gulfs,  containing  at 
its  eastern  extremity  the  territories  of  Epidaurus,  Troezen,  and 
Hermione. 

Lacoiiia  and  Mcssenia  occupied  the  whole  of  the  south  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus from  sea  to  sea.  They  were  separated  by  the  lofty 
range  of  Taygetus,  running  from  north  to  south  and  terminating 
in  the  promontory  of  Taenarum  (now  Cape  Matapan),  the  south- 
ernmost point  of  Greece  and  Europe.  Along  the  eastern  side  of 
Laconia  the  range  of  Mount  Parnon  extends  from  north  to  south 
parallel  to  that  of  Taygetus,  and  terminates  in  the  promontory 
of  Malea.  Between  these  two  ranges  is  the  valley  of  the  Eurotas, 
in  which  Sparta  stood,  and  which  south  of  this  city  opens  out 
into  a  plain  of  considerable  extent  toward  the  Laconian  gulf. 
Messenia  in  like  manner  was  drained  by  the  Pamisus,  whose 
plain  is  still  more  extensive  and  fertile  than  that  of  the  Eurotas. 
Ells  was  the  region  between  the  western  barrier  of  ^Arcadia  and 
the  Ionian  sea.  It  is  covered  to  a  great  extent  with  the  otishoots 
of  the  Arcadian  mountains,  but  contains  several  plains.  In  the 
centre  of  the  country  is  the  memorable  plain  of  Olympia,  through 
which  the  Alpheus  flows,  and  in  which  the  city  of  Pisa  stood. 

^11.  The  numerous  islands  which  line  the  Grecian  shores 
were  occupied  in  historical  times  by  the  Grecian  race.  Of  these 
the  most  important  was  Eubaa,  ninety  miles  in  length,  stretch- 
ing along  the  coasts  of  Bosotia  and  Attica.  Through  it  ran  from 
north  to  south  a  long  chain  of  mountains  which  may  be  regarded 
as  a  continuation  of  the  range  of  Ossa  and  Pelion.  South  of 
Eubosa  was  the  group  of  islands  called  the  Cydades,  lying  round 
Delos  as  a  centre  ;  and  east  of  these  were  the  Sporacles,  near  the 
Asiatic  coast.  South  of  these  groups  lay  the  two  large  islands 
of  Crete  and  Rhodes.  In  the  Saronic  gulf  between  Attica  and 
Argolis  were  the  celebrated  islands  of  Salamis  and  JEgina,  the 
former  reckoned  as  part  of  Attica,  and  the  latter  long  the  rival 
and  eye-sore  of  Athens.  Off  the  western  coast  of  Greece,  in  the 
Ionian  sea,  we  find  Corcyra  opposite  Epirus,  Ccpluillenia  and 
Ithaca  opposite  Acarnania,  and  Zacijntluis  near  the  coast  of  Elis 
in  Pelopomiesus.  Ciitlicra  was  separated  by  a  narrow  channel 
from  the  southern  extremity  of  Laconia. 

k  12.  The  physical  features  of  the  countiy  exercised  an  im- 
portant mfluence  upon  the  pohtical  destinies    of  the    peojde. 


8  lIISTOIiY  ()!•   (JIIEKCK.  Intu..!.. 

Groore  Ih  oiio  of  tin;  iiio.Ht  inoiiiitaiiiDiiri  roiiiitricH  of  Kiiro|x!, 
ItH  Hiirfacc  iH  orciipicd  by  a  iiuinher  oi'Hiiiull  plains  cither  entirely 
Burroiiiided  liy  liiin-sloiK;  inoiiiitaiiiti  or  o|mmi  only  to  tlic  Hex 
Mountains,  not  rivers,  have  in  all  aj^ert  proved  tlie  greatiwt  l>ar- 
ncr«  to  inl(;rcour8o  between  nei<rliboiirin<(  tribes.  Tlii.s  was  tiie 
case  in  (xreeee,  and  thus  the  very  nature  ol  the  land  tende<l  to 
producer  that  larf^o  number  of  iudepend<;nt  states  which  is  one  of 
the  HKJSt  strikiuj^  ]>ha!noniena  in  Grecian  hintory.  Each  of  tho 
j)riiici|»al  (iri'ciau  cities  was  lininded  in  one  of  the  small  j)lains 
already  described  ;  and  as  the  mountains  which  s<'parated  it  from 
its  nei<rhl>:turs  were  lofty  and  niirf^'ed,  it  frrew  u|)  in  s<jlitary  inde- 
pendence, and  formed  its  own  (diaracter  bel<)re  it  could  be  aliectc-d 
by  any  external  influence. 

The  mountainous  nature  of  the  country  also  protected  it  from 
foreign  invasion,  as  well  as  rendered  it  dillicull  ii)r  one  section  of 
the  Grecian  race  to  subdue  the  rest.  The  vale  ot"Tem[)e  between 
Mounts  O.ssa  and  Olympus,  the  pass  of  Thermopyla;  between 
northern  and  central  Greece,  the  passes  over  Mount  Citha;rou 
between  Boeotia  and  Attica,  and  those  over  the  Geranean  and 
Oaean  mountains  on  either  side  of  the  Lsthnms,  could  easily  be 
defended  by  a  handful  of  resolute  rnen  against  vastly  superior 
numbers. 

But,  while  the  Grecian  states  were  separated  from  their  near- 
est neighbours  by  their  mountains,  the  sea  allorded  them  easy 
intercourse  Avith  one  another  and  with  the  rest  of  the  world. 
One  of  the  mo.st  striking  peculiarities  of  the  geography  of  Greece 
is  the  wonderful  extent  of  its  sea  coast.  In  this  re.-pect  it  has 
the  advantage  over  every  other  country  of  Europe.  Although 
its  surface  is  not  so  great  as  that  of  Portugal,  its  line  of  coast 
exceeds  that  of  the  whole  peninsula  of  Portugal  and  Spain. 
Not  only  is  it  surrounded  by  the  sea  on  everj'  side  except  on  its 
northern  frontier,  but  its  coast  is  also  broken  by  a  number  of 
bays  and  gulfs  running  far  into  the  land.  Thus  almost  every 
Grecian  state  hail  ready  and  easy  access  to  the  sea,  and  Arcadia 
was  almost  the  only  political  division  that  did  not  possess  some 
territory  ujion  the  coast. 

^  13.  Of  all  natural  objects  the  mountains  and  the  i^a  have 
ever  been  the  most  powerful  instruments  in  moidding  the  intel- 
lectual character  of  a  people.  The  G  reeks  were  both  mountaineers 
and  mariners,  and  as  such  they  jiossessed  the  susceptibility 
to  external  impressions,  the  love  of  freedom,  and  the  spirit 
of  adventure,  which  have  always  characterized,  more  or  le.<s, 
the  inhabitants  of  mountainous  and  maritime  districts.  The 
poetical  beauty  cvf  the  Grecian  mountains  has  often  calleii 
forth  the  admiration  of  modern  travelers.    Their  craggy,  brokea 


IxTROD.  OUTLINES  OF  GRECIAN  GEOGRAPHY.  0 

forms  and  rich  silvery  colour  give  to  the  Grecian  landscape  a 
peculiar  charin,  and  justify  the  description  of  the  poet  Gray, 
when  he  speaks  of  Greece  as  a  land, 

""Where  each  old  poetic  moimiaui. 
Inspiration  breathes  around." 

The  beauty  of  the  scenery  is  still  further  enhanced  by  the  gorge- 
ous atmosphere  in  which  every  object  is  bathed.  To  a  native 
of  the  northern  latitudes  of  Europe  nothing  is  more  striking  in 
the  Grecian  climate  than  the  transparent  clearness  of  the  air  and 
the  brilliant  colourmg  of  the  sky.  "When  Euripides  represents 
the  Athenians  as 

"  Ever  delicately  mai-ching 

Throiigh  most  pellucid  air,"* 

he  is  guilty  of  no  poetical  exaggeration,  and  the  violet  colour 
which  the  Roman  poet  assigns  to  the  hills  of  Hymettusf  is 
literally  true. 

§  14.  Greece  is  deficient  in  a  regular  supply  of  water.  During 
the  autumnal  and  whiter  months  the  rain,  which  falls  in  large 
quantities,  fills  the  crevices  in  the  limestone  of  the  hills  and  is 
carried  oft"  by  torrents.  In  summer  rain  is  almost  unknown  and 
the  beds  of  the  torrents  full  of  water  in  the  winter  then  become 
ravines,  perfectly  dry  and  overgrown  with  shrubs.  Even  the 
livers,  which  are  partly  supplied  by  springs,  dwindle  in  the  sum- 
mer into  very  insignificant  streams.  None  of  the  Grecian  rivers 
are  navigable,  and  the  Achelous,  which  is  the  most  considerable 
of  all,  has  a  course  of  only  130  miles. 

The  chief  productions  of  Greece  in  ancient  times  were  wheat, 
barley,  flax,  wine,  and  oil.  The  hills  aftbrded  excellent  pasture 
for  cattle,  and  in  antiquity  were  covered  with  forests,  though 
they  are  at  present  nearly  destitute  of  wood. 

In  almost  every  part  of  Greece  there  were  rich  vein.s  of  marble, 
aftbrding  materials  for  the  architect  and  the  sculptor,  such  as 
hardly  any  other  country  in  the  world  possesses.  The  limestone, 
of  which  most  of  its  mountains  is  composed,  is  well  adapted  for 
militaiy  architecture  ;  and  it  is  to  this  hard  and  intractable  stone 
that  we  owe  those  massive  polygonal  walls,  of  which  the  remams 
still  crown  the  summits  of  so  many  Grecian  hills.  Laurium  near 
the  southern  extremity  of  Attica  yielded  a  considerable  quantity 
of  silver,  but  otherwise  Greece  was  poor  in  the  precious  metali. 

*  iel  Siu  la/MTpoTurov 

jBaivovrec  ujBpijg  alOepoc- — Eui'ip.  Mtd.  829. 
■j-  "Est  prope />«rpMreos  coUes  florentis  Ilymetti 
Fons  sacer." — Ovid,  Art.  Amat.  3,  687. 


10  HISTORY  OF  GUKKCE.  IxTtum 

Iron  wus  fi»uinl  in  tin-  riin>,'C  of  Tuyg^itUH  in  Lafuinia,  and  copjxsr 
as  well  11.S  iron  near  (JIwiIcmh  in  Kulxj'a. 

I)  1 '').  Thr  cliiriiitr  (il'(  i  rirt'cc  uppear.H  to  have  been  more  healthy 
in  ancient  tiinen  than  it  in  at  prewent.  The  malaria  whieh  now 
poisons  the  atmosphere  in  the  Hiunmer  monthh,  rnuld  not  liavc 
existed  to  tin;  same  (;xtent  when  the  lanrl  was  more  thickly  j)co- 
pled  and  more  carefidly  cultivated.  (Jwinj:  to  the  ine^pialities  of 
its  surtaci',  to  its  lolty  muiintaiiis  and  depressed  valleys,  the  di- 
niate  varies  preatly  in  dilierent  districts.  In  the  hi^'hlands  in 
the  interior  the  winter  is  ol'ten  lonj,'  and  rigorous,  the  snow  lying 
upon  the  ground  till  late  in  the  sjiring,  while  in  the  lowlands  ojkju 
to  the  sea,  severe  weather  is  almost  unknown.  The  rigour  of 
winter  is  frequently  experienced  in  the  highlands  ot  Mantinea 
and  Tegea  in  the  month  of  March,  while  at  the  same  time  the 
genial  warmth  of  sjtring  is  felt  in  the  plains  of  Argos  and  Laco- 
nia,  and  almost  the  heat  of  summer  in  the  low  grounds  at  the 
head  of  the  Messenian  gidf.  To  this  dillerencc  in  chmate  the 
ancients  attributed  the  dillercnce  in  the  intellectual  character  of 
the  natives  of  various  districts.  Thus  the  dulness  of  the  Bceo- 
tiaus  was  ascribed  to  the  dampness  and  thickness  of  their  atmos- 
phere, while  the  dry  and  clear  air  of  Attica  was  supposed  to 
sliarpen  the  faculties  of  its  inhabitants. 


Ar.  !i  olTiryns. 


Head  of  Olympian  Jove. 

BOOK   I. 

THE  MYTHICAL  AGE. 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE  EARLIEST  INHABITANTS  OF  GREECE. 

§  1.  Legendary  character  of  early  Grecian  history.  §  2.  Legends  of  the 
Greeks  respecting  their  origin.  §  3.  The  Hellenes  and  their  diffusion  in 
Greece.  §  4.  Connexion  of  the  Hellenes  with  the  Indo-European  stem. 
§  5.  The  Pelasgians.  §  6.  Foreign  settlers  in  Greece.  §  1.  Egyptian 
colonies  of  Cecrops  and  Danaus.  §  8.  Phrygian  colony  of  Pelops. 
§  9.  Pliosnician  colony  of  Cadmus. 

^  1.  The  clouds  which  envelope  the  early  histoiy  of  Greece  arc 
lighted  up  by  the  brilliant  hues  of  Grecian  fable  ;  but  the  reader 
must  carefully  guard  against  believing  in  the  reahty  of  the  per- 
sonages or  of  the  events  commemorated  by  these  beautiful 
legends.  Some  of  them,  it  is  true,  probably  sprung  out  of  events 
which  actually  occmTed,  and  may  therefore  contain  a  kernel  of 
historical  truth  ;  but  we  have  no  means  of  distinguishing  be- 
tween what  is  true  and  what  is  false,  between  the  historical  facts 
and  their  subsequent  embellishments.  Till  events  are  recorded 
in  written  documents,  no  materials  exist  for  a  trustworthy  his- 
tory ;  and  it  was  not  till  the  epoch  known  by  the  name  of  the 


12  IIISTOUY  OF  fJUKKCH  Ciiap.  1. 

lirxl  Olyrnjiiad,  rorrrH]>oii(liiij,'  to  the  yrar  770  Iw-forc  Chri«t,  that 
the  GreckH  Ik%'jiii  In  <'iti)iloy  writing  an  a  tiicaiiH  for  jM-rix'tualinp 
tlie  iiH-inory  ol  any  liiislorical  lartH.  Ik-foro  that  juTiod  cvcry- 
thiiij,'  irt  vajriK"  anil  iinrt-rtaiii  ;  and  for  two  ccnturifs  ufteruardii 
wo  meet  willi  only  a  lew  indated  events,  and  j.ofK'H*  nothing 
ill  the  lonn  ol'  a  eontinuouH  hi.storj'.  But  even  the  mythical 
ape  nnist  not  hv  paswd  over  entirely.  In  all  eawH  tlie  traditicnp 
ol'a  jH'ojile  are  worthy  of  reeord  ;  and  this  is  CHiM-ciallv  true  of 
the  ti reeks,  whose  legends  moulded  their  faith  and  influenced 
their  eoniluet  down  to  the  latest  times. 

^  2.  Few  nations  have  paid  more  attention  to  tlicir  penealrpy 
than  the  (i reeks.  In  modern  times  families  are  ambitious  of 
tracing  back  their  origin  to  some  illustrious  ancestor;  but  in 
Greece  tliis  feeling  was  not  confined  to  families,  but  pervaded 
alike  all  associations  of  men.  Every  petty  tribe  or  clan  claimed 
descent  from  a  common  ancestor,  whose  name  was  borne  by 
each  member  of  the  community.  This  ancestor  was  usually 
represented  as  the  son  or  immediate  descendant  of  a  gcd,  or  ehe 
as  spriuig  from  the  earth,*  which  was  in  sueli  cases  regarded  as 
a  divine  being.  Thus  the  Greek  people  considered  themselves 
the  children  of  one  common  father,  in  whose  name  they  gloried 
as  the  symbol  of  fraternity.  This  ancestor  was  Hellen,  the  fcn 
of  Deucalion  and  Tyrrha,  from  whom  the  people  derived  the 
name  of  Hellenes.  Hellen  had  tliree  sons,  L)onis,  Xuthus,  and 
JEolus.  Of  these  Dorus  and  iEolus  gave  their  names  to  the 
Dorians  and  iEolians  ;  and  Xuthus,  through  his  two  sons.  Ion 
and  Acha;us,  became  the  forefather  of  the  lonians  and  Acha'ans. 
In  this  way  the  four  great  divisions  of  tlic  Greek  race,  the 
Dorians,  yEolians,  lonians,  and  Achseans,  were  supposed  to  be 
the  descendants  of  the  patriarch  Hellen. 

\  3.  The  descent  of  the  Hellenes  from  a  cc^mmon  ancestor, 
Hellen,  was  a  fundamental  article  in  the  popular  iaith.  It  was  a 
general  practice  in  antiquity  to  invent  fictitious  persons  for  the 
purpose  of  explaining  names  of  which  the  origin  was  buried  in 
obscurity.  It  is  in  this  way  that  Hellen  and  his  sens  came  into 
being.  But  tliough  they  never  had  any  real  existence,  their  his- 
tory may  be  regarded  as  the  traditional  history  of  the  races  to 
whom  tbey  gave  their  names.  Thus  when  we  are  told  that 
Hellen  reigned  in  the  south  of  Thessaly.  near  the  foot  of  Mount 
Otlm-s,  wliich  was  the  })art  of  Greece  first  call  Hellas,  we  may 
conclude  that  the  Greeks  believed  this  district  to  be  the  original 
abode  of  their  race.  In  like  manner  the  migration-s  of  the  sons 
of  Hellen  from  the  south  of  Thessaly,  and  their  settlements 
in  the  dillcreut  parts  of  Greece,  represent  the  cutrent  belief 
*  Hen»e  called  an  Autochthon  (Avro^Sur). 


CuAP.  I.  THE  EARLIEST  INHABITANTS.  13 

respecting  the  early  history  of  the  four  great  divisions  of  the 
race. 

tEoIus  succeeded  his  father  Helleu  as  king  of  Hellas  in  Thes- 
saly,  but  his  descendants  occupied  a  great  part  of  central  Greece, 
as  far  as  the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  and  also  took  possession  of  the 
western  coast  of  Poloponnesus.  The  j-Eolians  were  the  most 
widely  diflused  of  all  the  descendants  of  Helleu.  Many  of  their 
towns,  such  as  Corinth  and  lolcus  in  Thessaly,  were  situated 
upon  the  coast,  and  the  worship  of  Poseidon  (xs  eptune),  the  god 
of  the  sea,  prevailed  extensively  among  them. 

The  Achffians  appear  in  the  latter  part  of  tlie  Heroic  age  as  the 
most  warlike  of  the  Grecian  races.  At  that  time  they  are  repre- 
sented as  inhabiting  the  original  abode  of  the  Hellenes  in  Thes- 
saly, and  also  the  cities  of  Mycenaj,  Argos,  and  Sparta,  in  the 
Peloponnesus.  The  most  distinguished  of  the  Grecian  heroes  in 
the  Trojan  war  were  Achieans  ;  and  such  was  the  celebrity  or 
the  race  at  that  period  that  Homer  frequently  gives  their  name 
to  the  whole  body  of  the  Greeks. 

The  Dorians  and  lonians  are  of  far  less  importance  in  the 
ancient  legends,  though  they  afterwards  became  the  two  leading 
races  in  Greece,  to  whom  the  Spartans  and  Athenians  respec- 
tively belonged.  The  Dorians  were  almost  confined  to  the  small 
mountainous  district  named  after  them,  lying  between  Thessaly 
and  Phocis  ;  the  lonians  were  found  chiefly  in  Attica  and  along 
the  nan'ow  shp  of  coast  in  the  north  of  Peloponnesus,  which  in 
historical  times  was  known  by  the  name  of  Achaia. 

^  4.  Such  was  the  general  belief  of  the  Greeks  respectmg  the 
early  diffusion  of  their  race.  But  it  is  natural  for  us  to  go  far- 
ther back,  and  to  endeavor  to  ascertain  the  real  origin  of  the 
people.  Now  the  only  sure  and  certain  means  of  ascertaining 
the  origin  of  any  people  is  a  knowledge  of  its  language.  Tra- 
dition misleads  as  often  as  it  guides  the  inquirer ;  and  the  indi- 
cations afibrded  by  mythologj',  manners  and  customs,  are  fre- 
quently deceptive  and  always  vague.  Language,  on  the  other 
hand,  is  an  enduring  memorial ;  and,  whatever  changes  it  may 
have  undergone  in  the  course  of  ages,  it  rarely  loses  those  funda- 
mental elements  which  proclaim  its  origin  and  affinities.  If  then 
we  conduct  our  inquiry  into  the  origin  of  the  Greek  people  by 
means  of  their  language,  we  have  no  difficulty  in  coming  to  a 
satisfactory  conclusion.  The  Greek  language  is  a  member  of 
that  great  family  of  languages  to  which  modern  scholars  have 
given  the  name  of  Indo-European.  The  various  nations  speaking 
the  different  varieties  of  this  language  were  originally  one  people, 
uiiiabiting  the  high  table-land  of  central  Asia.  At  some  period, 
long  antecedent  to  all  profane  history,  they  issued  from  their 


U  HISTOKY  OF  GUKKCE.  Ciiai-.  L 

primcviil  R'filH,  ami  Hj»rra»l  over  a  conHid»Tn}il«  portion  Ijolh  of 
Asia  and  of  J'!)iir<i|ic.  In  Asia  the  uiir-it-nt  llin(l<K>H,  mIio  cixikc 
hianscrit,  and  tlic  Mcdcs  and  I'crHiaiiH,  wliohr-  lan^uafro  •wa«  the 
ZiMid,  wcri'  llif  two  jtrincipal  hranclicH  of'tliiH  p«'ople.  In  Knropc 
the  Germans,  PclangianH,  SlavonianH,  and  Cflt«  Wfre  llic  linir 
chief  varieties.  Jt  is  foreign  to  onr  prcwnt  pnr|H)>«  to  pivc  any 
account  of  till!  otht-r  branclu-s  of  the  ]ndo-Knro|N-an  family  ;  Ijut 
*a  few  remarks  must  be  made  ujhju  the  iVlayj^ians,  from  >vliorn 
the  Greeks  derived  their  origin. 

i  /).  The  ]'elas<rians  are  represented  by  the  Greeks  themfiolveu 
as  the  most  ancient  inhaliitauts  of  their  land.  The  primitive 
name  of  (i recce  is  t-aid  to  have  been  I'elasjria.  In  the  bi.-torical 
period,  those  jtarts  of  Greece  \vliich  bad  been  subject  to  the 
fewest  chan<reri  of  iidiabitants  were  siipjxjsed  to  l>e  peopled  by 
the  descendants  of  the  Pelas<rians.  This  \vas  esjiecially  the  case 
vith  Arcadia  and  Attica,  which  claimed  to  have  been  inhabited 
by  the  same  tribes  from  time  inunemorial.  The  Pelas»rian»  were 
sj)read  over  the  Italian  as  well  as  the  Grecian  peninsula  ;  and  the 
Pelasgic  languajrc  thus  formed  the  basis  of  the  Latin  as  well  as 
of  the  Greek.  It  is  true  that  Herodotus  speaks  of  the  Pelasgic 
as  a  foreign  language,  totally  distinct  from  the  Greek  ;  but  his 
testimony  on  such  a  subject  is  not  entitled  to  any  weight,  since 
the  ancients  were  lamentably  deficient  in  philohgical  knowledge, 
and  had  no  notion  of  the  alliuity  of  languages. 

Of  the  Pelasgians  themselves  our  inibrmatinn  is  scanty.  They 
were  not  mere  barbarians.  Tliey  are  represented  as  tilling  the 
ground  and  dwelling  in  walled  cities.*  Their  religion  appears  to 
have  been  essentially  the  same  as  the  religion  of  the  Hellenes. 
Their  great  divinity  was  Jove,  the  national  Hellenic  god,  and 
the  cliief  seat  of  his  worship  was  I)od6na  in  Epirus.  Hencf 
Homer  gives  to  the  Dodonaan  Jove  the  title  of  Pelasgic  ;  and  his 
oracle  at  Ikidona  was  always  regarded  as  the  most  ancient  in 
Greece. 

The  Pelasgians  were  divided  into  several  tribes,  such  as  the 
Hellenes,  Lelcges,  Caueones,  and  others.  In  what  respects  the 
Hellenes  were  superior  to  the  other  Pelasgic  tribes  we  do  not 
know  ;  but  they  appear  at  the  first  dawn  of  biston*'  as  the  domi- 
nant race  m  Greece.  The  rest  of  the  Pelasgians  disappeared 
•before  them  or  were  incorporated  with  them  ;  their  dialect  of 
tlic  Pela.'^gic  tongue  became  the  language  of  Greece  ;  and  their 
worship  of  the  Olympian  Jove  gradually  supplanted  the  more 
ancient  worship  of  the  Dodona'an  god. 

^  ti.  The  civilization  of  the  Greeks  and  the  development  of 
their  language  bear  all  the  marks  of  home  growth,  and  probably 
•  A  fortified  town  was  called  Larissa  by  the  Pelasgians. 


Chap.  L  THE  EAELIEST  INHABITANTS.  15 

were  little  affected  by  foreign  influence.  The  traditions,  how- 
ever, of  the  Greeks  would  point  to  a  contraiy  conclusion.  It 
was  a  general  belief  among  them  that  the  Pelasgians  were  re- 
claimed from  barbarism  by  Oriental  strangers,  who  settled  in 
the  country  and  introduced  among  the  rude  inliabitants  the 
first  eleu:ients  of  civilization.  Many  of  these  traditions,  however, 
are  not  ancient  legends,  but  owe  their  origin  to  the  philosophical 
speculations  of  a  later  age,  which  loved  to  represent  an  imaginary 
progress  of  society  from  the  time  when  men  fed  on  acorns  and 
ran  wild  in  woods,  to  the  time  when  they  became  united  into 
political  communities  and  owned  the  supremacy  of  law  and 
reason.  The  speculative  Greeks  who  visited  Egypt  in  the  sixth 
and  fifth  centuries  before  the  Christian  era  were  profouadly  im- 
pressed with  the  monuments  of  the  old  Egyptian  monarchy, 
which  even  in  that  early  age  of  the  world  indicated  a  gray  and 
hoary  antiquity.  The  Egyptian  priests  were  not  slow  to  avail 
themselves  of  the  impression  made  upon  their  visitors,  and  told 
the  latter  many  a  wondrous  tale  to  prove  that  the  civilization, 
the  arts,  and  even  the  religion  of  the  Greeks,  all  came  from  the 
land  of  the  Nile.  These  tales  found  easy  believers  ;  they  were 
carried  back  to  Greece,  and  repeated  with  various  modificatioiLS 
and  embellishments  ;  and  thus  no  doubt  arose  the  greater  num- 
ber of  the  traditions  respecting  Egyptian  colonies  in  Greece. 

^  7.  Although  we  may  therefore  reject  with  safety  the  tra- 
ditions respecting  these  Egyptian  colonies,  two  are  of  so  much 
celebrity  that  they  cannot  be  passed  over  entirely  in  an  accomit 
of  the  early  ages  of  Greece.  Attica  is  said  to  have  been  indebted 
for  the  arts  of  civilized  life  to  Cecrops,  a  native  of  Sais  in 
Egypt.  To  him  is  ascribed  the  foundation  of  the  city  of  Athens, 
the  institution  of  marriage,  and  the  introduction  of  religious 
rites  and  ceremonies.  The  Acropolis  or  citadel  of  Athens,  tc 
which  the  original  city  was  confined,  continued  to  bear  the  name 
of  Cecropia  even  in  later  times.  Argos,  in  like  mamier,  is  said 
to  have  been  founded  by  the  Egyptian  Danaus,  who  fled  to 
Greece  with  his  fifty  daughters  to  escape  from  the  persecution 
of  their  suitors,  the  fifty  sons  of  his  brother  iEgyptus.  The 
Egyptian  stranger  was  elected  king  by  the  natives,  and  from  him 
the  tribe  of  the  Danai  derived  their  name,  which  Homer  fre- 
quently uses  as  a  general  appellation  for  the  Greeks.  The  only 
fact  which  lends  any  countenance  to  the  existence  of  an  Eg}-ptian 
colony  in  Greece  is  the  discovery  of  the  remains  of  two  pyramids 
at  no  great  distance  from  Argos ;  but  this  form  of  building  is 
not  confined  to  Egypt.  Pyramids  are  fomid  in  India,  Babylonia, 
and  Mexico,  and  may  therefore  have  been  erected  by  the  early 
inhabitants  of  Greece  independently  of  any  connexion  with  Egypt. 


16  insTOIlY  OF  GKEKCK.  Cum:  L 

^  8.  Aiiollwr  (;()l(jii\ ,  not  leH8  Cf-Itibralcd  ami  not  iijoro  crcdiblo 
than  the  two  juKt  inciitioiu'd,  Ih  the  oiio  It-d  I'rorii  Ania  by  IVIojw, 
Iroin  whom  the  wmlhcni  ]>etiiii.suhi  of  Greece  derived  iIh  naino 
ol'  IV^lopoiiiicsiirt.  IV'lojw  JM  usually  rej>re»»ented  as  u  native  of 
Sipylu.s  iu  I'liry^ria,  and  thr  noei  of  the  wealthy  kiiiff  TantaluH. 
IJy  iin-aus  of  hiri  liclie.*,  which  iie  brought  with  liiin  into  (jre<;cc, 
he  became  ktufi  ol  Alycenn!  and  the  founder  o(  a  }K>werful 
dynasty,  one  (»f  the  mofl  renowned  in  the  Ibrroic;  a^:*;  of  Gri-ecc. 
From  him  was  descended  Agamemnon,  who  led  the  Grecian  hoBt 
against  Troy. 

^  U.  Tlic  ease  is  dilierenl  with  the  Pha'iiieian  Cfdonv,  which  is 
said  to  have  been  founded  by  Cadmus  at  Thebes  in  ii«jiotia.  We 
have  decisive  evidence  that  the  Phccnicians  ]dantcd  cohjuies  at 
an  early  period  in  the  islands  of  Greece ;  and  it  is  only  natural 
to  believe  that  tin  y  also  settled  upon  the  shores  of  the  mainland. 
Whether  there  was  sueii  a  person  as  the  Phdnician  Cadmus, 
and  whether  lie  built  the  town  called  Cadm<"a,  which  afterwards 
became  the  citadel  of  Thebes,  as  the  ancient  legends  relate,  can 
not  be  determined  ;  but,  setting  aside  ail  tradition  on  the  subject, 
tb.ere  is  one  fact  Mhicli  proves  indisputably  an  early  intercourse 
between  Phoenicia  and  Greece.  It  was  to  the  Pha-nicians  that 
tlie  Greeks  were  indebted  for  the  art  of  writing;  for  both  the 
names  and  the  fbnns  of  the  letters  in  the  Greek  alphabet  are 
evidently  derived  from  the  PhaMiician.  With  this  exception  the 
Oriental  strangers  left  no  permanent  traces  of  their  si'ttlements 
in  Greece  ;  and  the  population  ot  the  countr\'  continued  to  be 
essautially  ( jrwjiau,  uncoutaminated  by  any  foreign  elements. 


Paris,  from  the  .Eeinotan  Sculpturps. 


Ajax,  from  the  jEginetan  Sculpturea 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE    GRECIAN    HEROES. 

§  1.  Mythical  character  of  the  Heroic  Age.  §  2.  Hercules.  §  3.  Theseus. 
§  4.  Minos.  §  5.  Voyage  of  the  Argonauts.  §  6.  The  Seven  against 
Thebes  and  the  Epigoni.  §  7.  The  Trojan  War  as  related  in  the  Iliad. 
8  8.  Later  additions.  §  9.  Return  of  the  Grecian  heroes  from  Troj\ 
^  10.  Date  of  the  fall  of  Troy.  §  11.  Whether  the  Heroic  legends  con- 
tain any  historical  facts.  §  12.  The  Homeric  poems  present  a  picture 
of  a  real  state  of  society. 

^  1.  It  was  universally  believed  by  tbe  Greeks  that  their  native 
land  was  in  the  earlier  ages  ruled  by  a  noble  race  of  beings,  pos- 
sessing a  superhuman  though  not  a  divine  nature,  and  superior 
to  ordinary  men  in  strength  of"  body  and  greatness  of  soul.  These 
are  the  Heroes  of  Grecian  mythology,  whose  exploits  and  adven- 
tures fonii  the  great  mine  from  which  the  Greeks  derived  in- 
exhaustible materials  for  their  poetry — 

"  Presenting  Thebes  or  Pelops'  line, 
Or  the  tale  of  Troy  divine." 


in  nisTOHY  or  (.ki.i.i  i.  r,,,^,..  il 

Accdnlini^  t(i  iii\  itiH'.il  rliroiiolojry  tin;  Hcroir  aj(f  roiiiititiitOH 
a  pi-rioil  III' altoiil  two  liumlrcd  yars,  iVoiii  tin;  (iri*t  :ip|N-:iruiic!L' 
of  till!  Ilcllciics  ill  'I'licsMily  to  till,"  return  of  the  ^ir^u^]^>^  Initn 
Troy.  Sinn-  tlic  Ur^^tJiids  of  this  |«;rio(l  licloiijrto  iiiytliolo^ry  and 
not  to  history,  they  liiid  their  jiroper  plare  in  a  work  devoted  tc 
tile  lormer  siihjeet.  But  some  of  them  arc  so  clo.-ely  interwoven 
with  the  histori(%'il  traditions  ofdreece  that  it  is  im|K>s.>'ihh;  to 
pass  them  by  entirely.  Ainoiitr  the  hi;roes  three  stand  con- 
spieuoiisiy  l()rth  :  llereiiles,  the  national  hero (»f  Greece  ;  Thc.-j<'U8, 
the  hero  of  Attica  ;  and  Minos,  kinj^  of  Crete,  the  jtrineipal 
founder  of  Grecian  law  and  civilization. 

^2.  Of  all  the  lleroic  families  none  was  more  celebrated  than 
that  of  Danaus,  king  of  Arj^o.s.  In  the  fifth  generation  we  find 
it  persnnilied  in  Danac,  the  dauf^hter  of  Acrisius,  whom  Jove 
wooed  in  a  shower  of  gold,  and  became  by  her  the  father  of 
Per.seus,  the  celebrated  coiwiiKMor  of  Medu.sa.  Per.«eus  was  tho 
ancestor  of  Hercules,  being  the  great-grandfather  Inith  of  Alc- 
miMia  and  of  her  husband  Ami)liitryf)n.  According  to  the  well- 
known  legend,  Jove,  enamoured  of  Alemena,  a.«sumed  the  fijrrn 
of  Ainpliitryou  in  his  absence,  and  became  by  her  the  father 
of  H vTcules.  To  the  son  thus  begotten  Jove  had  destined  the 
sovereignty  of  Argos  ;  but  the  jealous  anger  of  Hera  (Juno) 
rai.sed  up  against  him  an  opponent  and  a  master  in  the  per-^on 
of  Eurystlieus,  anither  descendant  of  Perseus,  at  whose  bidding 
tho  greatest  ol"  all  heroes  was  to  achieve  those  wonderful  labours 
which  lilled  the  whole  world  with  his  fame.  In  these  are  realized, 
on  a  magiiiUcent  scale,  the  two  great  objects  of  ancient  heroi.-m 
— the  destniction  of  physical  and  moral  evil,  and  the  acquisition 
of  wealth  and  power.  Such,  for  instance,  are  the  labours,  in 
which  he  destroys  the  terrible  Nemean  lion  and  Lernean  hvdra, 
carries  ofi'  the  girdle  of  Ares  from  Hippolyte,  qu-en  of  the 
Amazons,  and  seizes  the  golden  apples  of  the  Hesperides.  fruarded 
by  a  hundred-headed  dragon.  At  the  same  time,  however,  we 
perceive,  as  is  the  case  with  all  the  Grecian  lieroes,  that  the 
extraordinary  endowments  of  Hercules  did  not  preserve  him 
from  human  weakness  and  error,  and  the  consequent  expiation 
which  they  demanded.  After  slaying  in  his  ungovernable  rage 
his  friend  and  companion  Iphitus,  the  son  of  Eurytus,  he  is  .seized 
with  sickness,  becomes  the  slave  of  the  Lydian  queen  Oniphale, 
devotes  himself  to  elleminate  (X'cupations,  and  sinks  into  luxury 
and  w.uit(inne.>s.  At  a  subsequent  perio<l  another  crime  pro- 
duces his  death.  The  rape  of  lole,  the  daughter  of  the  same 
Eurytus  whose  son  he  had  slain,  incites  liis  wife  Deianira  to  send 
him  the  fatal  shirt,  poisoned  with  the  blood  of  the  centaui 
Nessus.     Unable  to  endure  the  torments  it  occasions,  he  repairs 


Chap.  II.  THE  GRECIAN  HEROES.  19 

to  Mount  (Eta.,  which  becomes  the  scene  of  his  apotheosis.  As 
he  Ijes  on  the  funeral  pile  there  erected  for  him  by  Hyllus,  his 
eldest  son  by  Deianira,  a  cloud  descends  and  bears  him  oil' amidst 
thunder  and  lightning  to  Olympus,  where  he  i..  received  among 
the  immortal  gods,  and,  being  reconciled  to  Hera,  receives  in 
marriage  her  daughter  Hebe,  the  goddess  of  youtii. 

s^3.  Theseus  was  tlie  son  of  vEgeus,  king  of  Athens,  and  of 
JEthra,  daughter  of  Pittheus,  king  of  Troezen.  On  his  return  to 
Athens  ^geus  left  TEthra  behind  him  at  Trcczen,  enjoining  her 
not  to  send  their  son  to  Athens  till  he  was  strong  enough  to  lift 
from  beneath  a  stone  of  prodigious  Aveight  his  father's  sword  and 
sandals,  which  would  serve  as  tokens  of  recognition.  Theseus, 
when  grown  to  manhood,  accomplished  the  appointed  feat  with 
ease,  and  took  the  road  to  Athens  over  the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  a 
journey  beset  with  many  dangers  from  robbers  who  barbarously 
mutilated  or  killed  the  unhappy  wayfarers  who  fell  into  their 
hands.  But  Theseus  overcame  them  all,  and  arrived  in  safety 
at  Athens,  where  he  was  recognised  by  iEgeus,  and  declared  his 
successor.  Among  his  nrany  memorable  achievements  the  most 
famous  was  his  deliverance  of  Athens  from  the  frightful  tribute 
imposed  upon  it  by  Minos  for  the  murder  of  his  son.  This  t  on- 
sisted  of  seven  youths  and  seven  maidens,  whom  the  Athenians 
were  compelled  to  send  every  nine  years  to  Crete,  there  to  be 
devoured  by  the  Minotaur,  a  monster  with  a  human  body  and 
a  bull's  head,  which  Minos  kept  concealed  in  an  inextricable 
labyrinth.  The  third  ship  was  already  on  the  point  of  sailing 
with  its  cargo  of  innocent  victims,  when  Theseus  oH'ered  to  go 
vi'ith  them,  hoping  to  put  an  end  for  ever  to  the  hoiTible  tribute. 
Ariadne,  the  daughter  of  Minos,  became  enamoured  of  the  hero, 
and  having  supplied  him  with  a  clue  to  trace  the  windings  of 
the  labyrinth,  Theseus  succeeded  in  killing  the  monster,  and 
in  tracking  his  way  out  of  the  mazy  lair.  As  he  returned 
towards  Athens,  the  pilot  forgot  to  hoist  the  white  sail,  agreed 
on  as  the  signal  of  success,  in  place  of  the  black  sail  usually 
carried  by  the  vessel  which  bore  that  melancholy  tribute,  where- 
upon iEgeus,  thinking  that  his  son  had  perished,  threw  himself 
into  the  sea  .which  afterwards  bore  his  name. 

Theseus,  having  now  ascended  the  throne,  proceeded  to  lay  the 
foundations  of  the  future  greatness  of  Athens.  He  united  into 
one  political  body  the  twelve  independent  states  into  which 
Cecrops  had  divided  Attica,  and  made  Athens  the  capital  of  the 
new  kingdom.  In  order  to  accommodate  the  increased  popula- 
tion of  the  city,  he  covered  with  buildings  the  ground  lying  to 
the  south  of  the  Cecropian  citadel ;  and  in  commemoration  of 
the  union,  he  instituted  the  festivals  of  the  Panathensea  and 


•ill  IIISTOUY  OF  fiKEKClu  Ciiai-.  JL 

Syiir)il(ia  in  honoin-  of  Allicn.'i  (Miiicn'a),  tlicf  patron  goddi-i*  of 
tin-  cily.  lie  thru  divitlcfl  the  ciliziMih  into  three  clahM.-w,  namely, 
J!if/Mifri(i(r,  or  imliles,  (Jtvn/Ktii,  or  Inisliandtnen,  and  Vcviiurgi, 
i>r  artisans.  II  is  further  i«aid  to  have  estaldislied  a  eun)^titntioii- 
al  froviThiiiiiil,  retaining,'  in  his  own  liands  oidy  certain  deliuilc- 
powers  ami  |»iivilef.'eri,  so  that  he  was  refjanied  in  a  late:  a^e  as 
the  i<)nn(ler  of  eivil  e(|uahty  at  Athens,  lie  also  extended  the 
Attie  tc^rritory  to  the  eonlincs  of  I'«l(iponn«'.'Us,  and  estuhliihed 
I  he  frames  in  honour  of  I'oscudon  (Neptune),  whieli  were  cele- 
brated on  the  islhmuH.  Jle  f;uhse(|nently  eufraped  in  a  variety  of 
adventures  in  eonjinietion  with  Hereules  and  Pirilhru.",  kini?  of 
the  La|)illia'.  But  on  his  return  to  Athens  after  the^e  exploits, 
the  Atlicnians  refused  to  ohey  him  any  h^nf/er,  whereupon  he 
retired  to  the  island  of  Scyros,  and  was  there  murdered  throufrh 
th(^  treaehery  of  kin<;  Lycomedes. 

k'i.  Minos,  kinp  of  Crete,  whose  story  is  connected  with  that 
of  Theseus,  appears,  like  him,  the  representative  of  an  historical 
and  civil  state  of  lile.  Minos  is  said  to  have  received  the  laws  of 
Crete  immetliately  from  Jove  ;  and  traditions  unifomdy  represent 
him  as  kiiijr  of  the  sea.  Posse. --sinfr  a  numerous  licet,  he  reduced 
the  surr(iun(liujjrislandp,espceially  the  Cyclades.  under  his  domi- 
nion, and  cleared  the  sea  of  pirates.  A  later  legend  recofniizes 
two  heroes  ol"  the  name  of  Minos  ;  one,  the  son  of  Jove  and 
Europa,  who  after  his  death  heerr-ie  a  judge  in  the  lower  world, 
and  the  other  his  grandson,  who  ncld  the  dominion  of  the  rca. 

k  ii.  If,  turning  from  the  exploits  of  individual  heroes,  we 
examine  the  enterpri.^es  unde.  'icn  by  a  collective  body  of 
chiefs,  we  shall  again  iind  three  expeditions  more  celebrated 
than  the  rest.  These  are  tlie  Voyage  of  the  Argonauts,  the  "War 
of  the  Seven  against  Thebes,  and  the  Siege  of  Troy. 

In  the  Voyage  of  the  Argonauts  the  ^Dolids  play  the  principal 
part.  Pelias,  a  descendant  of  jEoIus,  had  deprived  his  half- 
brother  iEson  of  his  dominion  over  the  kingdom  oi  lolcus  in 
Thessaly.  "VMien  Jason,  sou  of  jEson,  had  grown  up  to  manhcod, 
he  apjjcarcd  before  his  inicle  and  demanded  back  liis  throne. 
Pelias  consented  only  on  condition  that  Jason  should  first  fetch 
the  golden  ileece  from  iEa,*  a  region  in  the  .farthest  ea.*t,  ruled 
by  iEetes,  oO.^pring  of  the  Sun-god.  Here  it  was  preser\ed  in 
the  grove  of  Ares  (Mars),  suspended  upon  a  tree,  and  under  the 
guardianship  of  a  sleepless  dragon. 

The  Argo,  a  sliip  built  for  the  expedition,  gave  its  name  to  the 

adventurers,  Avho,  xuider  the  conduct  of  Jason,  enibarked  in  the 

harbour  of  loleus,  for  the  purjxise  of  bringing  back  the  fleece. 

'^hey  consisted  of  the  most  renowned  heroes  of  the  time.     Her- 

«  IdentifieJ  by  the  Greeks  of  s\  lat«r  age  -with  Colchis. 


Chap.  H.  THE  GRECIAX  HEROES.  21 

cules  and  Theseus  are  mentioned  among  them,  as  well  as  the 
principal  leaders  in  the  Trojan  war.  Jason,  however,  is  *the 
central  figure  and  the  real  hero  of  the  enterprise.  \Yhen  he  and 
his  companions  arrived,  after  many  adventures,  at  ^a,  king 
iEetes  promised  to  deliver  to  him  the  golden  fleece,  provided  he 
yoked  two  fire-hreathmg  oxen  \\'ith  brazen  feet,  ploughed  with 
them  a  piece  of  land,  sowed  in  the  furrows  thus  made  the  remaui- 
der  of  the  teeth  of  the  dragon  slain  by  Cadmus,  and  vanquished 
the  armed  men  that  would  start  from  the  seed.  Here,  also,  as  in 
the  legend  of  Theseus,  love  played  a  prominent  part.  Medea,  the 
daughter  of  iEetes,  who  was  chilled  in  magic  and  supernatural  arts, 
furnished  Jason  with  the  nicaus  of  accomplishing  the  labours 
imposed  upon  him  ;  and  as  her  father  still  delayed  to  surrender 
the  fleece,  she  cast  the  dragon  asleep  during  the  night,  seized  the 
fleece,  and  set  sail  in  the  Argo  with  her  beloved  Jason  and  his 
companions.  ^Eetes  pursued  them  ;  but  after  many  long  and 
strange  Avanderings,  they  at  length  reached  lolcus  in  safety. 

^  G.  In  the  Heroic  age  Thebes  was  already  one  of  the  principal 
cities  of  Greece.  Towards  the  close  of  this  period  it  became  the 
scene  of  the  last  .struggles  ct'  a  fated  race,  whose  legendary  his- 
tory is  so  full  of  human  crime,  of  the  obscure  warnings  of  the 
gods,  and  of  the  inevitable  march  of  fate,  as  to  render  it  one  of 
the  favourite  subjects  of  the  tragic  poets  of  Athens. 

Laius,  king  of  Thebes,  was  warned  by  an  oracle  to  beget  no 
children,  or  he  would  be  murdered  by  his  son.  He  neglected  the 
prediction,  but  to  obviate  its  effects  caused  his  son  (Edipus  by 
Jocasta  to  be  exposed  to  death.  The  infant,  however,  was  saved 
and  carried  to  Corinth,  where  king  Polybus  reared  him  as  his 
own.  Grown  up  to  manhood,  and  stung  by  the  reproaches  which 
he  heard  cast  upon  his  birt\;  Q^ldipus  consulted  the  Delphic 
oracle  respecting  his  parentage,  and  was  warned  by  it  not  to  re- 
turn to  his  native  land,  as  he  A.as  there  destined  to  slay  his  father 
and  commit  incest  with  his  mother.  CEdipus,  believing  Polybus 
to  be  his  real  father,  now  avoided  Corinth  and  took  the  road  to 
Thebes,  but  by  so  domg  mcurred  the  very  fate  which  he  sought 
to  avoid.  Meeting  Laius  in  a  narrow  road  he  slew  him  in  a 
quarrel,  and  then  proceeding  to  Tiiebes  obtained  the  hand  of  his 
mother,  queen  Jocasta,  promised  as  a  reward  to  the  man  who 
should  solve  a  riddle  propounded  by  the  sphinx,  a  monster  which 
had  long  infested  the  laud,  but  which  Avas  driven  to  slay  itself  by 
the  solution  of  its  enign:ia.  Two  sons  and  two  daughters  were 
the  fruit  of  the  incestuous  marriage.  These  hon-ors  drew  down  ■ 
a  pestilence  on  the  land,  and  in  order  to  avert  it,  an  oracle  com- 
manded the  banishment  of  the  murderer  of  Laius.  The  inquiries 
instituted  to  discover  the  guilty  man  revealed  the  fatal  truth- 


M  HISTOKV  OK  (;KP:ECE.  Cum:  1L 

.T(K'a8ta  han^A  hcrcolf ;  nCdipiiH,  unable  any  loiijrcr  to  bear  the 
Ji<:Tit  of  (lay.  piilM  (Mil  luH  ryt'H,  ami  Iwiiij.'  expfll<"(l  from  the  city 
hy  liirt  two  Hons,  I'itco<'lc«  and  l'olynicri«,  itrouoiniccH  u|m»m  tlwin 
Ji  curse  which  spccilily  takes  elli-ct.  Iii  a  strut.'j.'|c  for  uuiiivided 
doniiuioM,  I'olyinccs  is  driven  out  of  Thchcs  hy  his  brother,  and 
rt'pairin<;  to  Ar^ros  obtains  the  aid  of  kin;.'  Adrastus  to  reinstate 
him  in  iiis  ri<jhts.  Ik'sidcs  that  monarch  and  I'(dyniees  five  other 
lieroes  join  the  expedition,  makin;r  tlic  eonlederacy  known  under 
the  iiaino  of  tlie  "  Seven  a^'ainst  Thebes."  All  of  them  exeept 
Adrastus  arc  slain,  wliilst  I'olyniees  and  Eteocba  fall  by  coch 
otht'r's  hands. 

Ten  years  later  the  sons  of  the  allied  ])rinee3  undertake  another 
expeilition  a^'ainst  Thehe.i  in  order  to  avenjre  their  fathers'  fate, 
hence  called  the  war  of  the  JCjtii^oni,  or  the  Descendants.  It 
proved  succL'.s.sfid.  Tiiehes  was  taken  and  razed  to  the  pround 
after  the  preater  part  of  its  inhabitants  had  lel't  the  city  on  the 
advice  of  the  prophet  Tiresias. 

^  7.  In  mythological  chronoloiry  the  war  of  the  Epiponi  im- 
mediately precedes  the  expedition  apainst  Troy,  •whose  lepeud 
forms  the  termination  of  the  Heroic  ape.  While  it  was  the  last, 
it  was  also  the  greatest  of  all  the  heroic  achievements.  It  fonned 
the  subject  of  inimmerable  epic  poems,  and  has  been  immortal- 
ised by  the  genius  of  Homer. 

Paris,  sou  of  Priam,  king  of  Ilium  or  Troy,  abused  the  hospi- 
tahty  of  Menelaus,  king  of  Sparta,  by  carrying  otf  his  wife  Helen, 
the  most  beautiful  woman  of  the  ape.  AH  the  Grecian  princes 
looked  upon  the  outrage  as  one  committed  against  themselves. 
Responding  to  the  call  of  Menelaus,  they  assemble  in  arms,  elect 
his  brother  Agamemnon,  king  of  Myeena',  leader  of  the  expedi- 
tion, and  sail  across  the  ^Egean  in  nearly  1200  ships  to  recover 
the  faithle.ss  fair  one.  Several  of  the  eoniederatc  heroes  excel 
AgamL^muDU  in  fame.  Among  tliem  Achilles,  c'aief  of  the  Thes- 
salian  Myrmidons,  stands  pre-eminent  in  strength,  beauty,  and 
valour,  wiiilst  Ulys.ses,  king  of  Ithaca,  surpasses  all  the  rest  in 
the  mental  qualities  of  counsel,  subtilty,  and  elocpience.  Thus, 
though  by  opposite  endowments,  these  two  heroes  form  the 
centre  of  the  group.  Next  to  tliem  we  ob.«erve  the  aged  ^«estor, 
king  of  Pylus,  distinguished  lor  his  wisdom  and  experience  ; 
the  valiant  Diomcdes,  king  of  Arpos,  son  of  Tvdeus,  slain  at 
Thebes,  and  one  of  the  Epiponi  ;  the  Telamcnian  Ajax,  of  Sa- 
lamis,  who,  thouph  somewhat  heavy  and  unwieldy,  is  next  to 
Achilles  in  person  and  lighting  power  ;  and  lastly,  Idoraencus  of 
Crete,  a  grandson  of  Minos. 

Among  the  Trojans,  Hector,  one  of  the  sons  of  Priam,  is  most 
distinguished  for  heroic  qualities,  and  fonus  a  striking  contrast 


(jiiAi-.  II.  THE  GRECIAN  HEROES.  23 

to  his  handsome  but  efieminate  brother  Paris.  Next  to  Hector 
in  valour  stands  ^Eneas,  son  of  Anchises  and  Aphrodite  (Ventis). 
Even  the  gods  take  pai't  in  the  contest,  encouraging  their  favourite 
heroes,  and  sometimes  hghting  by  their  side  or  in  their  stead. 

It  is  not  till  the  tenth  year  of  the  war  that  Ilium  yields  to  the 
inevitable  decree  of  fate,  and  it  is  this  year  which  forms  the  sub- 
ject of  the  Iliad.  Achilles,  oflended  by  Agamemnon,  abstains 
from  the  war,  and  even  entreats  his  mother  Thetis  to  obtain 
from  Jove  victory  for  the  Trojans.  In  his  absence  the  Greeks 
are  no  match  for  Hector.  The  Trojans  drive  them  back  into 
their  camp,  and  are  already  setting  fire  to  their  ships,  when 
Achilles  gives  his  armour  to  his  friend  Patroclus,  and  allows  him 
to  charge  at  the  head  of  the  Myrmidons.  Patroclus  repulses  the 
Trojans  from  the  ships,  but  the  god  Apollo  is  against  him,  and 
he  lalls  under  the  spear  of  Hector.  Desire  to  avenge  the  death 
of  his  friend  proves  more  powerful  in  the  breast  of  Achilles  than 
auger  against  Agamemnon.  He  appears  again  in  the  field  in 
new  and  gorgeous  armour,  forged  for  him  by  the  god  Hephfestus 
(Vulcan)  at  the  prayer  of  Thetis.  The  Trojans  fly  before  him, 
and  although  Achilles  is  aware  that  his  own  death  must  speedily 
follow  that  of  the  Trojan  hero,  he  slays  him  in  single  combat. 

^  8.  The  Iliad  closes  with  the  burial  of  Hector.  The  death  of 
Achilles  and  the  capture  of  Troy  were  related  in  later  poems,  as 
well  as  his  victories  over  Penthesilea,  queen  of  the  Amazons,  and 
Memnon,  king  of  vEthiopia.  The  hero  of  so  many  achievements 
perishes  by  an  arrow  shot  by  the  unwarlike  Paris,  but  directed 
by  the  hand  of  Apollo.  The  noblest  combatants  had  now  fallen 
on  either  side,  and  force  of  arms  had  proved  unable  to  accom- 
plish what  stratagem  at  length  efiects.  It  is  Ulysses  who  now 
steps  into  the  foreground  and  becomes  the  real  conqueror  of 
Troy.  By  his  advice  a  wooden  horse  is  built,  in  whose  inside  he 
and  other  heroes  conceal  themselves.  The  infatuated  Trojans 
admit  the  horse  within  their  "walls.  In  the  dead  of  night  the 
Greeks  rush  out  and  open  the  gates  to  their  comrades.  Ilium 
is  delivered  over  to  the  sword,  and  its  gloiy  sinks  in  ashes. 

^  9.  The  return  of  the  Grecian  leaders  from  Troy  forms  ano- 
ther series  of  poetical  legends.  Several  meet  with  tragical  ends. 
Agamemnon  is  murdered,  on  his  arrival  at  Mycenae,  by  his  wife 
Clytsemnestra,  and  her  paramour  ^Egisthus.  Diomedes,  who 
also  finds  his  house  defiled,  is  driven  from  Argos  and  settles  in 
Italy.  But  of  these  wanderings  the  most  celebrated  and  in- 
teresting ure  those  of  Ulysses,  which  form  the  subject  of  the 
Odvssey.  After  twenty  years'  absence  he  arrives  at  length  in 
Ithaca,  where  he  slays  the  numerous  suitors  who  devoured  his 
substance  and  contended  for  the  hand  of  his  wife  Penelope. 


24  msTOUY  OF  (iUEECE.  Cum-.  II. 

1)  1 0  It  >iUH  1m-»-ii  aln-ndy  Ktatcd  that  the  Trojan  war  c\tm.-n  the 
IlCToif  ufiv,  and  llir  jkh-i  IlrHiod  relates  tliaf  tliir  divine  race  of 
lieroeH  waH  exlirm^tcil  liclnre  the  wuIIh  of  ThcljeH  and  (ji  the 
])lain  of  llliuiii.  As  tin-  Trojiin  war  wan  ihus  t<ii()])o.''ed  to  mark 
an  e|MM  li  in  (lirci.in  )ii.<tory,  isnul  pains  were  taken  in  the  later 
j)eriiids  ol  anliijuity  to  lix  its  date.  That  of  Eratosthenes,  a 
jrrainniariiin  at  Alexandria,  enjoyed  most  eredit.  which  placed 
tlie  fiiil  of  the  city  107  years  helbre  the  hrHt  Olympiad,  and  cou- 
Ke(|iiently  in  the  year  1  1^1  i:.c. 

sM  1 .  In  relatin<r  the  lepends  of  tlie  Heroic  age  we  liave  made 
uo  :itteinj)t  to  examine  their  origin,  or  to  dednce  from  them  any 
historical  facts.  All  such  attempts  are  in  our  o]iinion  vain  and 
fruitless.  Whether  there  were  real  persons  of  the  name  of  Her- 
cules, Theseus,  and  Minos  can  neither  be  aflirmed  nor  denied. 
Our  only  reason  for  believing  in  their  existence  is  the  tradition 
of  the  Cireeks  respecting  them  ;  and  knowing  liow  worthless  is 
tradition,  esjiecially  wlien  handed  down  hy  a  rude  and  unlettered 
people,  we  cannot  accept  the  Grecian  heroes  as  real  personages 
upon  sui'h  evidence.  It  has  been  supposed  by  many  modern 
writers  that  the  wonderl'ul  storj'  of  the  Argonauts  took  its  rise 
from  the  adventurous  voyages  of  early  Greek  mariners  to  the 
coasts  of  the  Euxine  ;  that  the  expeditions  of  the  "  k>even  against 
Thebes"  and  their  de.<cendants,  represented  in  a  legendarv'  form 
an  actual  contest  between  Argos  and  Thebes  :  and  that  the  Ho- 
meric tale  of  the  Trojan  war  was  based  ujion  histcrical  facts. 
But  lor  such  statements  we  have  no  authority.  They  are  at  the 
best  only  j)robable  conjectures.  While  thereibre  we  do  not  deny 
the  possibility  of  an  historical  Trojan  war,  we  eainiot  accept  it 
as  a  fact  supported  by  trustworthy  evidence,  since  Hcmer  is  our 
sole  authority  for  it. 

M2.  Although  the  Homeric  poems  cannot  be  received  as  a  re- 
cord of  hi-storical  persons  and  events,  yet  they  present  a  valuable 
picture  ol'the  institutions  and  mamiers  of  a  real  state  of  society. 
Homer  lived  in  an  age  in  which  antiquarian  research  was  un- 
known ;  his  })oems  were  addressed  to  unlettered  hearers,  and 
any  description  of  life  and  manners  a\  hich  did  not  corresjxmd  to 
the  state  of  things  around  them  would  have  been  imintelligible 
and  uninteresting  to  his  contemporaries.  In  addition  to  tliis, 
there  is  an  artless  simplicity  in  his  descriptions  wliich  forces 
upon  every  reader  the  conviction  that  tlie  poet  drew  liis  pictures 
from  real  lile.  and  not  from  an  antifjuated  past  or  from  imagiuarj' 
ideas  of  his  own.  The  description  which  he  gives  of  tlie  govern- 
ment, manners,  society,  and  customs  of  his  age  demands  our 
attentive  consideration,  since  •with  it  our  knowledge  of  the  Greek 
people  commences. 


Gate  of  Mycenae. 


CHAPTER  III. 


STATE    OF    SOCIETY    OF    THE    HEROIC    AGE. 

g  1.  Political  condition  of  Greece — the  Kings.  §  2.  The  Boule,  or  Coun- 
cil of  Chiefs.  §  3.  The  Agora,  or  general  assembly  of  freemen.  §  4. 
The  condition  of  common  freemen  and  slaves.  §  5.  State  of  social 
and  moral  feeling.  §  6.  Simplicity  of  manners.  §  Y.  Advances  made 
in  civilization.  §  8.  Commei-ce  and  the  arts.  §  9.  The  physical 
sciences.     §  10.  The  art  of  "war. 

M-  In  the  Heroic  age  Greece  was  already  divided  into  a  num- 
ber of  independent  states,  each  governed  by  its  own  king.  The 
authority  of  the  king  was  not  Hmited  by  any  laws  ;  his  power 
resembled  that  of  the  patriarchs  in  the  Old  Testament ;  and  for 
the  exercise  of  it  he  was  responsible  only  to  Jove,  and  not  to 
his  people.  It  was  from  the  Olympian  god  that  his  ancestors 
had  received  the  supremacy,  and  he  transmitted  it,  as  a  divine 
inheritance,  to  his  son.  He  had  the  sole  command  of  his  people 
in  war,  he  administered  to  them  justice  in  peace,  and  he  ofi'ered 
up  on  their  behalf  prayers  and  sacrifices  to  tlic  gods.  He  was 
the  general,  judge,  and  priest  of  his  people.  They  looked  up 
to  him  with  reverence  as  a  being  of  divine  descent  and  divine 
appointment  ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  was  obliged  to  possess 
personal  superiority,  both  of  body  and  mind,  to  keep  alive  this 
feehng  in  his  subjects.    It  was  necessary  that  he  should  be  brave 

C 


2fi  lllSTOl'wV  <>l"  f;UKi:clL  CiiAi".  III. 

in  Wiir,  wi.-k!  in  counsel,  Jin<l  cl(»<|ui'nt  in  dfluitf.  II  a  kinj^  Ixj- 
cumc  weak  in  Ixxly  or  ii'chlc  in  mind,  lu'  miM  not  *'.'i«ily  retain 
hia  puuitiun  ;  hut  as  loii)^  an  liiH  ]H'TMniii\  ({ualities  cuiinnanded 
tho  respect  of  liirf  HubjectH,  they  quietly  Huhniitted  to  artu  of  vio- 
lence and  ca])riee.  An  ample  domain  was  a.nsijrned  to  him  for 
his  support,  and  he  received  frecpii-nt  presents  to  avert  Km 
enmity  and  jrain  his  favor. 

Alllioufrli  the  kiiif,'  wa.s  not  restrained  in  the  exercise  of  hia 
power  hy  any  positive  laws,  there  were,  even  in  the  Herrnc  age, 
two  hodies  wliieli  must  ]>raetically  havi-  limited  hi.s  authority, 
and  wlii(di  heeame  in  repuhliean  (ireece  the  Bole  de|)o»itarie.s  of 
polilieal  ])o\ver.  These  were  the  Jif/ulf,  or  council  of  ehiefa, 
and  the  A^oni,  or  general  a.s.«eml)Iy  of  freemen. 

§  2.  The  king  wad  surrounded  hy  a  limited  nuridfor  of  nobles 
or  chiefs,  to  whom  the  title  oi'  Jinsi/ri/s  was  given,  as  well  as  to 
the  monarch  himself.  Like  the  king  they  traced  their  de.-^x-nt 
from  the  gods,  and  formed  his  JSoulc,  or  Council,  to  which  he 
announced  the  resolutions  he  liad  already  formed  and  from  Avhich 
he  asked  advice.  The  Boidc  possessed  no  veto  upon  the  measures 
of  the  king,  and  far  less  could  it  originate  any  measure  it.sclf. 
This  is  strikingly  shown  by  the  submissive  manner  in  which 
Nestor  tenders  his  advice  to  Agamemnon,  to  be  adopted  or 
rejected,  as  the  "king  of  men "  might  choose,*  and  by  the 
description  which  Homer  frequently  gives  of  the  meetings  of 
the  gods  in  Olympus,  which  are  evidently  taken  from  similar 
meetings  of  men  upon  earth.  In  heaven,  Jove,  like  the  Homeric 
king,  presides  in  the  council  of  the  gods  and  listens  to  their  ad- 
vice, but  forms  his  own  resolutions,  which  he  then  communi- 
cates to  them. 

k  3.  When  the  king  had  announced  liis  determination  to  the 
Council,  he  proceeded  with  his  nobles  to  the  Agora.  The  king 
occupied  the  most  important  seat  in  the  assembly  with  .he 
nobles  by  his  side,  while  tlie  people  sat  in  a  circle  around  them. 
The  king  opened  the  meeting  by  announcing  his  intentions,  and 
the  nobles  were  then  allowed  to  address  the  people.  But  no 
one  else  had  the  right  to  speak  ;  no  vote  was  taken  ;  the  people 
simply  listened  to  the  debate  between  the  chiefs ;  and  the  as- 
sembly served  only  as  a  means  for  promulgating  the  intention* 
of  the  king.  It  is  tnie  that  this  assembly  formed  a  germ,  out 
of  which  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  subsequently  sprang  ; 
but  in  the  Heroic  age  the  king  was  the  only  person  who  pos- 
sessed any  political  power,  and  Homer  cxju-ej^ses  the  general 
feeling  of  his  time  in  the  memorable  lines — "  The  rule  of  many 
is  not  a  good  thing  :  let  us  have  only  one  ruler,  one  king— him 
•  Iliad,  ix.  95-101. 


Chap.  IIL  SOCIETY  OF  THE  HEROIC  AGE.  27 

to  whom  Jove  has  givea  the  sceptre  and  the  authority."*  There 
was  another  important  purpose  tor  which  the  Agora  was  sum- 
moned. It  wa.s  in  the  Agora  that  justice  was  administered  by 
the  king,  sometimes  alone  and  sometimes  with  the  assistance  of 
his  nobles.  It  may  be  remarked  in  passing  that  this  public 
administration  of  justice  must  have  had  a  powerful  tendency  to 
check  corruption  and  secure  righteous  judgments. 

^  4.  The  Greeks  in  the  Heroic  age  were  divided  into  the  three 
classes  of  nobles,  common  freemen, f  and  slaves. |  The  nobles 
were  raised  far  above  the  rest  of  the  community  in  honour, 
power,  and  wealth.  They  were  distinguished  by  their  warlike 
prowess,  their  large  estates,  and  their  numerous  slaves.  The 
condition  of  the  general  mass  of  freemen  h  rarely  mentioned. 
They  possessed  portions  of  land  as  their  o\\ii  property,  which  they 
cultivated  themselves  :  but  there  was  another  class  of  poor  free- 
men, called  Thetes,  who  had  no  land  of  their  own,  and  who  worked 
for  hire  on  the  estates  of  others.  Among  the  freemen  we  find 
certain  professional  persons,  whose  acquirements  and  knowledge 
raised  them  above  their  class,  and  procured  for  them  the  respect 
of  the  nobles.  Such  were  the  seer,  the  bard,  the  herald,  and  like- 
wise the  smith  and  the  carpenter,  since  in  that  age  a  knowledge 
of  the  mechanical  arts  was  confined  to  a  few. 

Slavery  was  not  so  prevalent  in  the  Heroic  age  as  in  republican 
Greece,  and  it  appears  in  a  less  odious  aspect.  The  nobles  alone 
possessed  slaves,  and  they  treated  them  with  a  degree  of  kind- 
ness, which  frequently  secured  for  the  masters  their  affectionate 
attachment. 

^  5.  The  state  of  social  and  moral  feeling  in  the  Heroic  age 
presents  both  bright  and  dai'k  features.  Among  the  Greeks, 
as  among  every  people  which  has  just  emerged  from  bar- 
barism, the  family  relations  are  the  grand  sources  of  lasting 
union  and  devoted  attachment.  The  paternal  authority  was 
highly  reverenced,  and  nothing  was  so  much  dreaded  as  the 
curse  of  an  offended  father.  All  the  members  of  a  family  or 
a  clan  were  connected  by  the  closest  ties,  and  were  bound  to 
revenge  with  their  united  strength  an  ir^ury  offered  to  any  indi- 
vidual of  the  race.  The  women  were  allowed  greater  liberty 
than  they  possessed  in  republican  Greece ;  and  to  Penelope, 
Andromache,  and  other  women  of  the  Heroic  age  there  is 
an  interest  attaching,  which  we  never  feel  in  the  women  of 
the  historical  period.  The  wife  occupied  a  station  of  great  dig- 
nity and  influence  in  the  family,  but  was  purchased  by  her 
husband  from  her  parents  by  valuable  presents,  s^  a  custom  which 

*  Iliad,  ii.  203-206.  +  6r;fiog,  laoi. 

I  SficJEQ.  §  Called  le6va,  oi  h^va. 


28  HISTORY  OK  (UlEICOH  Cuap.  IIL 

provailfil  junonfj  tlu;  ancient  Jews  and  tho  barbarous  nationxof 
Gcriii.'iiiy.  In  tbc  Heroic  ape,  us  in  otbcr  early  Htajres  of  wK-iety, 
wo  find  ibc  Htr;ui^'<;r  treated  witb  piMierous  bo.H|iitality.  Tbo 
cliief  ■welcoiiHM  biin  to  hi«  bouse,  and  does  not  inipiire  bin  iiaino 
nor  tbe  objia-l  of  bis  journey  till  be  ban  placed  In-fore  biin  bis 
best  cbeiT.  If  ibe  stranger  comes  as  a  suppliant,  be  bas  a  Btill 
greater  claiin  ii|M)n  bis  bost — altbou^di  tbis  tie  may  ex{)ose  tbe 
latter  to  dillicully  and  dan<.'er,  and  may  even  \>nu^  ujKtn  bim  the 
liostility  of  a  more  |H»\verful  nei;.'iilM)ur  ;  fc^r  Jove  puni.>-bes  with- 
out mercy  tbe  man  wbo  disrefrards  tbe  prayer  of  a  suppliant. 

Tbe  tlireo  facts  wc  bave  mentioned — tbe  force  of  tbe  family 
relations,  bos])itality  to  tbe  stran^rer,  and  ]>rotection  to  tbe  suj>- 
pliant — form  tbe  bright  features  in  the  social  and  moral  feelings 
of  the  age.     We  now  turn  to  the  darker  side  of  tbe  picture. 

The  poems  of  Homer  represent  a  state  of  society  in  which  the 
protection  of  law  is  practically  unknown.  Tbe  chief  who  can 
not  defend  liimself  is  plundered  and  maltreated  by  bis  more  jiow- 
crful  neighbour.  The  occupation  of  a  pirate  is  reckoned  honoura- 
ble ;  homicidca  are  of  frequent  occurrence  ;  and  war  is  conducted 
with  the  mo.'^t  ferocious  cruelty.  (Quarter  is  rarely  given  ;  the 
fallen  foe  is  stripj)ed  of  his  armour,  which  becomes  the  spoil  of 
Ills  conqueror,  and  if  the  naked  corpse  remains  in  the  power  of" 
the  latter,  it  is  cast  out  to  beasts  of  prey.  The  poet  ascribes  to 
bis  greatest  heroes  savage  brutalities.  Achilles  sacrifices  twelve 
human  victims  on  the  tomb  of  Patroclus,  and  drags  the  corpse 
of  Hector  around  the  waUs  of  Troy,  while  the  Greek  chiefs  pierco 
it  with  their  spears. 

k  6.  The  society  of  the  Heroic  age  w-as  marked  by  simphcity 
of  manners.  The  kings  and  nobles  did  not  consider  it  derogatory 
to  their  dignity  to  acquire  skill  in  the  manual  arts.  Ulysses  Ls 
represented  as  building  his  own  bed-chamber  and  constructing 
his  own  raft,  and  he  boasts  of  being  an  excellent  mower  and 
ploughman.  Like  Esau,  who  made  savoury  meat  for  his  father 
Isaac,  the  Heroic  cliiefs  prepared  their  own  meals  and  prided 
themselves  on  their  skill  in  cookery.  Kings  and  private  persons 
partook  of  the  same  food,  which  was  of  tbe  simplest  kind.  Beef, 
mutton,  and  goat's  flesh  were  the  ordinary  meats,  and  cheese, 
flour,  and  sometimes  fruits,  also  formed  part  of  the  bancjuet. 
Bread  was  brought  on  in  baskets,  and  tlie  guests  were  supplied 
with  wine  diluted  with  water.  Before  drinkuig,  some  of  the  wine 
was  poureil  on  the  ground  as  a  libation  to  the  gods,  and  the 
guests  then  j)ledged  each  other  with  their  cups.  But  their  en- 
tertainments were  never  disgraced  by  intemperance,  like  those 
of  our  northern  ancestors.  The  enjoyment  of  the  banquet  was 
heightened  by  the  song  and  the  dance,  and  the  chiefs  took  more 


CiiAi'.  III.  SOCIETY  OF  THE  HEROIC  AGE.  29 

delight  in  the  lays  of  the  minstrel  than  in  the  exciting  influence 
of  the  wine. 

The  wives  and  daughters  of  the  chiefs,  in  like  manner,  did  not 
deem  it  beneath  them  to  discharge  various  duties  which  were 
afterward  regarded  as  menial.  Not  only  do  we  find  them  con- 
stantly employed  in  weaving,  spinning,  and  embroidery,  but  like 
the  daughters  of  the  patriarchs  they  fetch  water  from  the  well 
,  and  assist  their  slaves  in  washing  garments  in  the  river. 

^  7.  Although  the  Heroic  age  is  strongly  marked  by  martial 
ferocity  and  simplicity  of  habits,  it  would  be  an  error  to  regard 
it  as  one  essentially  rude  and  barbarous.  On  the  contrary,  the 
Greeks  in  this  early  period  had  already  made  considerable  ad- 
Tances  in  civilization,  and  had  successfully  cultivated  many  of 
the  arts  whicli  contribute  to  the  comfort  and  refinement  of  life. 
Instead  of  living  in  scattered  villages  like  the  barbarians  of  Gaul 
and  Germany,  they  were  collected  in  fortified  towns,  which  were 
surrounded  by  walls  and  adorned  with  palaces  and  temples. 
Tlie  houses  of  the  nobles  were  magnihceut  and  costly,  glittering 
with  gold,  silver,  and  bronze,  wliile  the  nobles  themselves  were 
clothed  in  elegant  garments  and  protected  by  highly  wrought 
armor.  From  the  Phoenician  merchants  they  obtained  the 
finest  products  of  the  Sidonian  loom,  as  well  as  tin,  iron,  and 
electrum.  They  traveled  with  rapidity  in  chariots  drawn  by 
high-bred  steeds,  and  they  navigated  the  sea  "with  ease  in  fifty- 
oared  galleys.  Property  in  land  was  transmitted  from  father  to 
son;  agriculture  was  extensively  practised,  and  vineyards  care- 
fully cultivated.  It  is  true  that  Homer  may  have  occasionally 
drawn  upon  his  imagination  in  his  brilliant  pictures  of  the  palaces 
of  the  chiefs  and  of  their  mode  of  living,  but  the  main  features 
must  have  been  taken  from  life,  and  we  possess  even  in  the  pres- 
ent day  memorials  of  the  Heroic  age  which  strikingly  attest  its 
gi'andeur.  The  remains  of  Mycena?  and  Tirj'iis  and  the  emis- 
saries of  the  lake  Copais  belong  to  this  period.  The  massive  ruins 
of  these  two  cities,  and  the  sculptured  lions  on  the  gate  of  My- 
cenae, still  excite  the  wonder  of  the  beholder.*  The  emissaries 
or  tunnels  which  the  inhabitants  of  Orchomenus  constructed  to 
carry  off  the  waters  of  the  lake  Copais  in  Bceotia,  are  even  more 
striking  proofs  of  the  civilization  of  the  age.  A  people  who  felt 
the  necessity  of  such  works,  and  who  possessed  sufficient  in- 
dustry and  skill  to  execute  them,  must  have  already  made  great 
advances  in  social  life.f 

^  8.   Commerce,  however,  was  little  cultivated,  and  was  not 

*  See  drawings  on  pp.  10,  25. 

f  One  of  these  tunnels  is  nearly  four  English  miles  in  longlh,  with 
numerous  shafts  let  down  into  it.     One  shaft  is  about  150  feet  deeii. 


80  IIISTOUV  OK  C.hKVA-K.  Cum:  III. 

much  o.^lci-tncil.  Il  w.iH  (U'CMK-d  inori!  iioiuutrahle  for  u  man  to 
(Micicli  liimsriri)y  i<il)lnTy  aii<l  |»irar-y  than  by  lln;  artiJ  of  |»care. 
Tli(f  tradi!  (ifllii-  .MrdiliTraiK^an  was  tliciicxflii.^ivcly  in  the  liarid.s 
of*  tilt)  IMidMiiciaii.^,  who  exfhaii^fd  th(!  roiiiin(Mliti(!,-s  of  the  Ea«t 
for  the  hiiid'-d  imulucr  ami  slavrs  of  the  (jn-ck  (diiirfri.  Coin- 
merco  was  cairii-d  on  hy  liarler  ;  for  coined  money  In  not  men- 
tioned in  the  jtocms  of  Homer.  Statuary  was  already  cultivated 
in  thi.s  af;e,  as  we  see  from  tlie  remains  of  Myeena-,  aln^ady  men- 
tioned ;  and  althonjrh  no  jjaintinfrs  are  HjK»ken  of  in  Homer,  yet' 
liid  de.scriptions  of  the  works  of  emhroidery  prove  that  liirt  con- 
temporaries must  have  been  acrpiaintf^d  with  the  art  of  design. 
W'lielher  the  Greeks  were  acquainted  at  this  early  jK-riod  with  the 
art  of  writinj;  is  a  (jucslion  tiiat  has  jriven  rise  to  much  dispute, 
and  which  will  demand  our  attention  when  wc  come  to  speak  of 
tlie  oriirin  of  the;  I  lomeric  poems.  Poetry,  however,  was  cultivated 
with  success,  thouj^h  yet  eonfmed  to  epic  strains,  or  the  narration 
of  the  exploits  and  adventures  of  the  Heroic  chiefs.  The  bard 
sung  his  own  song,  and  was  always  received  with  "welcome  and 
honor  in  the  palaces  of  the  nobles. 

^  9.  In  the  state  of  society  already  described,  men  had  not  yet 
begun  to  study  those  pluenoinena  ol" nature  which  fonn  the  ba^is 
of  the  physical  sciences.  They  conceived  the  earth  to  Ije  a  plane 
surface  surrounded  l)y  an  ever-tlowing  river  called  Oceanus,  from 
which  every  other  river  and  sea  derived  their  waters.  The  sky 
was  regarded  as  a  solid  vault  supported  by  Atlas,  who  kept 
heaven  and  earth  asunder.  Their  geographical  knowledge  wad 
confined  to  the  shores  of  Greece  and  Asia  Minor  and  the  principal 
islands  of  the  j-Egean  sea.  Beyond  these  limit.s  all  wa.s  uncer- 
tain and  ob.seure.  Italy  appears  to  have  been  unknown  to  Homer, 
and  Sicily  he  ])eo])les  with  the  fabulous  Cyclops.  Libya,  Egyjit, 
and  Pha'uicia  were  known  only  by  vagne  heai-say,  while  the 
Euxine  is  not  mentioned  at  all. 

^10.  In  the  battles  of  the  Heroic  age,  as  depicted  in  the  ptx-ms 
of  Homer,  the  chiefs  are  the  only  imjMJrtant  combatants,  while 
the  j)eople  are  introtluc-ed  as  an  almost  nseless  ma.ss,  frequently 
put  to  rout  by  the  jnowess  of  a  single  hero.  The  chief  is  mounted 
in  a  war-chariot  drawn  by  two  horses,  and  stands  by  the  side  of 
his  charioteer,  Avho  is  frequently  a  friend.  He  carries  into  battle 
two  long  spears,  and  wears  a  long  sword  and  a  short  dagger  ; 
liis  person  is  protected  by  shield,  helmet,  breast-plate,  and  greaves. 
In  the  Avars,  as  in  the  political  system,  of  the  Heroic  age,  the 
chiefs  are  every  thing  and  the  people  nothing. 


Hercules  and  Bull.    (From  a  bas-relief  in  the  Vatican.) 


I'  CHAPTER  IV. 


RETURN  OF  THE  HERACLID.E  INTO  PELOPONNESUS,  AND  FOUNDATION 
OF  THE  EARLIEST  GREEK  COLONIES. 

§  1.  The  mythical  character  of  the  narrative  of  these  events.  §  2. 
Migration  of  tlie  Boeotians  from  Thessaly  into  Bceotia.  §  3.  Con- 
quest of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians.  §  4.  The  legendary  account 
of  this  event.  The  invasion.  §  5.  The  legendary  account  continued. 
The  division  of  Peloponnesus  among  the  conquerors.  §  6.  Remarks 
upon  the  legendary  account.  §  7.  Foundation  of  the  Greek  colonies 
in  Asia  Minor.  §  8.  The  ^olic  colonies.  §  9.  The  Ionic  colonies. 
§  10.  The  Doric  colonies.  §  11.  Colonization  of  Crete  by  the  Dori- 
ans.    §  12.  Conclusion  of  the  Mythical  age. 

§  1.  At  the  commencement  of  Grecian  history  in  the  first  Olym- 
piad we  find  the  greater  part  of  Peloponnesus  occupied  by  tribes 
of  Dorian  conquerors,  and  the  western  shores  of  Asia  Minor  cov- 
ered by  Greek  colonies..  The  time  at  which  these  settlements 
were  made  is  quite  uncertain.  They  belong  to  a  period  long 
antecedent  to  all  historical  records,  and  were  known  to  the  Greeks 
cf  a  later  age  by  tradition  alone.  The  accounts  given  of  them  are 
evidently  fabulous,  but  at  the  same  time  these  stories  are  found- 
ed upon  a  basis  of  historical  truth.  That  Peloponnesus  was  at 
some  early  period  conquered  by  the  Dorians,  and  that  Greek 
colonies  were  planted  in  Asia,  are  facts  which  admit  of  no  dis- 


•M  IIISToItV  or  (illKKCM  CiiAJ-.  IV. 

j)iil(j  ;  Iml  wIicIIht  tin;  f()ii(|iu'st  ol'  PfloponnfsiiH  a.id  the  w>lo- 
iii/ation  of  Asia  Miimr  took  ]ilacc  in  the  iii:iiiii<-r  and  at  the 
tiiiio  ilert(!ril)ed  l»y  tlio  iiiiricnt  li.'>r«MulH,  irt  a  very  dilieront  quc»- 
tioii.  These  Ir^eiidfi  are  not  entitled  to  more  credit  than  thow; 
of  Hercules  and  Theseus,  alth<>ii((h  they  are  jiroved  in  tliese 
particidar  cases  to  liavc  been  l;ishioMe<l  out  of  real  events  ;  for, 
as  we  have  already  isaid,  it  is  iiiijK)ssihle  to  separate  the  histori- 
cal facts  IVdin  the  suhseqiient  einliellishiiients. 

^  2.  ]^L•Xl)V^i  relatiuf,'  the  coiujnest  of  Pr'lojKMinesus  by  tlie 
])orians,  we  inust  say  a  few  words  resjurtin^  an  earlier,  thoufrh 
I'jss  celebrated  iiii<,Tation,  namely,  that  of  the  I'Ki^otiana  from 
Thessaly  into  i^u-otia.  The  Thes.-ialians  were  a  rude  and  unciv- 
ilized race,  who  ori^jinally  dwelt  in  the  district  f>f  Kpiras  called 
Thesprolia,  from  which  they  mi<rrated  into  the  coinitry  named 
after  them,  Thessaly.  Tlie.<4;  Thcssalian  conquerors  either  su}>- 
dued  or  expelled  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  countrj'.  The 
Bujotians,  who  inhabited  the  fertile  district  of  ^-Eolis,  in  the 
centre  of  Thessaly,  wandered  soutliwards  into  the  country  called 
after  them  Bceotia,  where  they  drove  out  in  their  turn  the  ancient 
inhabitants  of  the  land.  According  to  mythical  clironology  this 
event  ha])pened  in  1 121  B.C.,  or  sixty  years  after  tlie  fall  of  Troy. 

^  3.  The  conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians  is  said  to 
have  taiien  ])lace  twenty  years  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Bujo- 
tiaus  from  The.-^saly,  and  was  accordingly  placed  in  1101  ii.c. 
AYe  have  already  seen  that  these  dates  are  of  no  liistorical  value ; 
and  the  Dorian  conquest  of  Peloponnesus  probably  took  place 
after  the  time  of  Homer,  since  neither  in  the  Iliad  nor  in  the 
Odyssey  do  we  fmd  any  traces  of  Dorians  in  Pelopoiuiesus.  The 
Dorians  were  a  warlike  tribe  iu  northern  Greece,  who  had  fre- 
quently changed  their  homes,  and  who  at  length  settled  in  a 
mountainous  district  between  Thessaly,  Locris,  and  Phoois. 
They  now  appear  for  the  first  time  in  Grecian  liistor}'.  They 
had  no  share  in  the  glories  of  the  Heroic  age  ;  their  name  does 
not  occur  in  the  Iliad,  and  tliey  are  only  once  mentioned  iu 
the  Odyssey  as  a  small  portion  of  the  many  tribes  of  Crete : 
but  they  were  destined  to  fonn  in  historical  times  one  of  the 
most  important  elements  of  the  Greek  nation.  Issuing  from 
their  mountain-fastnesses,  they  overraii  the  greater  part  of 
Peloponnesus,  destroyed  the  ancient  Aclia'an  monarcliies,  and 
exi)elle(l  or  reduced  to  subjection  the  original  iidiabitants  of  the 
land,  of  which  they  became  the  undisinited  masters.  This  brief 
statement  contains  all  that  we  know  for  certain  resjx'cthig  this 
celebrated  event.    ^Ve  now  proceed  to  give  the  mythical  account. 

§  4.  The  Dorians  were  led  to  the  conquest  of  Pelopomiesus 
by  the  Heraclidaj,  or  descendants  of  the  mighty  hero  Hercules. 


Chap.  IV.  RETURN  OF  THE  HERACLID^.  33 

Hence  this  migration  is  called  the  Return  of  the  Heraclidce. 
The  children  of  Hercules  had  long  been  fugitives  upon  the  earth. 
They  had  made  many  attempts  to  regain  possession  of  the  do- 
minions in  the  Peloponnesus,  of  which  their  great  sire  had  been 
deprived  by  Eurystheus,  but  hitherto  without  success.  In  their 
last  atteiupt  Hyllus,  the  son  of  Hercules,  had  perished  in  single 
combat  with  Echemus  of  Tegea  ;  and  tlie  Heraclida;  had  become 
bound  by  a  solemn  compact  to  renounce  their  enterprise  for  a 
hundred  years.  This  period  had  now  expired ;  and  the  great- 
grandsons  of  Hyllus — Temcnus,  Cresphontes,  and  Aristodcmus — 
resolved  to  make  a  fresh  attempt  to  recover  their  birthright. 
They  were  assisted  in  the  enterprise  by  the  Dorians.  This  people 
espoused  their  cause  in  consequence  of  the  aid  which  Hercules 
himself  had  rendered  to  the  Dorian  king,  iEgimius,  when  the 
latter  was  hard  pressed  in  a  contest  with  the  Lapithae.  The 
invaders  were  warned  by  an  oracle  not  to  enter  Peloponnesus  by 
the  Isthmus  of  Corinth,  but  across  the  mouth  of  the  Corinthian 
gulf  The  inhabitants  of  the  northern  coast  of  the  gulf  were 
favourable  to  their  enterprise.  Oxylus,  king  of  the  ^tolians, 
became  their  guide  ;  and  the  Ozolian  Locrians  granted  them  a 
port  for  building  their  fleet,  from  which  memorable  circiunstance 
the  harbour  was  soon  afterwards  called  Naupactus.*  Here  Aris- 
todemus  was  struck  with  lightning  and  died,  leaving  twin  sons, 
Eurysthenes  and  Procles  ;  but  his  remaining  brothers  ci'ossed  over 
the  gulf  in  safety,  landed  in  Achaia,  and  marched  against  Tisa- 
menus,  son  of  Orestes,  then  the  most  powerful  monarch  in  Pelo- 
ponnesus. A  single  battle  decided  the  contest.  Tisamenus  was 
defeated,  and  retired  with  a  portion  of  his  Achcean  subjects  to 
the  northern  coast  of  Peloponnesus,  then  occupied  by  the  lonians. 
He  expelled  the  lonians,  and  took  possession  of  tiie  country, 
which  continued  henceforth  to  be  inhabited  by  the  Achosans, 
and  to  be  called  after  them.  The  lonians  withdrew  to  Attica, 
and  the  greater  part  of  them  afterwards  emigrated  to  Asia  Minor. 

§  5.  The  Heraclida;  and  the  Dorians  now  divided  between  them 
the  dominions  of  Tisamenus  and  of  the  other  Achtean  princes. 
The  kingdom  of  Elis  was  given  to  Oxylus  as  a  recompense  for 
liis  services  as  their  guide ;  and  it  was  agreed  that  Temenus, 
Cresphontes,  and  the  infant  sons  of  Aristodemus  should  draw 
lots  for  Argos,  Sparta,  and  Messenia.  Argos  fell  to  Temenus, 
Sparta  to  the  sons  of  Aristodenms,  and  Messenia  to  Cresphontes. 

The  settlement  of  the  conquerors  in  their  new  -territories  is 

said  to  have  been  made  with  scarcely  any  oppcsiuon.      The 

Epeans,  who  inhabited  Elis,  submitttjd  to  Oxylus  and  his  ^Eto- 

*  From  vai'c,  "  a  ship,"  and  the  root  Tray,  -^-hich  occurs  Iti  ir^yvv/^i, 
■'fasten,"  "  build." 


84  HISTORY  OF  fJllEKCR  Cum:  J\ 

liaiirt  aflcr  their  kiii;^'  liad  Iht-ii  killed  in  Binglo  combat  hy  one  ol' 
the  iEtoliiui  rhiclrt.  From  lluH  lime  l\u;  J'^jxariH  diHupjMJur  from 
history,  and  thfir  iiiaci;  Ih  Hupplird  hy  tiic  J-^liaus,  who  are  re- 
j)r<'S4'iitt'd  as  (!('.-'<"i'iidanlH  of  the  yKtolian  ron(|iii-nirH. 

Thu  sliarc  of  Tfuicnurf  originally  coinprclH-ndi'd  only  Arium 
und  its  iuiMicdiute  nei^rhhourhiHid  ;  l)ut  his  sons  und  Huu^in-luw 
sucH't'ssivfly  ofcn])ied  Tru;zrn,  Epidaurus,  ^Egina,  Sicyon,  and 
I'hlius,  which  thus  becami;  Doric  states. 

The  sons  of  Aristodcnius  obtained  possession  of  Sparta  i*y 
the  treason  of  an  Acha-an  named  I'hilonomus,  who  received  as 
a  recompoiis<;  the  neifrhlionrin^r  town  and  territor)'  of  Amyclaj. 
The  towns  are  said  to  have  snbmilted  withont  resistance,  with 
the  exception  of  Helos,  the  inhabitants  of  which  were,  as  a 
piuiishment,  reduced  to  slavery,  thus  frivini,'  rise  to  the  class  of 
slaves  or  serfs  called  lb-lots. 

Messenia  yielded  to  Cresphontes  without  a  stnip^le.  Me- 
lanthus,  who  ruled  over  the  country  as  the  representative  of  the 
race  of  the  Pylian  Nestor,  withdrew  to  Attica  with  a  jjortion  of 
his  subjects. 

Corinth  was  not  conquered  by  the  Dorians  till  the  next  pcn- 
eration.  One  of  the  descendants  of  Hercules,  named  Hippotcs, 
had  put  to  death  the  seer  Camus,  when  the  Hcraclidui  were  on 
the  ])oint  of  embarking  at  Tsaupactus.  He  had  in  consequence 
been  banished  for  ten  years,  and  was  not  allowed  to  take  part 
in  the  enterj)rise.  His  son  Aletes,  who  derived  liis  name  from 
his  long  wanderings,  subsequently  attacked  Corinth  at  the  liead 
of  a  body  of  Dorians.  The  mighty  dynasty  of  the  Si.-yphids 
was  expelled,  and  many  of  the  .lilolian  iidiabitauts  emigrated 
to  foreign  lands. 

{  G.  Such  are  the  main  features  of  the  legend  of  the  Return  of 
the  Heraclida;.  In  order  to  make  the  story  more  striking  and  im- 
pressive, it  compresses  into  a  single  epoch  events  which  probably 
occupied  several  generations.  It  is  in  itself  improbable  that  the 
brave  Achteans  quietly  submitted  to  the  Dorian  invaders  after  a 
momentary  struggle.  ^Ve  have,  moreover,  many  indications  that 
such  was  not  the  fact,  and  that  it  was  only  gradually  and  after 
a  long  protracted  contest  that  the  Dorians  became  undisputed 
masters  of  the  greater  part  of  Peloponnesus.  The  imagination 
loves  to  assign  to  one  cause  the  residts  of  numerous  and  ditlercut 
actions.  Thus  in  our  own  histoiy  we  used  to  read  that  the  con- 
quest of  England  by  the  Normans  was  completed  by  the  battle 
of  Hastings,  in  which  Harold  fell,  whereas  we  now  know  that 
the  Saxons  long  continued  .to  oiler  a  fomiidable  resistance  to  the 
Nonnan  invaders,  and  that  the  latter  did  not  become  uudisputcd 
masters  of  the  countn,-  for  two  or  three  gcueratioiis. 


-4 


Chap.  IV.  COLONIES  IX  ASIA  MINOR.  35 

That  portion  of  the  ti-adition  which  makes  the  Dorians  con- 
ducted into  Peloponnesus  by  princes  of"  Achaean  blood,  may 
safely  be  rejected,  notwithstanding  the  general  belief  of  the  fact 
in  ancient  times.  The  Dorians,  as  we  have  already  seen,  were 
poor  in  mythical  renown  ;  and  it  w^ould  appear  that  the  royal 
lamily  at  Sparta,  though  of  Dorian  origin,  claimed  Hercules  as 
their  founder  in  order  to  connect  themselves  with  the  ancient 
glories  of  the  Achseau  race.  They  thus  became  the  representa- 
tives of  Agamemnon  and  Orestes  ;  and  in  the  Persian  war  the 
Spartans  on  one  occasion  laid  claim  to  the  supreme  command  of 
the  Grecian  forces  in  consequence  of  this  connexion.  "We  cannot 
err  in  supposing  the  story  to  be  a  fabrication  of  later  times, 
seeing  that  there  are  such  obvious  reasons  for  its  forgery,  and 
such  inherent  improbability  in  its  truth. 

^  7.  The  fomidation  of  the  Greek  colonies  in  Asia  Minor  is 
closely  connected  in  the  legends  with  the  conqviest  of  Pelopon- 
nesus by  the  Dorians.  There  is  nothing  improbable  in  the 
statement,  that  the  original  inhabitants,  who  had  been  dislodged 
by  the  invaders,  sought  new  homes  on  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor ; 
but  in  this  case,  as  in  the  conquest  of  Peloponnesus,  many 
separate  cccunences  are  unquestionably  grouped  into  one.  The 
stream  of  migi'ation  probably  continued  to  flow  across  the  ^Egean 
from  Greece  to  Asia  Minor  lor  several  generations.  New  adven- 
turers constantly  joined  the  colonists  who  were  already  settled 
in  the  country,  and  thus  in  course  of  time  the  various  Greek 
cities  Avere  founded,  which  were  spread  over  the  Avestern  coast 
of  Asia  Minor,  from  the  Propontis  on  the  north  to  Lycia  on  the 
south.  These  cities  were  divided  among  the  three  great  races  of 
.(Eolians,  lonians,  and  Dorians,  —  the  iEolians  occupying  the 
northern  portion  of  the  coast,  together  with  the  islands  of  Lesbos 
and  Tenedos,  the  lonians  the  central  part,  with  the  islands  of 
Chios,  Samos,  and  the  Cyclades,  and  the  Dorians  the  south- 
western comer,  with  the  islands  of  Rhodes  and  Cos. 

^  8.  The  ^olic  colonies  are  said  to  haA'e  been  the  earliest. 
Achseans,  who  had  been  driven  out  of  Peloponnesus  by  the 
Dorians,  were  led  by  their  native  princes,  the  descendants  of 
Orestes,  to  seek  new  homes  in  the  East.  In  Boeotia  tliey  were 
joined  by  a  part  both  of  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  country 
and  of  their  Boeotian  conquerors.  From  the  latter,  who  were 
TEoiians,  the  migi-ation  is  called  the  ^-Eolic,  but  sometimes 
also  the  Boeotian.  The  united  body  of  emigrants,  however,  still 
continued  under  the  command  of  the  Achaean  princes.  They 
embarked  at  the  port  of  Aulis,  from  which  Agamemnon  had 
sailed  against  Troy.  They  first  occupied  Lesbos,  where  they 
founded  six  cities ;   and  a  detachment  of  them  settled  on  the 


96       ,  HISTORY  OF  OKKECE.  Chai-.  IV. 

opposite  coaHt  of  Asia  Minor,  from  the  foot  of  Mount  Ida  to  the 
iiioiitli  oftlu;  river  lli-rinus.  Smyrna  waHnrijfiiialiyati  yTJoliccity, 
hut  it  iilUrrw.inls  pasM-d  into  the  haniln  of  the  loniani^.  In  the 
liistorical  tinier  ilwre  were  eleven  yEohc  citiea  on  the  mainland, 
but  of  these  (!ynie  w.xs  the  only  one  whirh  nt^e  to  iinjxirtance.* 

^  ".).  The  lonie  mi<rration  waH  more  im|H)rtaiit  than  the  i)ro- 
ce(liu;r  one,  and  fjave  rise  to  w»me  of  the  most  liourishin}^  cities 
in  the  Hellenic  world.  It  derived  it«  name  from  the  lonians, 
who  had  been  expi-jicd  hy  tin;  Aclia-ans  from  their  liomeH  on  the 
Corinthian  jrulf,  ami  had  taken  reliipc  in  Attica.  Tin;  lonians, 
however,  ai)j)ear  1o  have  formed  only  a  small  y)art  of  the  emi- 
grants. Inhabifaut.s  from  many  other  jiarts  of  (ireec*',  who  had 
been  driven  out  of  their  native  countries,  had  al.-o  fled  to  Attica, 
which  i.s  said  to  have  ailitrded  j)rotection  and  welcome  to  all 
these  fujjitivcs.  The  small  territory  of  Attica  could  not  per- 
manently support  this  increase  of  population  ;  and  accordingly 
these  strangers  resolved  to  follow  the  example  oi  the  .^olians 
and  seek  new  settlements  in  the  East.  They  were  led  by  princes 
of  the  family  of  Codnis,  the  last  king  of  Attica.  In  their  pas- 
sage across  the  JEgoan  sea  they  colonized  most  of  the  Cyclades; 
and  in  Asia  Minor  they  took  pos,<e.>sion  of  the  fertile  country 
from  the  Hermus  to  the  Ma'aiider,  which  was  henceforth  called 
Ionia,  and  also  of  the  neighbouring  islands  of  Chios  and  Samos. 
In  this  district  we  find  twelve  indei)endent  states  in  later  times, 
all  of  which  adopted  the  Ionic  name,  notwithstanding  the  diver- 
sity of  their  origin,  and  were  united  by  the  common  worship  of 
the  god  Poseidon  (Neptune)  at  the  great  Pan-Ionic  festival.! 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  these  cities  were  really  founded 
at  diiferent  ]>eriods  and  by  dilierent  emigrants,  although  their 
origin  is  ascribed  to  the  great  legendary  migration  of  wliich  we 
have  been  speaking,  and  which  is  referred  by  chronologists  to 
one  special  year,  1 10  years  after  the  Trojan  war. 

^  \0.  The  Doric  colonies  in  the  south-western  comer  of  Asia 
Minor  and  in  the  neighbouring  islands  may  be  traced  in  like 
manner  to  the  conquest  of  Pelopoiuiesus  by  the  Dorians.  In  the 
general  change  of  population  and  consequent  emigrations  caused 
by  this  important  event,  some  of  the  Doric  chiefs  were  also  in- 
duced to  quit  the  country  they  had  recently  subdued,  and  to 
lead  bodies  of  their  own  countrj-men  and  of  the  conquered 

•  The  names  of  tho  cloven  ..Eolic  eities  were — Cyme,  Temnos.  Lariscf^ 
Neon-Tichos,  ..Eirie.  Myrina.Gryniuni.l'illa,  Notium.  ,Ei;iroo5da,  I'itaue. 

f  Tile  names  of  tlio  twelve  loiiie  eitiis,  eiiumeraiod  from  soutli  to 
north,  wore  Miletu.s  M\  us  Priene,  Samos,  Kphesus,  Colophon,  Lebt-Jus, 
Teos,  Erythra\  Chios.  CluzomOnaj,  rhocaca.  To  these  twelve  Smyrna 
was  afterwards  added. 


Chap.  IV. 


COLONIES  IN  ASIA  MINOR. 


37 


Achaeans  to  Asia.  The  most  celebrated  of  the  Doric  migrations 
was  that  conducted  by  the  Argivc  Althsemenes,  a  descendant 
of  Temenus,  who,  after  leaving  some  of  his  followers  at  Crete, 
proceeded  with  the  remainder  to  the  island  of  Rhodes,  where  he 
jfbunded  the  three  cities  of  Lindus,  lalysus,  and  Carairus.  About 
the  same  time  Dorians  settled  in  the  neighbouring  island  of  Cos, 
and  founded  the  cities  of  Halicarnassus  and  Cnidus  on  the  main- 
land. These  six  colonies  tbrmed  a  confederation,  usually  called 
the  Doric  Hexapolis. 


Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies  in  Asia  Minor. 

21 P3HG 


88  llI.S'KJltY  or  GIIKECE.  Cuai-.  IV. 

4  11.  I)(iric  rolfinioH  wcrtj  alwj  foundctl  in  mythical  time*  in 
the  islands  uf  Crete,  Mel(>8,  and  Thera.  The  cjloni/ution  of 
Crete  more  pjirtieuhirly  dertc':-ve«  onr  attention,  on  arcoiuit  olthe 
tiiniilurity  of  thi*  institutiona  of  it.s  Jjoric  citieH  to  tho»»e  of  Spar^. 
There  were  J)(>rian.s  in  Cre«e  in  tlie  tinje  of  the  0(ly»(^•y,  but 
their  chief  nii^'rations  to  thib  island  took  place  in  the  third  j^enc- 
ralion  al'ler  their  eonriuest  of  I'eloponnehu.s.  Of  the»e  two  aro 
.('xpifsslv  iiii'ntii)ned,  one  conducted  under  the  auspices  of  Sparta, 
and  the  other  hy  the  Ar^ve  Altha;rnenes.  Of  the  latter  we  have 
already  spoken;  th»^  l()riner  consisted  rliiefly  of  Miiiyaus,  who 
liad  liciMi  settled  at  Ainycla- 1  y  the  Acha;an  I'hilonoiuus,  to  wliom 
the  S|)artaus  had  frrauled  this  city  on  account  of  his  treachery, 
as  lias  been  already  related.  These  ^Miny.n.ns  haviuf,'  revolted 
against  Sj)arta,  were  .«eut  out  of  the  coiuitry  as  eiuifrrants,  but 
aceoiupauied  hy  many  Spartans.  Tfey  sailed  towards  Crete,  and 
in  their  pa.'isaf^e  settled  sonic  of  thoir  nutnbcr  in  the  i-sland  of 
Melos,  wliich  remained  faithful  to  Laceda-inon  even  in  the  time 
of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  In  Crete  they  founded  tiortyn  and 
Lyctus,  which  are  mentioned  as  Spartan  colonies.  The  Doric 
colonists  in  Crete  were  anxious  to  connect  themselves  with  the 
mythical  glories  of  Minos,  and  consequently  a.scribed  their  jxjlitical 
and  social  institutions  to  this  celebrated  hero.  Hence  the  tra- 
dition aro.<e  that  the  S|)artan  institutions  were  borrowed  by 
Lycurgus  from  those  of  Crete  ;  but  it  seems  more  probable  that 
their  similarity  was  owing  to  their  common  origin,  and  that  the 
Dorians  of  Crete  brought  I'rom  the  mother-country  usages  which 
they  sought  to  hallow  by  the  revered  name  of  Minos. 

^  12.  The  lleturn  of  the  Heraclida;  and  the  foundation  of  the 
above-mentioned  ct)lonies  form  the  conclusion  of  the  Mythical 
Age.  From  this  time  to  the  commencement  of  authentic  history 
in  the  first  01ymj)iad,  there  is  a  period  of  nearly  three  liundred 
years,  according  to  the  common  chroiiologi,-.  Of  this  long  jieriod 
■we  have  scarcely  any  record.  But  this  ought  not  to  excite  our 
surprise.  The  subjects  of  mythical  narrative  arc  drawn,  not 
from  recent  events,  but  from  aA  imaginary  past,  which  is  sup- 
posed to  be  separated  from  the  present  by  an  indefinite  munber 
of  years.  Originally  no  attempt  was  made  to  assign  any  par- 
ticular date  to  the  grand  events  of  the  Mythical  Age.  It  was 
sullicient  for  the  earlier  Greeks  to  believe  that  their  gods  and 
heroes  were  removed  from  them  by  a  vast  number  of  generations ; 
and  it  was  not  till  a  later  time  that  the  literary  men  of  Greece 
endeavoured  to  count  backwards  to  the  ilythical  Age,  and  to 
aifix  dates  to  the  chief  events  in  legendary  Greece. 


QIKOYMENH    XPONOIIAIAZO^Y^ZElAQMIiPOS    MYGOI 
Homer  enthroned. 


L 


kjJi 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE    POEMS  OF  HOMER. 


§  1.  Importance  of  the  subject.  §  2.  Rise  of  poetry  in  Greece.  Epio 
ballads  preparatory  to  the  Epopee.  §  3.  The  poems  of  the  Epic  Cycle, 
in  which  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  -were  included.  §  4.  Diversity  of 
opinions  respecting  the  life  and  date  of  Homer.  §  5.  Iliad  and  Odyssey 
recited  to  public  companies  by  the  Rhapsodists.  §  6.  A  standard  text  of 
the  poems  first  formed  by  Pisistratus.  §  1.  Modern  controversy  respect- 
ing the  origin  of  the  Homeric  poems.  Prolegomena  of  Wolf.  §  8.  Tho 
Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  were  originally  not  committed  to  writing. 
§  9.  They  were  preserved  by  the  Rhapsodists.  §  10.  The}'  did  not 
consist  originally  of  separate  lays,  but  were  composed  by  one  poet, 
as  is  shown  by  their  poetical  unity. 

k  1.  No  history  of  Greece  would  be  complete  witliout  some 
account  of  the  poems  of  Homer,  and  of  the  celebrated  contro- 
versy to  which  they  have  given  rise  in  modern  times.  Homer 
was  called  by  the  Greeks  themselves  The  Poet.  The  Iliad  and 
the  Odyssey  were  the  Greek  Bible.  They  were  the  ultimate 
standard  of  appeal  on  all  matters  of  religious  doctrine  and  early 


40  IIISTOIIV  OF  fMlKKCH  Chap.  V. 

histnry.  Tliey  wen'  liiirnt  l>y  Utya  at  w;licx»l,  ihey  were  the 
Blutly  of  men  in  llirir  rijxir  ycare,  and  even  in  the  time  of 
S()<Tuti-rt  llicrc  were  Athenian  pcntlcmon  who  could  n'lH.'at  both 
jKH'iii.s  liy  liearl.  In  whatever  part  «<f  the  ancient  world  a  (ireek 
Buttled,  he  <airii'<l  with  him  a  love  for  the  (rrejit  jKM-t  ;  and  lon^^ 
after  the  (Jreck  ])eoj)le  had  lout  their  indejwndi-iK-e  the  Iliad  and 
tin-  Odvssey  continued  to  maintain  an  undimini.-hed  hold  ujHjri 
their  alli'clions.  No  production  of  pmfane  literature  lias  exer- 
cised so  wide  and  lonj^  continuid  an  inliuence,  and  consefjuently 
the  history  «)f  these  poems  demands  and  deserveg  our  earel'ul 
attention. 

^ 'J.  The  orifjin  of  the  Iliad  ;ind  the  Odyggcy  cannot  Ix"  under- 
stood without  a  sliort  account  of  the  ri.sc  f)f  jK)etr)'  in  (ireece. 
AmoufT  the  Greeks,  as  among  all  other  nations,  poetry  was  cul- 
tivated heforc  ]  rcsc.  The  lir.st  poetical  comjK)sition8  ajjjK'ar 
to  have  been  liymiis  addressed  to  the  pods,  or  Bini])lc  ballads 
recounting  the  adventures  and  exploits  of  s<jmc  favourite  hero. 
We  have  already  seen  that  the  Greeks  of  the  Heroic  ape  were 
passionately  fond  of  poetrj',  and  that  the  entertainments  of  the 
nobles  were  eidivened  by  the  songs  of  the  bard.  Originally 
these  songs  appear  to  liave  been  shcrt  unconnected  lays.  They 
may  be  regarded  as  cj)ic  poems  in  the  more  indefmitc  sense 
of  the  term,  since  thev  per])etuated  and  adorned  the  mernorj- 
of  great  men  or  great  deeds.  The  next  important  step  in  the 
progress  of  popidar  jmetry  was  to  combine  the.«e  separate  epi- 
cal songs  into  one  comjirehensive  whole.  Such  a  poem  may 
be  called  an  IDpopee,  and  presents  a  much  more  advanced  state 
of  the  art.  It  requires  genius  of  a  far  higher  order,  a  juiwer  of 
combination  and  construction,  not  needed  in  poems  of  tlie  fomier 
class.  Short  epical  poems  appear  to  have  existed  before  the 
time  of  Homer,  as  we  may  infer  from  the  Lay  of  the  Trojan 
Horse,  sung  by  the  bard  Dcmodocus  in  the  Odyssey  ;  but  the 
constraction  of  the  epopee,  or  the  epic  jioem  in  the  nobler 
sense,  is  probably  to  be  attributed  to  the  genius  cf  Homer. 

^  3.  There  was  a  large  number  of  these  epic  j)oems  extent  in 
antiquity.  "We  know  the  titles  of  more  than  thirty  of  them. 
Their  subjects  were  all  taken  from  the  Greek  legends.  They 
were  arranged  by  the  granuiiarians  of  Alexandria,  about  the 
second  century  before  the  Christian  era,  in  a  chronological  .series, 
beginning  with  the  intermarriage  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  and  con- 
cluding with  the  death  of  Ulysses  by  the  hands  of  his  son  Tele- 
gonus.  This  collection  was  known  by  the  name  of  the  Epic  Cycle, 
and  the  poets  whoso  works  formed  part  of  it  were  called  Cyclic 
poets.  The  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  wore  comprised  in  the  Cycle, 
and   consequently  the  name  of  Cyclic  poet  did  not  originally 


Chap.  V.  POEMS  OF  HOMER.  41 

carry  with  it  any  association  of  contempt.  But  as  the  best 
poems  in  the  Cycle  were  spoken  of  by  themselves  or  by  the 
titles  of  their  separate  authors,  the  general  name  of  Cyclic  poets 
came  to  be  applied  only  to  the  worst,  especially  as  many  of  the 
inferior  poems  in  the  Cycle  appear  to  have  been  anonymous. 
Hence  we  can  understand  why  Horace*  and  others  speak  in 
such  disparaging  terms  of  the  Cyclic  writers,  and  how  the  infe- 
riority of  the  Cyclic  poems  is  contrasted  with  the  excellence  of 
the  Iliad  and  the  OdA'ssey,  although  the  latter  had  been  originally 
included  among  them. 

§  4.  All  these  poems  are  now  lost  with  the  exception  of  the 
Iliad  and  the  Odyssey,  which  stood  out  prominently  above  all 
the  others.  Throughout  the  flourishing  period  of  Greek  litera- 
ture these  unrivalled  works  were  universally  regarded  as  the  pro- 
ductions of  a  single  mind.  At  a  later  time  some  of  the  Alex- 
andrine grammarians  attributed  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  to 
two  different  authors,  but  this  imiovation  in  the  popular  belief 
was  never  regarded  with  much  favour,  and  obtained  few  converts.! 
Although  antiquity  was  nearly  unanimous  in  ascribing  the  Iliad 
and  Odyssey  to  Homer,  there  was  very  little  agreement  respect- 
ing the  place  of  his  birth,  the  details  of  his  life,  or  the  time 
in  which  he  lived.  Nor  is  this  sui'prising.  His  poems  were 
the  productions  of  an  age  in  which  writing  was  either  totally 
unknown  or  at  all  events  little  practised,  and  which  was  un- 
accustomed to  anything  like  historical  investigation.  Seven 
cities  laid  claim  to  his  birth,  i  and  most  of  them  had  legends  to 
tell  respecting  his  romantic  parentage,  his  alleged  blindness,  and 
his  life  of  an  itinerant  bard  acquainted  with  poveity  and  sorrow. 
It  cannot  be  disputed  that  he  was  an  Asiatic  Greek  ;  but  this 
is  the  only  fact  in  his  life  which  can  be  regarded  as  certain. 
Several  of  the  best  writers  of  antiquity  supposed  him  to  have 
been  a  native  of  the  island  of  Chios,  where  there  existed  a 
poetical  gens  or  fraternity  of  Homerids,  who  traced  their  descent 
from  a  divine  progenitor  of  this  name.  Most  modern  scholars 
believe  Smyrna  to  have  been  his  birth-place.  The  discrepancies 
respecting  his  date  are  no  less  worthy  of  remark.  The  different 
epochs  assigned  to  him  oficr  a  diversity  of  nearly  500  years. 
Herodotus  places  Homer  400  yeai'S  before  himself,  according  to 

*  "Xec  sic  ineipies,  ut  scriptor  eyclicus  olim." — Ilor.  Ars  Poet. 
137. 

f  The  grammarians,  who  maintaiiiod  the  separate  origin  of  the 
Iliad  and  Odyssey,  were  called  Chorbsontcs  (j^w^/fovref)  or  Separa- 
tists. 

\       Smyrna,  Chios,  Colophon,  Salamis,  Rhodos,  Argos,  Athenae, 
Orbis  de  patria  certat.  Homered  tua. 


42  lllSTORV  OF  UUEKCM  Chap,  V. 

wliicli  111!  would  liav«  lived  about  B.C.  H50.  Tlii.s  date,  or  a  little 
latiT,  ajipoarrt  more  pnibabl';  than  any  otlier.  He  muxt  be  placed 
bfli)rt!  the  lirst  Oiyiiipiad,  or  n.c.  770  ;  while  iJ'we  hu]i]M)h;  him 
to  have  lived  vt-ry  Umfj^  before  that  ••|KM;h,  it  lxTorn«-H  hldl  more 
woiiderlul  that  hi.s  poemH  niiould  have  come  down  from  Huch  an 
age  and  .society  to  hi.<torical  tiiiie.^. 

^  /».  The  mode  in  which  the.-^e  |M)ein.H  wen;  jjreserved  has  wca- 
sioned  fjreat  controversy  in  modern  time.s.  On  ihiH  jM»int  wc 
Hliall  fjH'uk  jire.><enlly  ;  but  even  if  they  were  coimnilted  to 
"writinfi  by  the  poet  himsell.  and  were  bunded  down  to  {Kmterity 
in  this  manner,  it  i.s  certain  that  they  were  rarely  read.  Wc 
must  endeavor  to  realize  tie  dilierence  between  ancient  Greece 
and  our  own  times.  J)urin«i  the  most  (iourishinfr  period  of 
Athenian  literature  manu.^eripts  were  indilitTently  written,  with- 
out division  into  part.s  and  \.  ilhout  marks  ot  punctuation.  They 
were  scarce  and  costly,  could  oidy  be  obtained  by  the  wealthy, 
and  only  read  by  those  who  had  had  considerable  literary  train- 
inj^.  Under  these  circumstances  the  Greeks  could  never  become 
a  readin};  people  ;  and  thus  the  great  mass  even  ol'  the  Athenians 
became  acquainted  with  thj  productions  of"  the  leading  poets  of 
Greece  only  by  hearing  them  recited  at  their  solemn  festivals  and 
on  other  public  occasions.  This  was  more  strikingly  the  case  at 
an  eailier  period.  The  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  were  not  read 
by  individuals  in  private,  but  were  sung  or  recited  at  festivals 
or  to  assembleil  companies.  They  were  addres.-ed  to  the  ear 
and  feelings  of  a  sympathizing  multitude  ;  and  much  of  tlie 
impression  which  they  produced  must  have  been  owing  to  the 
talent  of  the  reciter,  and  would  have  disappeared  altogether  in 
solitary  reading.  The  baru  originally  sung  his  own  lays  to  the 
accomjtanimeut  of  his  lyre.  He  was  succeeded  by  a  body  of  pro- 
fessional reciters,  called  Kliapsodists,*  who  rehearsed  the  pncms 
of  others.  They  employed  no  musical  accoin])animent,  and  de- 
pended solely  for  ellect  upon  voice  and  manner.  They  travelled 
from  town  to  town,  bearing  in  their  bands  a  laurel  branch  or 
wand  as  their  badge  of  otiicc  ;  and  many  of  them  seem  to  have 
acquired  great  excellence  in  their  art.  \Ve  do  not  know  at  what 
time  the  rhapsodist  succeed.'d  to  the  bard;  but  the  class  rf  pro- 
fessional reciters  must  have  arisen  as  epic  poetr)'  ceased  to  be 
produced  ;  and  it  is  certain  that  before  the  time  of  i>olon  tlie 
epic  poems  were  recited  exjlusively  by  the  llhapsodists,  either 

*  TIki  etymology  of  the  word  KLnjisoilist  (/JaV'w''°f)  '=*  uncertain ;  some 
deriving  it  from  the  stiilf  or  wirid  of  ottice  {Jxhido^.  or  fia-ir).  and  others 
from  fxirrrny  ii<)/(5/}i'  t«»  iK-noto  the  coupling  together  of  vei^e*  witliout 
any  consideralile  pause?, — the  even,  unbroken  llow  of  the  epic  poem  aa 
pontr'*sted  with  Ivric  verses. 


Chap.  V.  POEMS  OF  HOMER.  43 

in  short  fragments  before  private  companies,  or  as  continuous 
poems  at  public  festivals. 

^6.  In  early  times  the  Rhapsodists  appear  to  have  had  ex- 
clusive possession  of  the  Homeric  poems.  But  in  the  seventh 
century  before  the  Christian  era  literaiy  culture  began  to  prevail 
among  the  Greeks  ;  and  men  of  education  and  v/ealth  were 
naturally  desirous  of  obtaining  copies  of  the  great  poet  of  the 
nation.  From  this  cause  copies  came  to  be  circulated  among 
the  Greeks  ;  but  most  of  them  contained  only  separate  portions 
of  the  poems,  or  single  rhapsodies,  as  they  were  called.  Entire 
copies  of  such  extensive  works  must  have  been  very  rare  at  this 
early  period  of  literature.  The  way  in  which  the  separate  parts 
should  be  arranged  seems  to  have  given  rise  to  some  dispute ; 
and  it  was  tbund  that  there  were  numerous  variations  in  the 
text  of  different  copies.  Tbe  very  popularity  and  wide  exten- 
sion of  the  poems  contributed  to  the  corruption  of  the  text.  Since 
the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  were  the  recognized  standard  of  early 
history  and  mythology,  each  tribe  was  anxious  that  honourable 
mention  should  be  made  of  their  heroes  and  their  race  in  these 
poems,  and  endeavoured  to  supply  such  omissions  by  interpo- 
lating passages  favourable  to  themselves.  The  Rhapsodists  also 
introduced  alterations,  and  in  order  to  gratify  their  vanity  in- 
serted lines  of  their  own  composition.  From  these  causes,  as 
well  as  from  others,  we  can  easily  account  for  the  variations 
found  in  the  text  by  the  reading  class  which  began  to  be  formed 
in  the  seventh  century.  The  discovery  of  these  varieties  na' 
turally  led  to  measures  for  establishing  a  standard  text  of  the 
national  poet.  Solon  is  said  to  have  introduced  impi-oved  regu- 
lations for  the  public  recitations  of  the  poems  at  the  Atheriian 
festivals  ;  but  it  is  to  Pisistratus,  the  tyrant  or  despot  of  Athens, 
that  the  great  merit  is  ascribed  of  collecting  and  arranging  the 
poems  in  their  present  form,  in  order  that  they  might  be  recited 
at  the  great  Panathenaic  festival  at  Athens.  It  is  expressly 
stated  by  Cicero*  that  Pisistratus  is  "reputed  to  have  arranged 
the  books  of  Homer,  previously  in  a  state  of  confusion,  in  the 
form  in  which  we  now  possess  them  ;"  and  this  statement  is 
supported  by  the  testimony  of  other  ancient  writers.  From  this 
time  therefore  (about  b.c.  530)  we  may  conclude  that  the  Greeks 
possessed  a  standard  text  of  their  great  poet,  which  formed  the 
basis  of  all  subserpient  editions. 

^  7.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  whole  of  antiquity,  with 
scarcely  an  exception,  regarded  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  as  the 
productions  of  the  one  poet,  called  Homer.  This  opinion  con- 
tinued to  be  held  by  almost  all  modem  scholars  down  to  tho 
*  De  Oratore,  iii.  34. 


44  lIISTOIl^    <»l    (.1:1,1.(1  Chap.  V, 

yoftr  17'.>''»,  wlirii  the  rclchnilcd  (icrriiuri  I'rofcHKir,  F.  A.  Wolf, 
j)iil»liKliiMl  lii.s  I'mh^Diiiriiii,  or  I'rcl'atory  iOs.-ay  1o  ihc  Iliad.  In 
tliirt  work  he  iiiaiiil.iiiicd  the  Htarllirifj  liy|K)tlu'.siH  that  iifith<'r 
tht-i  Iliad  nor  the  Udynwy  waH  coiiiiMmcd  as  a  (hstiiict  wliolc,  but 
tlial  IIk'V  ori^Miially  roii.si.stcd  ol  hcparalo  cjiical  halladx,  each  coii- 
Btiliitiii;,'  a  single  poem,  and  that  tlic.'*c  scparatf.-  lays,  whitdt  had 
no  coiiiinoti  j)ur]K).s('  nor  lixcd  arran^'cmcnt,  wen;  lor  the  tir»t 
time  reduced  to  vvritiu'^and  llirmed  into  llie  two  jrreat  jKH*m.s  of 
the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  liy  Pisi.stratus  and  his  Iriends.  Stranpe 
and  startlin<?  as  this  theory  seems,  it  was  not  entirely  new.  The 
Buhstance  of  it  had  been  already  ])ropounded  by  Vino,  a  Neajjo- 
litan  writer  ol"  great  originality,  and  by  our  own  great  countr)'- 
man  Beutley  ;*  but  their  ojunions  had  not  been  siijtported  by 
argumenis,  and  were  soon  Ibrgotlcn.  Aceordingly  the  publi- 
cation of  Wolf's  E.ssay  took  the  whole  literarj'  world  by  sur- 
prise, and  scarcely  any  book  in  modern  times  ha-s  elfeeted  so 
complete  a  revolution  in  the  opinions  of  scholars  Even  thrwe 
wdio  were  the  most  opposed  to  his  views  have  had  their  own 
opinions  to  some  extent  modified  by  the  argiuiients  which  he 
brought  linward,  and  no  one  has  been  able  to  establish  the 
old  doctrine  in  its  original  integrity.  It  i.s  impossible  in  the 
present  work  to  enter  into  the  details  of  the  controversy  to 
which  Wolfs  Es.say  has  given  rise.  We  can  oidy  endeavour  to 
give  a  sketch  of  his  princijial  arguments  and  of  the  chief  objec- 
tions of  his  opponents,  stating  at  the  same  time  the  opinion  which 
seems  to  us  the  most  probable. 

k  8.  The  first  argument  which  Wolf  brought  forward  to  sup- 
port his  position  was,  that  no  written  copies  of  the  Iliad  and 
the  Odyssey  could  be  shown  to  have  existed  during  the  earlier 
times  to  which  their  composition  is  referred,  and  that  without 
"writing  such  long  and  complicated  works  could  neither  have  been 
comjKised  nor  transmitted  to  jwsterity.  In  order  to  prove  this 
he  entered  into  a  minute  discu-^^sion  concerning  tlie  age  of  the 
art  of  writing.  It  is  sulHcient  to  state  here  a  few  of  the  more 
important  re.-ults  at  which  he  arrived.  In  early  tiuK^^  the  Greeks 
had  no  easy  and  convenient  materials  fcr  writing,  such  as  must 
have  been  indisjiensable  for  long  manuscripts  like  the  Ihad  aud 
the  Odyssey.  Moreover  the  traces  el  writing  in  Greece  are  ex- 
ceedingly rare,  even  in  the  seventh  cent un' before  the  Christian 
era.  and  we  have  no  remaining  iuscrij)tious  earlier  than  the  10th 

*  Vioo  <lio(l  ill  1744.  The  words  of  ]>ontley  nro:  "Iloinor  ■wrote  a 
sequel  of  soiiir*  and  rliapsodios,  to  bo  .<iinir  I'V  liiin#clf,  for  small  earnings 
and  good  eliecr,  at  festivals  and  other  ilays  of  nierriniont ;  the  Iliad  ho 
made  for  the  men,  the  (.>dyssies  for  the  other  sex.  The>o  loose  songs  were 
not  collected  together  into  the  form  of  an  epic  poem  until  bOO  years  after." 


Chap.  V  POEMS  OF  HOMER.  45 

Olympiad  (b.c.  620).  In  the  Homeric  poems  themselves  there  is 
not  a  single  trace  of  the  art  of  writing.*  We  find  no  mention  of 
any  epitaph  or  inscription  ;  coins  are  unknown,  and  even  the 
supercargo  of  a  ship  has  no  written  list  of  his  cargo,  hut  is  ohliged 
to  remember  it.f  In  addition  to  this  the  absence  of  the  letter 
called  Digamma  in  the  text  of  the  poems  is  a  strong  proof  that 
they  were  not  originally  committed  to  writing.  This  letter  ex- 
isted at  the  time  of  the  composition  of  the  poems,  and  was  con- 
stantly employed  by  the  poet,  but  it  had  entirely  vanished  from 
the  language  when  they  were  first  WTitten. 

§  9.  It  seems  therefore  necessary  to  admit  the  former  part  ol 
Wolf's  first  argument,  that  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey  were  original- 
ly not  written  ;  but  does  it  therelbre  follow  that  without  this 
means  such  long  poems  covild  neither  have  been  composed  noi 
handed  down  to  posterity  ?  These  two  questions  are  not  neces- 
sarily connected,  though  they  have  been  usually  discussed  to- 
gether. Those  wdio  have  maintained  the  original  unity  of  the 
Ihad  and  Odyssey  in  opposition  to  Wolf  have  generally  thought 
it  incumbent  upon  them  to  prove  that  the  poems  were  written 
from  the  beginning.  But  this  appears  to  us  quite  unnecessary. 
In  the  present  day  the  memory  has  become  so  much  weakened 
by  the  artificial  aid  of  writing  that  it  may  be  difficult  for  us  to 
conceive  of  the  production  of  a  long  work  without  such  assistance. 
But  there  is  nothing  impossible  in  it.  Even  modern  poets  have 
composed  long  poems  and  have  preserved  them  faithfully  in  their 
memories  before  conmiitting  them  to  writing.  It  must  also  be 
recollected  that  poetry  was  the  profession  of  the  ancient  bards ; 
that  it  was  not  the  amusement  of  their  leisure  hours,  but  that  they 
devoted  to  it  all  the  energies  of  their  hearts  and  souls.  The  poems 
which  they  thus  composed  were  treasured  up  in  the  memories 
of  their  faithful  disciples,  and  were  handed  down  to  posterity  by 
the  Rhapsodists,  whose  lives  were  also  devoted  to  this  object. 
The  recollection  of  these  poems  was  rendered  easier  by  the  sim- 
ple nature  of  the  story,  by  the  easy  structure  of  the  verse,  by  the 
frequent  recurrence  of  the  same  words,  phrases,  and  similes,  and 
by  the  absence  of  abstract  ideas  and  reflective  thoughts.  Accord- 
ingly we  believe  that  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  might  have  been 
composed  and  might  have  been  handed  down  to  posterity  with- 
out being  written. 

MO.  The  second  argument  employed  by  Wolf  to  maintain  his 
hypothesis  was  derived  from  an  examination  of  the   Iliad   and 

*  Tlie  only  passage  in  which  letters  are  supposed  to  be  mentioned  is 
in  the  Iliad,  vi.  168,  but  here  the  arniara  /.vypu  are  supposed  by  Wolf 
and  others  to  signify  pictorial  and  not  alphabetical  characters. 

I  He  is  (poQTov  /xvjj/xuv.     Odyss.  viii.  164. 


4A 


iiiyruuv  <>i  <.Ki;i,<  K. 


(  irAi-   V 


OdyHMcy  ihcmsflvrs.  He  ondeavoun-d  to  chow  that  the  only 
unity  of  the  ]»o<'in«  arixcH  IVoin  their  snhjeetH,  aiirl  that  the  nii- 
nu'i'otiii  contrathciioii.s  i'onnd  in  thctn  ](l.'iinly  ]irov(;  that  they 
poiild  not  liave  l)eeii  the  pnuhicticnH  of  a  single  rnind.  The 
Trojan  war  and  the  wanderings  of  lllyswen,  he  reinarkH,  liad 
Ibrined  thr  s-dijects  of  nntneroii.s  epir  ballads,  and  it  ytua  (»nly 
because  they  hail  ha|)|))-ned  to  fit  into  one  anothrT  that  they  were 
combined  into  two  eoinprehensive  jK>eins  by  Pisistratii«  and  his 
literary  friends.  A  modern  diseijile  ol  his  whfKil  has  jrone  w)  far 
as  to  attempt  to  resolve  the  J'lad  into  the  orifrinal  independent 
lays  out  of  which  he  suppose  the  poem  to  have  been  formed. 
Now  it  is  evident  that  this  f|uestion  can  only  be  settled  by  a 
minute  examination  of  the  strneture  of  the  j)ocm8,  for  which 
there  is  no  space  in  the  j)rescnt  work.  Wc  can  only  state  that 
the  best  modem  scholars,  with  ven»'  few  exceptions,  have  cornc 
to  a  conclusion  directly  contrary  to\Volf's  darinnr  theory.  Some 
of  the  ablest  critics  in  modern  times  have  directed  their  attention 
to  this  subject,  and  while  they  have  not  denied  the  existence  of 
interpolations,  more  or  less  extensive,  in  both  poems,  the  peneral 
re.-Jiilt  has  been  to  e.<tablish  their  poetical  unity,  and  to  vindicate 
their  claim  to  be  the  greatest  models  of  the  epic  art. 


Biist  cf  Holier. 


Primitive  Vessels  from  Athens  and  Argos. 

BOOK  IT. 

GROWTH  OF  TPI£  GRECIAN  STATES. 

B.C.  776—500. 


i   CHAPTER  VI. 

GENERAL    SURVEY    OF    THE    GREEK    PEOPLE. 

§  1.  Nature  of  the  subject.  §2.  The  chisf  ties  which  bound  the  Greeks 
together.  Community  of  blood  and  of  language.  §3.  Community  of 
religious  rites  and  festivals.  §4.  The  Amphictyonic  Council.  §  5.  The 
Olympic  games.  §  6.  The  Pythian,  .Nemean,  and  Isthmian  games. 
§  7.  The  influence  of  these  festivals.  §  8.  Influence  of  the  oracle  of 
Apollo  at  Delphi.  §9.  Community  of  manners  and  character.  §10. 
The  independent  sovereignty  of  each  city  a  settled  maxim  in  the  Greek 
mind. 

i  1.  The  present  Book  v^ill  contain  the  History  of  Greece  from 
the  first  Olympiad,  or  the  year  776  B.C.,  to  the  commencement  of 
(he  revolt  of  the  Ionic  Greeks  from  Persia,  in  the  year  500  B.C. 
Our  knowledge  of  the  early  part  of  this  period  is  very  scanty, 
and  consists  of  only  a  small  number  of  solitary  facts,  which  have 
little  or  no  connexion  with  one  another.  The  division  of  Greece 
into  a  number  of  small  independent  states  is  a  circumstance 


4K  msTOltV  UF  GKI-IECR  Cmai-.  VL 

tliut  ciiuM'H  fru-.il  (lillic'iillicH  to  llic  hiKtoritiii.  Unlike  the  liiKtory 
of  lloiiic,  M'hich  irt  contiiicd  to  an  acroiiiit  of  the  origin  and  dc- 
vrlo])trient  of  a  ninffle  ]K'oj)le,  the  hintor)'  of  Grfccc  frc^rn  its 
romiiifncciiK'nt  to  it«  cIohc  HuderH  to  a  (rrcator  or  a  lei«»  extent 
from  a  want  of  unity  in  it«  Huhjeel.  TImh  i«  Ktrikinj.'ly  tlie  cam; 
witli  llic  liiHt  two  centuries  of  tlic  jH-rirHl  narrate<l  in  the  jireM-nt 
Hook  ;  and  it  is  not  till  wc  eoiiie  to  its  elow!  that  Me  are  aide  to 
present  a  coiuierted  histor)'  of  the  (Jrerian  nation.  It  wa>  the 
Persian  invasions  «>f  (ireece  whieh  first  iinjiressed  tlu-  leading 
(ireek  states  with  the  neressity  of  uniting'  l<ipether  ajrainst  the 
coimnon  foe  ;  and  since  the  military  resources  of  fcfjiarta  were 
then  confessedly  sujierior  to  those  ol  all  the  other  Greeks,  they 
naturally  intrusted  to  her  the  conduct  of  the  war.  In  this  way 
Grecian  history  ac(|uires  a  iniity  of  interest  which  is  altogether 
wanlin<r  in  the  earlier  times.  There  arc,  however,  eorne  facts 
during  the  earlier  period  which  claim  our  attention.  Of  these 
the  most  important  are  the  growth  of  8parta  and  Athens  ;  the 
numher  of  despots  wlio  arose  in  the  various  Grecian  cities  ;  the 
foundation  and  progress  of  the  numerous  colonies  planted  or  the 
coasts  of  the  Mediterranean  and  its  connected  seas  ;  and,  last  of 
all,  the  origin  and  ])rogTess  of  literature  and  art. 

Before  avc  proceed  to  give  an  account  of  tliese  events,  it  may 
be  useful  to  take  a  general  survey  of  the  Greeks  in  the  earlier 
period  of  their  history,  and  to  ])oint  out  the  various  cau.s<'s  w  hich 
miited  them  as  a  peojtle,  notwithstanding  their  separation  into 
so  many  independent  comnuuiities. 

^  2.  The  chief  ties,  which  hound  together  the  Grecian  world, 
were  community  of  blood  and  language — community  of  re- 
ligious rites  and  festivals — and  ccmmunity  of  manners  and  cha- 
racter. Of  these  the  first  and  tlie  most  important  was  the 
possession  of  a  common  descent  and  a  common  language.  The 
Greeks  were  all  of  the  same  race  and  parentage  :  tliey  all  con- 
sidered themselves  descendants  of  Hellen  ;  and  thev  all  described 
men  and  cities  wliich  were  not  Grecian  by  the  term  Barbarian. 
This  word  lias  passed  into  our  own  language,  but  with  a  verv 
difibrcnt  idea;  for  the  Greeks  applied  it  nidiscriminatelv  to 
every  foreigner,  to  the  civilized  inhabitants  of  Egypt  and  Persia, 
as  well  as  to  the  rude  tribes  of  t^cythia  and  Gaul.  Originally  it 
seems  to  have  expressed  repugnance  to  one  using  a  foreign  lan- 
guage ;  but  as  the  Greeks  became  in  course  of  time  superior 
ii\  intelligence  to  the  surrounding  nations,  it  conveved  also 
a  notion  of  contempt.  Notwithstanding  the  various  dialects 
employed  in  dilltrent  parts,  there  was,  throughout  the  Grecian 
world,  sutlicient  iniiformity  in  the  language  to  render  it  every- 
where intelligible  to  a  Greek  ;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 


■'1 

CiiAr.VI.  AMPHICTYONIC  COUNCIL.  49 

the  wide-spread  popularity  of  the  Homeric  poems  in  early  times 
powerfully  assisted  in  maintaining  the  same  typo  of  language 
among  the  dilferent  Greek  races. 

§  3.  The  second  bond  of  union  was  a  community  of  religious 
rites  and  festivals.  From  the  earliest  times  the  Greeks  appear 
to  have  worshipped  the  same  gods  ;  but  originally  there  were  no 
religious  meetings  common  to  the  whole  nation.  Such  meetings 
were  of  gradual  growth.  They  were  either  formed  by  a  number 
of  neighbouring  towns,  which  entered  into  an  association  for  the 
periodical  celebration  of  certain  religious  rites,  or  they  grew 
out  of  a  festival  originally  confined  to  a  single  state,  but  which 
was  gradually  extended  to  the  inhabitants  of  other  cities  till  at 
length  it  became  open  to  the  whole  Grecian  world.  Of  the  former 
class  we  have  an  example  in  the  Amphictyonies,  of  the  latter  in 
the  Olympic,  Pythian,  Nemeau,  and  Isthmian  games. 

^  4.  The  word  Amphictyony  is  usually  derived  from  the  mythic- 
al hero  Amphictyon ;  but  the  name  probably  signifies  only  resi- 
dents around  and  neighbors,*  and  was  used  to  designate  a  relig- 
ious association  of  neighbouring  tribes  or  cities,  who  were  accus- 
tomed to  meet  at  fixed  times  to  oiler  sacrifices  to  the  god  of  a 
particular  temple,  which  was  supposed  to  be  the  common  property 
and  under  the  common  protection  of  all.  There  were  many  re- 
ligious associations  of  this  kind  in  Greece  ;  but  there  was  one  of 
so  much  celebrity,  that  it  threw  all  the  others  into  the  shade, 
and  came  to  be  called  the  Amphictyonic  Council.  This  assem- 
bly seems  to  have  been  originally  of  small  importance  ;  and  it 
accpiired  its  superiority  over  other  similar  associations  by  the 
wealth  and  grandeur  of  the  Delphian  temple,  of  which  it  was  the 
appointed  guardian.  It  held  two  meetings  eveiy  year,  one  in  the 
spring  at  the  temple  of  Apollo  at  Delphi,  and  the  other  in  the 
autumn  at  the  temple  of  Demeter  (Ceres)  at  Thermopyla3.  Its 
members,  who  were  called  the  Amphictyons,t  consisted  of  sacred 
deputies  sent  from  twelve  tribes,  each  of  which  contained  several 
independent  cities  or  states.  The  deputies  were  composed  of 
two  classes  of  representatives  from  each  tribe  ;  a  chief  called 
HioroinnOmon,  and  subordinates  named  Pylagoree.  The  names 
of  these  twelve  tribes  are  not  the  same  in  all  accounts,  bvit  they 
Avere  probably  as  follows  :  —  Thcssalians,  Boeotians,  Dorians, 
lonians,  Pcrrhajbians,  Magnetos,  Locrians,  Q3ta;ans,  Achaians, 
Phocians,  Dolopcs,  and  Malians.  These  names  are  of  themselves 
sufficient  to  pi'ove  the  great  antiquity  of  the  Council.  Several 
of  the  tribes  here  mentioned  scarcely  ever  occur  in  the  historical 

*  The  original  form  of  tlie  name  seems  to  have  been  'AfKpiKriovia,  not 
' A.fi<ptKTvovca.  The  word  d/KpiKTLOvsr  signifies  those  that  dwell  round  or 
near.  f   0/  'A/x^f.KTvovci-. 

V 


m  .  IIHTOKY  OF  (inviFA'K.  Chap.  VL 

|NTi(i(l  ;  :tii(l  till-  I.K-l  I  I  I  lie  I)(>riaiiH  pt.'iii(liM{.' on  an  (*(|iiulity  with 
tlic  Ihilopc.H  iiiid  I  In-  Mnli.'uis,  nliowri  tliut  tlir  ('oiiiicil  iiuul  hav<* 
existed  Ih-Iop'  tlir  l)uriaii  coiuimtit  of  I'clfi[M.Mrn'HiiH.  The  trilxm 
ropres<Mite(l  in  it  stiMxl  on  a  t(H»tinf^  of  jMrleet  equahty,  tUf»  votes 
heiiif.'  {riven  hy  the  tleputieH  from  eaeh  of  the  twelve. 

(M"  til'-  duties  of  the  Anij)hietyonic  Couneil  nothing  will  prive  us 
a  hetter  idea  than  lh(!  oath  taki-n  hy  its  nietrdiers.  It  ran  thus — . 
"  We  will  not  destroy  any  Aniphietyonie  town,  nor  eiii  it  oH'frorn 
nnmin;;  water  in  war  or  peaee  :  if  any  one  shall  do  m,  we  will 
march  a<jainst  him  and  destroy  hi.s  rity.  If  anyone  nhall  plun- 
der the  ])roperty  of  the  pod,  or  shall  he  eo<rnizant  thereof,  or  ehall 
take  treacherous  counsel  apainst  the  thincs  in  his  temple  at 
l)elj)lii.  we  will  ])unish  him  with  foot,  and  hand,  and  voice,  and  by 
every  means  in  our  jiower."  We  thus  see  that  the  main  duties  of 
the  Council  were  to  restrain  acts  of  afrtrression  ajrainst  its  mem- 
bers, and  to  preserve  the  riphts  and  dipnity  of  the  temjile  of 
Delphi.  It  is  tnie  that  the  Amjtliictyons  sfnnetirnes  tcwk  a 
larger  view  of  their  junctions  ;  but  these  were  only  employed 
for  ])olitical  purj)oses  when  they  could  he  made  subservient  to 
the  views  of  one  of  tlie  leading  (Grecian  states.  They  were  never 
considered  as  a  national  congress,  whose  duty  it  was  to  protect 
and  delend  the  common  interests  of  Greece.  If  such  a  congress 
had  ever  existed,  and  its  edicts  had  commanded  the  obedience 
of  the  Greeks,  the  histor)'  of  the  nation  would  have  had  a 
diflerent  course  ;  the  Macedonian  kings  would  probably  have 
remained  in  their  sul)ordinate  condition,  and  united  Greece 
might  even  have  defied  the  legions  of  conquering  Rome. 

The  Amphict}-onio  Council  is  rarely  mentioned,  ejccept  in  con- 
nexion with  the  Delphian  temple  ;  but  when  the  rights  of  the 
god  had  been  violated,  it  invoked  the  aid  of  the  ditl'erent  mem- 
bers of  the  league.  Of  this  we  have  a  memorable  instance  in  the 
earlier  ])eriod  of  Greek  histor)'.  The  Phocian  town  of  Crista  was 
situated  on  the  heights  of  Moiuit  Parna.ssus,  near  the  sanctu.iry 
of  the  god,  which  belonged  to  this  town  in  the  most  ancient 
times.  It  ])ossessed  a  fertile  and  valuable  territon,'.  extendmg 
down  to  the  Corinthian  Gulf,  on  which  it  had  a  j)ort  called 
Cirrha.  Gradually  the  ])ort  seems  to  have  grown  into  imjwrt- 
ance  at  the  expense  of  the  town  ;  while  at  the  same  time  the 
sanctuary  of  the  god  fell  into  the  hand.>  of  the  Dorian  tribe  of  the 
Delphians,  and  expanded  into  a  town  under  the  name  of  Delphi. 
It  was  at  the  port  of  Cirrha  that  mo^t  of  the  strangers  landed 
who  came  to  consult  the  god  ;  and  the  iidiabitants  of  this  place 
availed  themselves  ol  their  jxisition  to  levy  exorbitant  tolls  ujwn 
the  pilgrims,  antl  to  ill-use  tliem  in  other  ways.  In  consequence 
of  these    outrages    the    Auiphietyons    resolved    to    jtuiiisii    the 


Chap.  VI.  NATIONAL  FESTIVALS.  5\ 

CirrhEeans  ;  and  after  waging  war  against  thera  lor  ten  years 
(b.c.  595-585),  the  Council  at  length  succeeded,  chiefly  by  the 
assistance  of  the  Thessalians  and  Athenians,  in  taking  the  guilty 
city.  It  is  related,  but  on  rather  suspicious  authority,  that  the 
city  was  taken  by  a  stratagem  of  Solon,  who  poisoned  the  waters 
of  the  river  Plistus,  which  flowed  througli  the  place.  Cirrha 
was  razed  to  the  ground,  and  its  territory — the  rich  Cirrhfean  or 
Crissa?an  plain — was  consecrated  to  the  god,  and  cru'ses  impre- 
cated upon  any  one  who  should  cultivate  it.  Thus  ended  the  First 
Sacred  War,  as  it  is  usually  called ;  and  the  spoils  of  the  city  were 
emploj'ed  by  the  victorious  allies  in  founding  the  Pythian  games. 
^  5.  The  four  great  festivals  of  the  Olympic,  Pythian,  Isth- 
mian, and  Nemean  games  were  of  greater  efficacy  than  the  Am- 
phictyonic  Council  in  promoting  a  spirit  of  union  among  the 
various  branches  of  the  Greek  race,  and  in  keeping  alive  a  feeling 
of  their  common  origin.  They  were  open  to  all  persons  who 
could  prove  their  Hellenic  blood,  and  were  frequented  by  spec- 
tators from  all  parts  of  the  Grecian  world.  The  most  ancient  as 
well  as  the  most  famous  of  these  festivals  was  that  celebrated 
at  Olympia,  on  the  banks  of  the  Alpheus,  in  the  territory  of 
Elis,  and  near  an  ancient  temple  of  the  Olympian  Jove.  The 
origin  of  this  festival  is  lost  in  the  Mythical  ages.  It  is  said 
to  have  been  revived  by  Ij^hitus  king  of  Elis,  and  Lycurgus 
the  Spartan  legislator,  in  the  year  776  B.C.  ;  and,  accordingly, 
when  the  Greeks  at  a  later  time  began  to  use  the  Olympic  con- 
test as  a  chronological  era,  this  year  was  regarded  as  the  first 
Oljinpiad.  It  continued  to  maintain  its  celebrity  for  many  cen- 
turies after  the  extinction  of  Greek  freedom  ;  and  it  was  not  till 
"394  A.D.  that  it  was  finally  abolished  by  the  emperor  Theo- 
dosius.  It  was  celebrated  at  the  end  of  every  four  years,*  and 
the  inten^al  which  elapsed  between  each  celebration  was  called 
an  Olympiad.  The  wliole  festival  was  under  the  management 
of  the  Eleans,  who  appointed  some  of  their  own  mmiber  to 
preside  as  judges,  under  the  name  of  the  Hellanodicse.t  During 
the  month  in  which  it  was  celebrated  all  hostilities  were  sus- 
pended throughout  Greece.  The  territory  of  Elis  itself  was 
considered  especially  sacred  during  its  continuance,  and  no  armed 
force  could  enter  it  without  incurring  the  guilt  of  sacrilege.  The 
number  of  spectators  was  very  great ;  and  consisted  not  only  of 
those  who  were  attracted  by  private  interest  or  curiosity,  but  of 

*  The  festival  was  called  by  the  Greeks  a  Pcntaitcris  (rrev-aETTipic), 
because  it  was  celebrated  every  Jiff  h  year,  according  to  tlie  ancient  mode 
of  reckoning.  In  the  same  manner  a  festival,  which  occurred  at  the  end 
of  every  two  years,  was  said  to  be  celebrated  every  third  year,  and 
was  called  a  Trictcris  {Tpier^pig).  \   'EXXavodiKOi. 


02  IILSTOIIY  OF  (JllEECK.  Ciiak  V  L 

deputies*  from  the  diliiTeiit  (ireek  HtateH,  who  vied  with  onu 
uiioUht  ill  the  iiiiiiibci'  of  I  heir  oIKrriii^H  and  t)ie  fpleiiduur  ol'their 
f^eiieral  appearance,  in  order  to  HUpp«)rt  the  lionoiir  of  tlieir  native 
cities.  At  llrwl  the  leHtival  was  eoidined  to  a  nin^ie  day,  and 
cuuHisted  of  notliiiif^'  more  tiiaii  a  match  oi  riinnerK  in  the  Hta- 
dium  ;  but  in  courw?  of  time  so  many  other  conli'^tH  were  intro 
diieed,  lliat  tlie  jramcH  or-cnpied  five  dayH.  They  eoniprijsed 
various  trialw  of  .strenf,^li  ami  skill,  Huch  ».■*  wre><tliiif:,  hoxitifr,  the 
I'aiicratium  (hoxini;  and  wrestling  comhined)  and  the  cr-mpli- 
cated  IVntathlum  (incliidin<r  jumjiing,  lunninp,  t)i<;  rpioit,  the 
javelin,  and  wre.stlin<i),  hut  nocomhats  with  any  kind  «)f  weajK>nB. 
There  were  also  horse-races  and  chariot -races  ;  and  the  chariot- 
race,  with  fi-iur  full-grown  horses,  became  oue  of  the  most  pojuilar 
aiid  celebrated  of  all  the  matches. 

The  only  j)rize  given  to  the  conqueror  was  a  garland  of  wild 
olive  ;  hut  this  was  valued  as  one  of  the  dearest  distincticn.e  in 
life.  To  have  his  name  jiroelaimed  as  victor  before  a.esomblid 
Hellas  was  an  object  of  ambition  with  the  noblest  and  the 
wealthiest  ol'  the  Greeks.  8ueh  a  person  w  as  considered  to  have 
conlerred  everla.sting  glory  upon  his  iiimily  and  his  ctuntry, 
and  was  rewarded  by  his  fellow-citizens  with  distinguished 
honours,  flis  statue  was  generally  erected  in  the  Altis  or  sacred 
grove  of  Jove  at  Olympia  ;  and  on  his  return  heme  he  entered 
his  native  city  in  a  triumjihal  procession,  in  which  his  praises 
were  sung,  lVe([uently  in  the  loltiest  strains  of  poetry.  He  also 
received  still  more  substantial  rewards.  He  was  generally  re- 
lieved from  the  payment  of  taxes,  and  liad  a  right  to  the  lr(,nt 
seat  at  all  jmblic  games  and  spectacles.  An  Athenian  victor 
in  the  Olymjjic  games  received,  in  accordance  w  ith  one  of  Solon's 
laws,  a  prize  of  500  drachmas,  and  a  right  to  a  place  at  the  table 
of  the  magistrates  in  the  prytaneum  or  town-hall ;  and  a  fc»p^rtau 
conqueror  had  the  privilege  of  fighting  on  the  field  of  battle  near 
tlic  person  of  the  king. 

^  G.  During  the  sixth  century  before  the  Christian  era  tJic 
three  other  festivals  of  the  Pythian,  Nemean,  and  Isthmian 
games,  which  were  at  first  only  local,  became  open  to  the  whole 
nation.  The  Pythiau  games,  as  a  national  festival,  were  insti- 
tuted by  the  Amj)liictyons  after  the  destruction  of  L'irrha  in 
58o  li.c.  in  honour  of  Apollo,  as  has  been  already  related.  They 
were  celebrated  in  every  third  Olympic  year,  on  the  Cirrhaan 
plain,  under  the  superintendence  of  the  Amphictyons.  The 
games  consisted  not  only  of  matches  in  gymnastics  and  of  horse 
and   chariot   races,  but   also  of  contests  in  music  and  poetry. 

•  C'alk.l  T/nori  {Oeo>pot\ 


Chap.  VI.  NATIONAL  FESTIVALS.  63 

They  soon  acquired  celebrity,  and  became  second  only  to  the 
great  Olympic  festival. 

The  Nemean  and  Isthmian  games  occurred  more  frequently 
than  the  Olympic  and  Pythian.  They  were  celebrated  once  in 
two  years — tlic  Nemean  in  honor  of  the  Nemean  Jove,  in  tjre 
valley  of  Nemea,  between  Phlius  and  Cleona3,  originally  by  the 
Cieonseans  and  subsequently  by  the  Argives — and  the  Isthmian 
by  the  Corinthians,  on  their  isthmus,  in  honour  of  Poseidon 
(Neptune).  As  in  the  Pythian  festival,  contests  in  music  and 
in  poetry,  as  well  as  gymnastics  and  chariot-races,  formed  part 
of  these  games. 

sW.  Although  the  four  great  festivals  of  which  we  have  been 
speaking  had  no  influence  in  promoting  the  political  union  of 
Greece,  they  nevertheless  were  of  great  importance  in  making 
the  various  sections  of  the  race  feel  that  they  were  all  mem- 
bers of  one  family,  and  in  cementing  them  together  by  common 
sympathies  and  the  enjoyment  of  common  pleasures.  The  fre- 
quent occurrence  of  these  festivals,  for  one  was  celebrated  every 
year,  tended  to  the  same  result.  The  Greeks  were  thus  amru- 
ally  reminded  of  their  common  origin,  and  of  the  great  dis- 
tinction which  existed  between  them  and  barbarians.  Nor  must 
we  forget  the  incidental  advantages  which  attended  them.  The 
concourse  of  so  large  a  number  of  persons  from  every  part  of 
the  Grecian  world  afforded  to  the  merchant  opportunities  for 
traffic,  and  to  the  artist  and  the  literary  man  the  best  means  of 
making  their  works  known.  During  the  time  of  the  games  the 
Altis  was  surrounded  -with,  booths,  in  which  a  busy  commerce 
was  carried  on  ;  and  in  a  spacious  hall  appropriated  for  the 
purpose  the  poets,  philosophers,  and  historians  were  accustomed 
to  read  their  most  recent  works. 

The  perfect  equality  of  persons  at  the  festival  demands  par- 
ticular mention.  The  games  were  open  to  every  Greek  without 
any  distinction  of  country  or  of  rank.  The  horse-races  and 
chariot-races  were  necessarily  confined  to  the  wealthy,  who  were 
allowed  to  employ  others  as  riders  and  drivers  ;  but  the  rich  and 
poor  alike  could  contend  in  the  gj'rnnastic  matches.  This,  how- 
ever, was  far  from  degrading  the  former  in  public  opinion  ;  and 
some  of  the  greatest  and  wealthiest  men  in  the  various  cities 
took  part  in  the  running,  wrestling,  boxing,  and  otlier  matches. 
Cylon,  who  attempted  to  make  himself  tyrant  of  Athens,  had 
gained  the  prize  in  the  foot-race ;  Alexander,  son  of  Amyntas, 
prince  of  Macedon,  had  also  run  for  it ;  and  instances  occur  in 
which  cities  chose  their  generals  from  the  victors  in  these  games. 

^  8.  The  habit  of  consulting  the  same  oracles  in  order  to  ascer- 
tain the  will  of  the  orods  was  another  bond  of  union.     It  was  the 


04  IIISTOIIV  OF  (illKKCM  Chap.  VL 

univt.THiil  pniclicc!  c»f  the  (ircckH  lo  iitulrrtakn  no  matter  of  irn- 
portuiH'o  without  first  nfkiii^  the  a<lvir«.r  of"  the  pmW  ;  and  tlu-re 
were  iiiaiiy  naered  Hjiots  in  whieh  the  gods  were  always  ready 
lo  f,'ive  an  answer  to  jiiouH  MorrthipperB,  Some  of  llie««  oraele« 
were  eonxulted  only  by  the  Kiirroundinir  n<-i^'hljourh(HKl,  hut 
others  ol)tained  a  wider  celebrity  ;  anrl  the  oracle  of  Ajiollo  at 
I)<-l])hi  in  |iarticular  surpassed  all  the  rest  in  iin|)or1ance,  and 
was  tcffardcd  with  veneration  in  <'very  part  of  the  Grecian  world. 
So  f^reat  was  its  i'airie  that  it  was  sometimes  consulted  by  for<-i^ 
nations,  such  as  the  Lydians,  I'lirvfrians,  and  Kornans ;  and  the 
Grecian  stated  constantly  applied  to  it  fitr  counsel  in  their  diffi- 
culties and  perpl<>xities.  Jn  the  centre  of  the  temjile  at  l)»'lphi 
there  was  a  small  oj)eninfj  in  the  ground,  frf^m  which  it  was  said 
that  a  certain  ^a8  or  vapour  ascended.  Whenever  the  oracle  was 
to  be  consulted,  a  virgin  priestess,  called  I'ythia,  took  her  sfat 
upon  a  tripod,  which  was  placed  over  the  chasrn.  The  ascendinj^ 
vapour  allected  her  brain,  and  the  words  which  fehe  uttered  in 
this  excited  condition  were  believed  to  be  the  ansM  er  of  Ajiollo 
to  liis  worshippers.  They  were  always  in  hexameter  verse,  and 
were  reverently  taken  down  by  the  attendant  priests.  Most  of 
the  answers  were-  equivocal  or  obscure  ;  but  the  credit  of  the 
oracle  continued  luiiuipaired  louf^  after  the  downfall  of  Grecian 
independence. 

^0.  A  further  clement  of  union  among  the  Greeks  was  the 
similarity  of  manners  and  character.  It  is  true  the  difi'erence  in 
this  respect  between  the  polished  inhabitants  of  Athens  and  the 
rude  mountaineers  of  Acarnauia  was  marked  and  striking  ;  but 
if  we  compare  the  two  with  forcig-n  contemporaries  the  contrast 
between  them  and  the  latter  is  still  more  striking.  Absolute 
despotism,  human  sacrifices,  polygamy,  deliberate  mutilation  of 
the  person  as  a  puuislunent,  and  stalling  of  childr<>n  into  slaver)', 
existed  in  some  part  or  other  of  the  barbarian  world,  but  are  not 
found  in  any  city  of  G  recce  in  the  liistorical  tunes.  Although 
we  cannot  mention  many  customs  common  to  all  the  Greeks 
and  at  the  same  time  peculiar  to  them,  yet  wc  caimot  doubt 
that  there  did  exist  among  them  certain  general  characteristics 
in  their  manners  and  customs,  which  served  as  a  bond  of  union 
among  themselves,  and  a  line  of  demarcation  from  i()reigners. 

s^  lU.  The  elements  of  union  of  which  we  have  been  speaking 
J — comnnnuty  of  blood  and  language,  of  rehgion  and  festivals, 
and  of  manners  and  character — oidy  bound  the  Grtvks  together 
in  counnon  feelings  and  sentiments.  They  never  j)r(Mluced  any 
political  luiion.  The  indejiendent  sovereignty  of  each  city  was  a 
fundamental  notion  in  the  Greek  mind.  The  only  supreme  au- 
thority wliich  a  txreek  recognised  was  to  be  fomid  within  his 


c^HAP.  VI.  WANT  OF  POLITICAL  UNION.  55 

own  city  walls.  The  exercise  of  authority  by  one  city  over 
another,  whatever  advantages  the  weaker  city  might  derive 
from  such  a  connexion,  M'as  repugnant  to  every  Greek.  This 
was  a  sentiment  common  to  all  the  diflerent  members  of  the 
Greek  race,  under  all  forms  of  government,  whether  oligarchical 
or  democratical.  Hence  the  dominion  exercised  by  Thebes  over 
the  cities  of  Bceotia,  and  by  Athens  over  subject  allies,  was  sub- 
mitted to  with  reluctance,  and  was  disowned  on  the  first  oppor- 
tmiity.  This  strongly  rooted  feeling  deserves  particular  notice 
and  remark.  Careless  readers  of  liistory  are  tempted  to  suppose 
that  the  territory'  of  Greece  was  divided  among  a  comparatively 
small  number  of  independent  states,  such  as  Attica,  Arcadia, 
Bojotia,  Phocis,  Locris,  and  the  like  ;  but  this  is  a  most  serious 
mistake,  and  leads  to  a  total  misapprehension  of  Greek  history. 
Every  separate  city  was  usually  an  independent  state,  and  con- 
sequently each  of  the  territories  described  under  the  general 
names  of  Arcadia,  Bceotia,  Phocis,  and  Locris,  contained  numerous 
political  communities  independent  of  one  another.  Attica,  it  is 
true,  formed  a  single  state,  and  its  different  towns  recognised 
Athens  as  their  capital  and  the  source  of  supreme  power ;  but 
this  is  an  exception  to  the  general  rule. 

The  patriotism  of  a  Greek  was  confined  to  his  cit)^  and  rarely 
kindled  into  any  general  love  for  the  common  welfare  of  Hellas. 
The  safety  and  the  prosperity  of  his  city  were  dearer  to  him  than 
the  safety  and  prosperity  of  Hellas,  and  to  secure  the  former  he 
was  too  often  contented  to  sacrifice  the  latter.  For  his  own  city 
a  patriotic  Greek  was  ready  to  lay  down  liis  property  and  liis 
hfe,  but  he  felt  no  obligation  to  expend  his  substance  or  expose 
his  life  on  behalf  of  the  common  inxere-sts  of  the  countrj'.  So 
complete  was  the  political  division  between  the  Greek  cities^ 
that  the  citizen  of  one  was  an  alien  and  a  stranger  in  the  terri- 
tory of  another.  He  was  not  meiely  debarred  from  all  share  in 
the  government,  but  he  could  not  acquire  property  in  land  or 
houses,  nor  contract  a  marriage  with  a  native  woman,  nor  sue 
in  the  courts  of  justice,  except  through  the  medium  of  a  friendly 
citizen.*  The  cities  thus  mutually  repelling  each  other,  the 
sympathies  and  feelings  of  a  Greek  became  more  centered  in 
his  own.  It  was  this  exclusive  patriotism  which  rendered  it 
difiicult  for  the  Greeks  to  unite  under  circumstances  of  common 
danger.  It  was  this  political  disunion  which  led  them  to  turn 
their  arms  against  each  other,  and  eventually  made  them  sub- 
ject to  the  Macedonian  monarchs. 

*  Sometimes  a  city  eranted  to  a  citizen  of  another  state,  or  even  to 
the  whole  state,  the  right  of  intermarriage  and  of  acquiring  landed  pro- 
perty. The  former  of  these  rights  was  called  kTciyafila,  the  latter  i-yKTJiniQ. 


View  or  Mount  Taygeiua  rroin  the  site  of  Sparta. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  PELOPONNESUS  AND  LEGISLATION  OF  LYCURGUS. 


§  1.  Conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians.  T)ivi8ion  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus into  the  Doric  .etates,  Elis,  Achaia,  nnd  Arcadia.  §  2.  Divi- 
sion of  the  Doric  states  in  Peloponnesus.  Arpos  oriirinally  the  first 
Doric  state,  Sparta  seconJ,  Messene  third.  ^  3.  Phidon  of  Are;os. 
§4.  Legislation  of  Lyeuriius.  §5.  Life  of  Lycurgus.  §  6.  The  chief 
object  of  Lycurgus  in  his  legislation.  §7.  Pojudation  of  Laconia 
divided  into  tliivo  classes.  Spartans.  §8.  Pericjeci.  §9.  Helots. 
§10.  Politioiil  covornnient  of  Sparta.  The  kings.  The  senate.  The 
popular  assembly.  The  epliors.  §11-  Training  and  education  of 
the  Spartan  youths  and  men.  §  12.  Training  of  the  Spartan  women. 
§13.  Division  of  landed  property.  §  14.  Other  regulations  ascribed 
toLycurgus.  Iron  money.  §  1.5.  Defensible  position  of  Sparta.  §16. 
Growth  of  the  Spartan  jiower,  a  consetjuencc  of  the  uiscipline  of 
Lycurgus.     Conquest  of  Laconia, 

{1.  In  the  Heroic  apes  Peloponnesus  was  the  seat  of  the  great 
Achaean  monarchies.  Mycena?  was  the  residence  orAfianiemnon, 
liinfr  of  men,  Sparta  of  his  brother  Menelaus,  and  Ar«ros  of  Dio« 
medes,  who  dared  to  contend  in  battle  with  the  immortal  podi 
But  before  the  comnieneemont  of  histor\'  all  these  monarchies 
had  been  .<wept  away,  and  tlieir  subjects  either  driven  out  of  the 
land  or  compelled  to  submit  to  the  dominion  of  the  Dorians. 
The  history  of  the  conquest  of  Pelojxjnnesus  by  this  Marlike  race 
is  clothed  in  a  legendary  form,  and  has  been  already  narrated 


CnAr.  VII.     EARLY  HISTORY  OF  PELOPONNESUS.  57 

in  the  preceding  Book.  In  what  manner  this  conquest  was  really 
etiected  is  beyond  the  reach  of  history,  but  we  have  good  reasons 
for  believing  that  it  was  the  work  of  many  years,  and  was  not 
concluded  by  a  single  battle,  as  the  legends  would  lead  us  to 
suppose.  We  find,  however,  in  the  early  historical  times  the 
whole  of  the  eastern  and  southern  parts  of  Peloponnesus  in  the 
undisputed  possession  of  the  Dorians. 

The  remaining  parts  of  the  peninsula  were  in  the  hands  of 
other  members  of  the  Greek  race.  On  the  western  coast  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Neda  to  that  of  the  Larissus  w^as  the  territory 
of  E  lis,  including  the  two  dependent  states  of  Pisa  and  Triphylia. 
The  E  leans  are  said  to  have  been  descendants  of  the  ^tolians, 
who  had  accompanied  the  Dorians  in  their  invasion,  and  received 
Elis  as  their  share  of  the  spoil.  The  Pisatans  and  the  Triphylians 
had  been  originally  mdependent  inhabitants  of  the  peninsula,  but 
had  been  conquered  by  their  more  powerfid  neighbours  of  Ehs. 

The  strip  of  land  on  the  northern  coast  of  Peloponnesus,  and 
south  of  the  Corinthian  gulf,  was  inhabited  by  Achajans,  and 
was  called  after  them  Achaia.  This  territory  extended  from 
the  promontory  Araxus  on  one  side  to  the  confines  of 
Sicyonia  on  the  other,  and  was  divided  among  twelve  Achaean 
cities,  which  are  rarely  mentioned  in  the  earlier  period  of 
Greek  history,  and  only  rose  to  importance  in  the  Macedonian 
times. 

The  mountainous  region  in  the  centre  of  Peloponnesus  was 
udiabited  by  the  Arcadians,  who  may  be  regarded  as  genuine 
Pelasgians,  since  they  are  uniformly  represented  as  the  earhest 
inliabitants  of  the  countr}^  Their  country  w^as  distributed  into 
a  large  number  of  villages  and  cities,  among  which  Tegea  and 
Mantinea  were  the  two  most  powerful. 

S^  2.  The  division  of  Peloponnesus  among  the  Dorian  states 
ditiered  at  various  times.  At  tlie  close  of  the  period  which 
forms  the  subject  of  the  present  Bock,  Sparta  was  unquestionably 
the  first  of  the  Dorian  powers,  and  its  dominions  far  exceeded 
those  of  any  other  Dorian  state.  Its  territory  then  occupied  the 
whole  of  the  southern  region  of  the  peninsula  from  the  eastern 
to  the  western  sea,  being  separated  frcm  the  dominions  of  Argos 
by  the  river  Tanus,  and  from  Triphylia  by  the  river  Xeda.  At 
that  time  the  territory  of  Argos  was  confined  to  the  Argolic 
peninsula,  but  did  not  mclude  the  whole  of  this  district,  the 
south-eastern  part  of  it  being  occupied  by  the  Doric  cities  of 
Epidauiiis  and  Troezen,  and  the  Dr}opian  city  of  Hermione.  On 
the  Isthmus  stood  the  powerful  citj'  of  Corinth,  westward  Sicyon, 
and  to  the  south  of  these  Cleonte  and  Phlius,  both  also  Doric 
cities.      North-east  of  Corinth  came  Megara,  the  last  of  the  Doric 


68  IIlSTOItV  OK  OUEECM  Ciiai.  \  Ji 

citicH,  whiw?   tcrrititry  Htrrtclicd  urrow*  the  iKtlinmH   from   wa 
U)  wa. 

Jiiit  if  wc  ^,'0  liark  t(»  tlu;  /Irst  01\ni))ia(l,  w(!  nhiill  find  Sparta 
ill  ixjHSfssiiiii  of  only  a  vt-ry  Kiiiall  ti-rrilory,  iiiHtt-ud  of  the  cxtcii- 
Bjve  (loiiiiiiioii  (U'scrilx'd  aliovo.  Un  territor)'  at  tliat  tiuie  ajn 
pcarH  to  liave  coiiiprchuiidcd  little  more  than  the  valley  of  the 
river  lOurotart.  Westward  of  thirf  vall«-y,  and  w^parated  from  rt 
by  Mount  Tayf^etu.s,  wcrre  the  MrHwniaii  Doriaiit*,  while  eastward 
ol  it  tilt!  wliol(!  of  the  mountainous  diHtriet  alonj:  the  coast,  from 
the  head  of  the  Ar^olie  friilf  down  t<j  CajH?  Malta,  was  alw)  inde- 
pendent of  Sparta,  helon<iin<r  to  Ar^'os.  In  the  earliest  historieai 
times  Arjrorf  ajjpears  as  the  first  jtower  in  the  lVlojjonnesuj«,  a 
fact  which  the  k-;jrend  of  the  Heraclids  seems  to  recoffiiize  by 
makiiifi  Temenus  the  eldest  brother  of  the  three.  Kext  came 
Sparta,  and  last  the  Messenc.  The  imjxjrtance  of  Arpos  api)ear» 
to  liave  arisen  not  so  much  from  her  own  territorj'  as  from 
her  being  the  head  of  a  jiowerful  confederacy  of  Dorian  states. 
Most  of  theses  slates  are  said  to  have  been  founded  by  colonies 
irom  Arjros,  sucli  as  CleiJiia!,  Phlius,  Sicyon,  Ej»idaurus,  Trazcn, 
and  yEgiiia.  They  formed  a  leajruc,  tlie  patron  gcd  of  which 
was  A];ollo  Pythaeus,  whose  common  worship  was  a  means  of 
uniting  tlieiu  together.  There  was  a  temple  to  tliis  god  in  each 
of  the  confederated  cities,  while  his  most  holy  and  central  sanc- 
tuary was  on  the  acropolis  of  Argos.  But  the  power  of  Argos 
rested  on  an  insecure  basis  ;  the  ties  which  held  the  confederacy 
together  became  gradually  weakened ;  and  Sparta  was  able  to 
wrest  from  her  a  large  portion  of  her  territory-  and  eventually  to 
succeed  to  her  place  as  the  iirst  Dorian  state  in  the  peniusiila. 

§  3.  The  importance  of  the  privileges  jiossessed  by  Argos 
before  the  rise  of  the  Si)artan  power  is  shown  by  the  liistorj'  of 
Phidon.  This  remarkable  man  may  be  placed  about  the  bth 
Olympiad,  or  747  b.c,  and  claims  our  attention  the  more  as  one 
of  the  Iirst  really  historical  personages  hitherto  presented  to  us. 
He  was  king  of  Argos,  and  is  represented  as  a  descendant  of  the 
Heraclid  Temenus.  Having  broken  through  the  hmits  which 
had  been  imposed  on  the  authority  of  his  predecessors,  he 
ciiangcd  the  government  of  Argos  into  a  despotism.  He  then 
restoreil  her  supremacy  over  all  the  cities  of  her  confederacy, 
wliicli  had  beciine  nearly  dissolved.  He  appears  next  to  have 
attacked  Corintli,  and  to  have  succeeded  in  reducing  it  under  liis 
dominion.  He  is  further  reported  to  have  aimeil  at  extending 
his  sway  over  the  greater  part  ol  Peloponnesus, — laying  claim, 
as  the  descendant  of  Hercules,  to  all  the  cities  which  that  hero 
had  ever  taken.  His  j)ower  and  his  intluence  became  so  great 
in  the  Peloponnesus  that  the  Pisatans.  who  had  been  accnstoirod 


B.C.  HI.        EARLY  HISTORY  OF  PELOPONNESUS.  59 

to  preside  at  the  Olympic  games,  but  who  had  been  deprived  of 
this  privilege  by  the  Eleans,  invited  him,  in  the  8th  Olympiad, 
to  restore  them  to  their  original  rights  and  expel  the  intruder^!. 
This  invitation  fell  in  with  the  ambitious  projects  of  Phidon,  who 
claimed  for  himself  the  right  of  presiding  at  these  games,  which 
had  been  instituted  by  his  gi'cat  ancestor  Hercules.  He  accord- 
ingly marched  to  Olympia,  expelled  the  Eleans  from  the  sacred 
spot,  and  celebrated  the  games  in  conjunction  with  the  Pisatans. 
But  his  triumph  did  not  last  long  ;  the  Spartans  took  the  part  of 
the  Eleans,  and  the  contest  ended  in  the  defeat  of  Phidon.  In 
the  following  Olympiad  the  Eleans  again  obtained  the  manage- 
ment of  the  festival. 

It  would  appear  that  the  power  of  Phidon  was  destroyed  in 
this  struggle,  but  of  the  details  of  his  fall  we  have  no  information. 
He  did  not  however  fall  without  leaving  a  very  striking  and  per- 
manent trace  of  his  influence  upon  Greece.  He  was  the  first  per- 
son who  mtrcduced  a  copper  and  a  silver  coinage  and  a  scale  of 
weights  and  m.easures  into  Greece.  Through  his  influence  they 
became  adopted  throughout  Peloponnesus  and  the  greater  part  of 
the  north  of  Greece,  under  the  name  of  the  iEginetan  scale.  There 
arose  subsequently  another  scale  in  Greece  called  the  Euboic, 
which  was  einployed  at  Athens  and  in  the  Ionic  cities  generally, 
as  well  as  in  Euboca.  It  is  usually  stated  that  the  coinage  of 
Phidon  was  struck  in  the  island  of  JEgina,  but  it  appears  more 
probable  that  it  was  done  in  Argos,  and  that  the  name  of  JEgine- 
tan  was  given  to  the  coinage  and  scale,  not  from  the  place  where 
they  first  originated,  but  from  the  people  whose  commercial  ac- 
tivity tended  to  make  them  more  generally  known. 

^  4.  The  progress  of  Sparta  from  the  second  to  the  first  place 
among  the  states  in  Peloponnesus  was  mainly  owing  to  the  pecu- 
har  institutions  of  the  state,  and  more  particularly  to  the  mili- 
tary discipline  and  rigorous  training  of  its  citizens.  The  singular 
constitution  of  Sparta  was  unanimously  ascribed  by  the  ancients 
to  the  legislator  Lycurgus,  but  there  were  difierent  stories  respect- 
ing his  date,  birth,  travels,  legislation,  and  death.  Some  mod- 
ern writers  on  the  other  hand  have  maintained  that  the  Spartan 
institutions  were  common  to  the  whole  Doric  race,  and  there- 
fore cannot  oe  regarded  as  the  work  of  a  Spartan  legislator.  In 
their  view  Sparta  is  the  full  type  of  Doric  principles,  tendencies, 
and  sentiments.  This,  however,  appears  to  be  an  erroneous 
view  ;  it  can  be  shown  that  the  institutions  of  Sparta  were  pe- 
culiar to  herself,  distinguishing  her  as  much  from  the  Doric 
cities  of  Argos  and  Corinth,  as  from  Athei:s  and  Thebes.  The 
Cretan  institutions  bore,  it  is  true,  some  analogy  to  those  of 
Sparta,  but  the  resemblance  ha.s  been  greatly  exaggerated,  and 


ftO  HISTORY  OF  r.llKKCK.  Ciiai-.  VIL 

WUH  chir'fly  roiidiicd  to  tin-  HyH-sitiii  nr  puldif;  rnf-HwtH.  The 
Sparlfiiis,  (l(iiil)ll<sr(,  liiid  ()rii,'iii!il  tiMi'lnu'M-w  cuiiiuikii  to  ihern 
with  the  other  l)(iri;iiiH  ;  hut  thr*  foii.-titiiliou  ol'  Lyiirpiis  im- 
pri'sswl  u|Miii  thciii  thtnr  jM-cruhur  rhnrnrU-r,  wliwh  K«-|tarat(ai 
thcrn  w)  strikiii;,'ly  ("roin  thu  ri'«t  of  (iruw^.  VVhrthi-r  the  Hy»- 
tem  of  Sp.irt.in  lawrt  is  to  Inr  attributed  to  LyrurfruH,  cannot 
now  ho  (k'trnnini'd.  Hi;  livc<l  in  an  afia  when  writing  waa 
never  eiuployfd  for  hfcrary  puriKwcs,  and  conw^jucntly  no  ac- 
fr)unt  of  him  from  a  contemporary  has  come  down  to  u«.  None 
of  the  details  of  his  life  ean  1m'  jtroved  to  Ix;  historically  true  ; 
and  wc  are  ohlif^ed  tt)  dioose  out  of  several  accounts  the  one 
whicli  appears  the  most  probable. 

<)  5.  There  are  very  f^reat  discrepancies  resp,'ctinj,'  the  date  of 
Lycurpus  ;  but  all  accounts  agree  in  s»ipjK)sni<(  him  to  have  lived 
at  a  very  remote  period.  His  most  probable  date  is  B.C.  77G, 
in  which  year  he  is  said  to  have  assi.stcd  Iphitus  in  retitorinjr  the 
Olympic  gam 's.  He  belonged  to  the  royal  family  of  Sparta. 
According  to  the  common  account  lie  was  the  son  of  Eunornus, 
one  of  the  two  kings  who  reigned  together  in  Sparta.  His  father 
was  killed  in  the  civil  dissensions  which  atliicted  Sparta  at  that 
time.  His  elder  brother,  Polydectes,  succeeded  to  the  crown, 
but  died  soon  afterward,  leaving  his  queen  with  child.  The 
ambitious  woman  oil'ered  to  destroy  the  child,  if  Lycurgus  woidd 
share  the  throne  with  her.  Lycurgus  pretended  to  con.^ent ;  but 
as  soon  as  she  had  given  birth  to  a  son,  he  presented  him  in  the 
market-{)lace  as  the  future  king  of  Sparta  ;  and,  to  testify  the 
people's  joy,  gave  him  the  name  of  Charilaus.  The  young  king's 
mother  took  revenge  upon  Lycurgus  by  accusing  him  of  enter- 
taining designs  against  liis  nephew's  life.  Hereupon  he  resolved 
to  withdraw  Irom  hi?  native  country',  and  to  visit  foreign  lands. 
He  was  absent  many  years,  and  is  said  to  have  employed  his 
time  in  stuilying  the  institutions  of  other  nations,  and  in  con- 
versing with  their  sages,  in  order  to  devise  a  system  of  laws  and 
regulations  which  might  deliver  Sparta  from  the  e\'ils  imder 
which  it  had  long  been  suHering.  He  first  visited  Crete  and 
Ionia  ;  and  not  content  with  the  Grecian  world,  passed  from  Ionia 
into  Egypt ;  and  according  to  some  accounts  is  reported  to  have 
visited  Iberia,  Libya,  and  even  India. 

During  his  absence  the  young  king  had  grown  up.  and  assumed 
the  reins  of  government ;  but  the  dis<irders  of  the  state  had 
meantime  become  worse  than  ever,  and  all  parties  longed  for  a 
termination  to  their  present  sutrerings.  Acconhngly  the  return 
of  Lycurgus  was  hailed  with  delight,  and  he  found  the  people 
both  ready  and  willing  to  submit  to  an  entire  change  in  their 
government  and  institutions.      He  now  set  himself  to  work  to 


B.C.  776.  LEGISLATION  OF  LYCURGUS.  61 

carry  his  long  projected  reforms  into  effect ;  but  before  he  com- 
ineiiced  his  arduous  task,  he  consulted  the  Delphian  oracle,  from 
which  he  received  strong  assurances  of  divine  support.  Thus 
encouraged  by  the  god,  he  suddenly  presented  himself  in  the 
market-place,  surrounded  by  thirty  of  the  most  distinguished 
Spartans  in  arms.  The  king,  Charilaus,  was  at  first  disposed  to 
resist  the  revolution,  but  afterwards  supported  the  schemes  of 
his  uncle.  Lycurgus  now  issued  a  set  of  ordinances,  called 
Rhetra,  by  Avhich  he  effected  a  total  revolution  in  the  political 
and  military  organization  of  the  people,  and  in  their  social  and 
domestic  lifo.  His  reforms  were  not  carried  into  effect  without 
violent  opposition,  and  in  one  of  the  tumults  which  they  excited, 
his  eye  is  said  to  have  been  struck  out  by  a  youth  of  the  name 
of  Alcander.  But  he  finally  triumphed  over  all  obstacles,  and 
succeeded  in  obtaining  the  submission  of  all  classes  in  the  com- 
munity to  his  new  constitution.  His  last  act  was  to  sacrifice 
himself  for  the  welfare  of  his  country.  Having  obtained  from 
the  people  a  solemn  oath  to  make  no  alterations  in  his  laws 
before  his  return,  he  quitted  Sparta  for  ever.  He  set  out  on  a 
journey  to  Delphi,  where  he  obtained  an  oracle  from  the  god, 
approving  of  all  he  had  done,  and  promising  everlasting  prosperity 
to  the  Spartans  as  long  as  they  preserved  his  laws.  Whither  he 
went  afterwards,  and  how  and  where  he  died,  nobody  could  tell. 
He  vanished  from  earth  like  a  god,  leaving  no  traces  behind  him 
but  his  spirit :  and  his  grateful  countrymen  honoured  him  with 
a  temple,  and  worshipped  him  with  arniual  sacrifices  down  to 
the  latest  times. 

4  6.  In  order  to  understand  the  constitution  of  Lycurgus,  it 
is  necessary  to  recollect  the  peculiar  circumstances  in  which  the 
Spartans  were  placed.  They  were  a  handful  of  men  in  possession 
of  a  country  which  they  had  conquered  by  the  sword,  and 
which  they  could  only  maintain  by  the  same  means.  They  pro- 
bably did  not  exceed  9000  men  ;  and  the  great  object  of  the 
legislator  was  to  unite  this  small  body  together  by  the  closest 
ties,  and  to  train  them  in  such  habits  of  hardihood,  bravery, 
and  military  subordination  that  they  might  maintain  their 
ascendency  over  their  subjects.  The  means  which  he  adopted 
to  attain  this  object  wei'e  exceedingly  severe,  but  eminently 
successful.  He  subjected  the  Spartans  to  a  discipline  at  once 
monastic  and  warlike,  unparalleled  either  in  ancient  or  in  modern 
times.  His  system  combined  the  ascetic  rigours  of  a  monastery 
with  the  stern  discipline  of  a  garrison.  But  before  "wc  proceed  to 
relate  the  details  of  this  extraordinary  system,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  give  an  account  of  the  different  classes  of  tbe  population  of 
the  country,  and  also  of  the  nature  of  the  government. 


6'i  HlSTOliV  OF  GKKKCn  Cjiaj'.  Vlt 

^7.  Tlif  pii|Milatii)ii  lit  iiiiooiiiu  y/wA  divided  into  ihu  three 
claHi<cH  of  S])iirliiii.s,  l'i;ri<i;ci,  uiid  Ilolotti. 

Tlic  Sjmrtniirt  wen;  llic  dcstx-nduiitH  of  lliu  leading  Duriaii 
coiKjuerors.  Tlicy  li)niiud  the  Hovereij^ii  |>(>wer  ol' lliu  htato,  und 
Ihoy  aldiii;  wen;  cligilile  t(»  lioiumrH  uiid  piibiic  otlice«.  Tlicy 
lived  in  Sparlii  itst;!!",  and  \Vf«e  all  Huhject  to  \\vi  dii-cipliiiu  ct' 
Lyciirjriis.  Thi-y  were  iiiaiiilaiiit-d  IVoin  llicir  CHlalerf  in  diHereut 
])art.s  of  ]j;u*()iiia,  wliicli  wen-  cultivated  lor  tlieiii  Ijy  th  •  IIclot«, 
"wlio  paid  tliein  a  lixcd  aiiioiiiil  of  thn  pnMliice.  Ori^riiially  all 
Sj)artaii.s  were  on  a  footiiij:  of  [('rlliet  efjiiality.  They  were 
divided  into  llireo  trilx'-s, — tl.c  liyllei-s,  the  raiii|diyli,  and  the 
I)yiiiam's, — which  were  not,  however,  j)eculiar  1o  Sjiarta,  hut 
existed  in  all  the  J)oriaii  stales.  They  retained  iheir  full  rights 
Jis  citizens,  and  transmitted  them  to  their  children,  on  two  con- 
ditions,— first,  of  submitting  to  llie  ei.-  "ipline  of  Lycurgus;  and 
secondly,  of  paying  a  certain  amount  '.o  the  jiuhlic  mess,  wliieh 
was  maintained  solely  hy  tliesc  contributions.  In  course  of  lime 
many  Spartans  forfeited  their  full  citizenship  from  being  unable  to 
comply  with  the  latter  of  these  conditions,  citi-er  through  hising 
their  lands  or  through  the  increase  of  children  in  the  poorer 
families.  Thus  there  arose  a  distincliou  among  the  Spartans 
thems('lve.<!,  unknown  at  an  earlier  period — tl:e  reduced  numl>er 
of  (jualilied  citizens  being  called  the  E'juals  or  Peers,*  the  dis- 
franchised jjoor  the  Interiors. t  Tlw  latter,  liowever,  did  not 
become  reriu-ci,  but  might  recover  their  original  rank  if  they 
again  acquired  the  means  of  coiitributing  their  portion  to  the 
j)ublic  mess. 

§  b.  The  PcriariX  were  personally  free,  but  politically  subject 
to  the  S])artans.  They  possessed  no  share  in  the  government, 
and  were  bound  to  obey  the  conmiands  of  the  Spartan  magis- 
trates. They  a])pear  to  have  been  partly  the  descendants  of  the 
old  Aeha-an  po})ulati()n  of  the  country,  and  partly  of  Dorians 
who  had  not  been  admitted  to  the  full  privileges  of  the  nding 
class.  They  were  distributed  into  a  hundred  townships,  which 
were  spread  through  the  whole  of  Laconia.  They  lought  in  the 
S])artan  armies  as  heavy-anned  soldiers,  and  therefore  must  have 
been  trained  to  some  extent  in  the  Spartan  tactics ;  but  they 
were  certainly  exempt  from  the  jieculiar  discipline  to  which  the 
riding  class  was  subject,  and  possessed  more  individual  free- 
dom of  action.     The  larger  projwition  of  the  land  of  Laconia 

*  Ol  'Ofiocoi.  t  Oi  'T-o//n'o»ff. 

:j:  The  name  rrrpiniKOi  sicnitlos  litonilly  'dx^-eller*  aroiintl  the  city," 
and  is  used  peiuTiiUy  by  the  (Ireoks  to  siu'iiify  the  inh.ibitants  in  the 
countrv  districts,  wlio  possessed  inferior  political  privileges  to  the  citi- 
zens who  lived  in  the  city. 


p.C.TVe.  LEGISLATION  OF  LYCURG us.  63 

belonged  to  Spartan  citizens,  but  the  smaller  half  was  the  pro- 
perty of  the  PerioEci.  The  whole  of  the  comnierce  and  manu- 
factures of  the  countr}^  was  in  their  exclusive  possession,  since 
no  Spartan  ever  engaged  in  such  occupations.  They  thus  had 
means  of  acquiring  wealth  and  importance,  from  wliich  the 
Spartans  themselves  were  excluded ;  and  although  they  were 
probably  treated  by  the  Spartans  with  the  same  haughtiness 
which  they  usually  displayed  toward  inferiors,  their  condition 
upon  the  whole  does  not  appear  as  oppressive  or  degraduig. 
They  were  regarded  as  menibers  of  the  state,  though  not  pos- 
sessing its  full  citizenship,  and  were  included  along  with  the 
Spartans  as  Laconiaiis  or  Lacedajn^onians. 

§  9.  The  Helots  were  serfs  bovuid  to  the  soil,  which  they  tilled 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Spartan  proprietors.  Their  condition  was 
very  difi'erent  from  that  of  the  ordinary  slaves  in  antiquity,  and 
more  similar  to  the  viDanage  of  the  middle  ages.  They  lived  in 
the  rural  villages,  as  the  Perioeci  did  in  the  towns,  cultivating 
the  lands  and  paying  over  the  rent  to  their  masters  in  Sparta, 
but  enjoying  their  homes,  wives,  and  families,  apart  from  their 
master's  personal  superintendence.  They  appear  to  have  been 
never  sold,  and  they  accompanied  the  Spartans  to  the  field  as 
light-armed  troops.  But  while  their  condition  was  in  these 
respects  superior  to  that  of  the  ordinarj'  slaves  in  other  parts  of 
Greece,  it  was  embittered  by  the  fact  that  they  were  not  strangers 
like  the  latter,  but  were  of  the  same  race,  and  spoke  the  same 
language  as  their  masters.  Their  name  is  variously  explained, 
and  we  have  different  accomits  of  their  origin  ;  but  there  is  no 
doubt  that  they  were  of  piire  Hellenic  blood,  and  were  probably 
the  descendants  of  the  old  inhabitants,  who  had  ofi'ered  the  most 
obstinate  resistance  to  the  Dorians,  and  had  therefore  been  re- 
duced to  slaver}".*  In  the  earlier  times  they  appear  to  have 
been  treated  with  comparative  mildness,  but  as  their  numbers 
increased,  they  became  objects  of  greater  suspicion  to  their 
masters,  and  were  subjected  to  the  most  wanton  and  oppressive 
cruelty.  They  were  compelled  to  wear  a  peculiar  di'ess — a 
leather  cap  and  a  sheepskin — to  distinguish  them  from  the  rest 
of  the  population  ;  every  means  was  adopted  to  remind  them 
of  their  inferior  and  degraded  condition  ;  and  it  is  said  they 
were  often  forced  to  make  themselves  drunk,  as  a  warning  to 
llie  Spartan  youth.     Whatever  truth  there  may  be  in  these  and 

*  The  common  account  derives  llie  name  of  Helots  (E'AcjTeg)  from 
tliG  town  of  Helos  ("EZof)  in  the  south  of  Laconia,  the  inhabitants  of 
which  had  rebelled  and  been  reduced  to  slaverv.  Others  connect  their 
name  with  e?.7],  7narshes,  as  if  it  signified  inhabitants  of  the  lowlandx. 
Others,  again,  with  more  probability  explain  EiZurec  as  meaning  pris- 
oners, from  tlie  root  of  D.elv,  to  take. 


CI  HFSTOKV  OF  OUKKCH  Chap.  VII 

gjiMil.'ir  luh'rt,  il  iri  rcrtiiin  thai  l\n:  wanton  uikI  iin|M)lilir  op^trcn- 
sioiis  of  tlio  S|)artaiiH  produrfd  in  tin;  inintiri  ot'  tin-  Ildiitri  a 
(l(!('|)-st;al('(l  and  invrl.crat«!  (U^tcstntion  of  their  ina.«tiTH.  Th'-y 
Wi'W  alwav-*  riMtly  to  wi/,*;  any  ojiportunily  of  ri.-in}f  arfainsi 
tlii'ir  (i|i|irrs.sor.-*,  ami  would  ^.'lailly  "  liavi;  i-atcn  tin-  fli-sli  of 
the  Spartans  raw."  IIimici;  Sparta  wa.H  always  in  apj)rch«'ncion 
of  a  revolt  of  the  IlelotH,  and  had  rcconrw."  to  th<;  niwl  atn>- 
cious  mean.s  for  romovinj^  any  who  had  t-xcitcd  thfir  jcalffu.sy 
or  their  fears.  Of  tliis  we  have  a  infrnorahle  iiiHtanre  in  th« 
secret  servire,  called  Crt//tfifi*  which  authorized  a  select  hfKly 
of  Spartan  youths  to  ranj,'(!  the  cf)untry  in  all  direction.",  armed 
"with  daf;i;ers,  and  secretly  to  a.>*sa.s,«inate  such  of  the  Helots  aa 
were  considered  formidable.  Sometimes,  however,  the  Helots, 
who  had  di.stinjruished  themselves  by  their  hravery  in  war, 
received  their  freedom  from  the  government ;  but  in  that  case 
they  formed  a  distinct  body  in  the  state,  known  at  the  time  of 
the  Peloponncsian  war  by  the  name  of  NrofUnnddcs.^ 

MO.  The  functions  of  the  Spartan  government  -were  distri- 
buted amonj?  two  kin«^s,  a  senate  of  thirty  members,  a  pf)pular 
assembly,  and  an  executive  directory  of  five  men  called  the 
Ephors.  This  ]K)litical  con.stitution  is  ascribed  to  Lycurjnis  ;  but 
there  is  frood  reason  for  believin<^  tliat  the  I'^jjliors  were  added  at 
a  later  time  ;  and  there  caiuiot  be  any  doubt  that  the  senate  and 
the  popular  assembly  were  handed  down  to  the  Spartans  from 
the  Heroic  a<re,  and  merely  received  some  modification  and  regu- 
lations from  Lycnrgus. 

At  the  head  of  the  state  were  the  two  hereditary  kinffs.  The 
existence  of  a  pair  of  kinn^s  was  peculiar  to  S})arta.  and  is  said  to 
have  arisen  from  the  accidental  circumstance  of  Aristodeinus 
having  left  twin  sons,  Eur}sthenes  and  I'rocles.J  This  division 
of  the  royal  power  naturally  tended  to  weaken  its  influence  and 
to  produce  jealousies  and  dissensions  between  the  two  kinjrs,  who 
constantly  endeavored  to  thwart  each  other.  The  royal  jxiwer 
was  on  the  decline  during  the  whole  historical  period,  and  the 
authority  of  the  kings  was  gradually  usuqx'd  by  the  Ephors, 
who  at  length  obtained  the  entire  control  of  the  government, 
and  reduced  the  kings  to  a  state  of  humiliation  and  dejjcndence. 
Originally  the  Si)artaii  kings  were  the  real  and  not  the  nominal 
chiefs  of  the  state,  and  exercised  mo.st  of  the  functions  of  the 
monarchs  of  the  Heroic  age.  In  later  times  the  most  imjxirtant 
of  the  prerogatives  which  they  were  allowed  to  retain,  was  the 
supreme  coinmand  of  the  military  force  on  foreign  cxjHxlitions. 
But  even  in  this  privilege  their  authority  was  restricted  at  a 

*  Kpi'T-f/a,  a  secret  commission,  from  KpvTru,  hid-:,  conccaL 

\  Nfor5a//(J(V/f  ••  that  is,  newhi  enfranchised.         \  Soo  above,  p.  SS> 


B.C.  '776.  LEGISLATION  OF  LYCURGUS.  65 

later  time  by  the  presence  of  two  out  of  the  five  Ephors.  Al- 
though the  political  power  of  the  kings  was  thus  curtailed,  they 
possessed  many  important  privileges,  and  were  always  treated 
with  the  profoundest  honour  and  respect.  They  were  regarded 
by  the  people  with  a  feeling  of  religious  reverence  as  the  de- 
scendants of  the  mighty  hero  Hercules,  and  were  thus  supposed 
to  coiniect  the  entire  state  with  the  gods.  They  were  the  high- 
priests  of  the  nation,  ana  every  month  ofiered  sacrifices  to  Jove 
on  behalf  of  the  people.  They  possessed  ample  domains  in 
various  parts  of  Laconia,  and  received  frequent  presents  on  many 
public  occasions.  Their  death  was  lamented  as  a  public  calamity, 
and  their  funeral  was  solemnized  by  the  most  striking  obsequies. 

The  Senate,  called  Gcrusia,*  or  the  Council  of  Elders,  con- 
sisted of  thirty  members,  among  whom  the  two  kings  were  in- 
cluded. They  were  not  chosen  under  sixty  years  of  age,  and 
they  held  their  office  for  life.  They  possessed  considerable  power, 
and  were  the  only  real  check  upon  the  authority  of  the  Ephors. 
They  discussed  and  prepared  all  measures  which  were  to  be 
brought  before  the  popular  assembly,  and  had  some  share  in  the 
general  administration  of  the  state.  But  the  most  important  of 
their  functions  was,  that  they  were  judges  in  all  criminal  cases 
affecting  the  life  of  a  Sjiartan  citizen,  without  being  bound  by 
any  written  code. 

The  Popular  Assembly  was  of  little  importance,  and  appears 
to  have  been  usually  summoned  only  as  a  matter  cf  form  i'or  the 
election  of  certain  magistrates,  for  passing  laws,  and  for  determ- 
ining upon  peace  and  v/ar.  It  would  appear  that  open  discus- 
sion Avas  not  allowed,  and  that  the  assembly  rarely  came  to  a 
division.  Such  a  popular  assembly  as  existed  at  Athens,  m 
which  all  public  measures  were  exposed  to  criticism  and  com- 
ment, would  have  been  contrary  to  one  of  the  first  prmciples  of 
the  Spartan  government  in  historical  times,  which  was  charac- 
terized by  the  extreme  secrecy  of  all  its  proceedings. 

The  Ephors  may  be  regarded  as  the  representatives  of  the 
popular  assembly.  They  were  elected  annually  from  the  general 
body  of  Spartan  citizens,  and  seem  to  have  been  originally 
appointed  to  protect  the  interests  and  liberties  of  the  people 
against  the  encroachments  of  the  kings  and  the  senate.  They 
correspond  in  many  respects  to  the  tribunes  of  the  people  at 
Rome.  Their  functions  were  at  first  limited  and  of  small  im- 
portance ;  but  in  the  end  the  whole  political  power  became  cen- 
tred in  their  hands.  They  were  thus  the  real  rulers  of  the  state, 
and  their  orders  were  submissively  obeyed  by  all  classes  in 
Sparta.  Their  authority  was  of  a  despotic  nature,  and  they  ex- 
*  Tepovaia. 


OC  IlISTOUV  UF  CJUKIX'M  (map.  VIL 

erriwfl  it  witlioiit  rfh|i()iiMil)ility.  Tlit-y  iiuil  llic  entire  nmnago- 
iiu;nl  ol"  till!  iiiti-rnul  uh  well  art  of  thi!  lon-ijfn  uiiuirHof  thi;  Ktatc; 
tlit!y  llmiu'd  a  court  lo  ilrcidc  U|h)U  raiiwrf  ol  ^Tcat  iiii]K<rtancu ; 
tlit^y  (lisinissi'd  at  their  ])leaHiire  Hiiixirdiiiate  riia^ihtratr-t^,  unci 
iiii|i()se<i  ii|)i>u  tlieiii  liiie.H  uiid  iiiiiirifoiinieiit ;  they  <rveii  arri*«t«l 
the  hiii^s,  and  eitlier  lined  them  on  their  own  authority,  or 
))rouj.'hl  them  to  trial  before  the  senate. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  j)rece<lin>f  account  that  the  Spartan 
{government  was  in  reality  a  elos*;  olifrarehy,  in  which  the  kings 
and  the  senate,  as  well  a.s  the  jie()|)le,  were  alike  subject  to  the 
irrcsj)onsil)le  authority  of  the  Jive  Kjihors. 

Ml.  The  most  important  jiart  ot  the  le«rislation  of  Lycurfrus 
did  not  relate  to  the  ])olitical  constitution  of  Sparta,  but  to  the 
di.scipline  an<l  education  of  the  cilizen.s.  It  wa.s  these  winch 
gave  Sj)arta  lier  j)eculiar  character,  and  distiiifruished  her  in  so 
striking  a  manner  from  all  the  other  states  of  Greece.  In  rn(xl- 
ern  times  it  Inus  been  usually  held  that  the  state  exists  for  the 
citizen,  and  that  the  great  object  t)f  the  state  is  to  secure  the 
citizen  in  the  enjojTucnt  of  his  life  and  liis  projwrty.  In  Sparta, 
on  tlie  contrary,  the  citizen  existed  only  for  the  state,  and  was 
bound  to  devote  to  its  honour  and  glory  not  only  all  his  time, 
affections,  and  energies,  but  to  sacrifice  to  its  interests  his  j)ropcrty 
and  his  life.  "VYc  have  already  seen  that  the  position  of  the 
Spartans,  surrounded  by  numerous  enemies,  whom  they  oidy 
held  in  subjection  by  llic  sword,  compelled  them  to  be  a  nation 
of  soldiers.  Lycurgus  determined  that  they  should  be  nothing 
else  ;  and  the  great  object  of  his  whole  system  was  to  cultivate 
a  martial  spirit,  and  to  give  them  a  training  which  would  make 
them  invincible  in  battle.  To  aecomplish  this  the  education  of 
a  Spartan  was  })laced  under  the  control  of  the  state  from  his 
earliest  boyhood,  and  he  continued  to  be  mider  public  inspection 
to  his  old  age. 

Every  child  after  birth  was  exhibited  to  public  view,  and  if 
deemed  deformed  and  weakly,  and  unfit  for  a  future  life  of  labour 
and  fatigue,  was  exposed  to  perish  on  Mount  Taygctus.  Af  the 
age  of  seven  he  was  taken  from  his  mother's  care,  and  handed 
over  to  the  public  classes.  His  training  was  under  the  special 
charge  of  an  ollicer  nominated  by  the  state,*  and  was  subject  to 
the  general  superintendence  of  the  elilers.  He  was  not  only  taught 
all  the  gymnastic  games,  which  would  give  vigour  and  strength 
to  his  body,  and  all  the  exercises  and  movements  required  from 
the  Laceda'monian  soldiers  in  the  field,  but  he  was  also  subjected 
to  severe  Ixulily  (li.-ci])line,  and  was  comjieUed  to  submit  to  hard- 
fliips  and  sulk'ring  without  repining  or  complaint  One  l1  tho 
*  Called  Padonomua  (:ro'dw6/«)j-)i 


B.C.  116.  LEGISLATION^'  OF  LYCURGUS.  67 

tests  to  which  the  fortitude  of  the  Spartan  youths  was  suhjected, 
was  a  cruel  scourging  at  the  ahar  of  Artemis  (Diana),  until  theii 
hlood  gushed  forth  and  covered  the  altar  of  the  goddess.  It 
was  inflicted  puhlicly  hefbre  the  eyes  of  their  parents  and  in  the 
presence  of  the  whole  city  ;  and  many  Avere  known  to  have  died 
imder  the  lash  without  uttering  a  complaining  murmur.  No 
means  were  neglected  to  prepare  them  for  the  hardships  and 
stratagems  of  war.  They  were  obliged  to  wear  the  same  garment 
winter  and  summer,  and  to  endure  hiuiger  and  thirst,  heat  and 
cold.  They  were  purposely  allowed  an  insufficient  quantity  of 
food,  hut  were  permitted  to  rnake  up  the  deficiency  by  hunting 
m  the  woods  and  movuitains  of  Laconia.  They  were  even  en- 
couraged to  steal  whatever  they  could  ;  but  if  they  were  caught 
in  the  fact,  they  v/ere  severely  punished  for  their  want  of  dex- 
terity. Plutarch  tells  us  of  a  boy,  who,  having  stolen  a  fox,  and 
hid  it  imder  liis  garment,  chose  rather  to  let  it  tear  out  his  very 
bowels  than  be  detected  in  the  theft. 

The  hterary  education  of  a  Spartan  youth  was  of  a  most  re- 
stricted kind.  He  was  taught  to  despise  literature  as  unworthy 
of  a  warrior,  while  the  study  of  eloquence  and  philosophy,  which 
were  cultivated  at  Athens  Avith  such  extraordinary  success,  was 
regarded  at  Sparta  with  contempt.  Long  speeches  were  a  Spar- 
tan's abhorrence,  and  he  was  trained  to  express  himself  with 
sententious  brevity.  He  was  not,  however,  an  entire  stranger 
to  the  humanizing  influence  of  the  Muses.  He  was  taught  to  sing 
and  play  en  the  lyre  ;  but  the  strains  which  he  leanit  were  either 
martial  songs  or  hymns  to  the  gods.  Hence  the  warlike  poems 
of  Homer  were  popular  at  Sparta  from  an  early  period,  and  are 
even  said  to  have  been  introduced  into  Peloponnesus  by  Lycurgus 
hhnself  The  poet  Tyrta^us  was  for  the  same  reason  received 
with  liigh  honours  by  the  Spartans,  notwithstanding  their  aversion 
to  strangers ;  while  Archilochus  was  banished  from  the  country 
because  he  had  recorded  in  one  cf  liis  poems  liis  flight  from,  the 
field  of  battle. 

A  Spartan  w^as  not  considered  to  have  reached  the  full  age  cf 
manliood  till  he  had  completed  his  thirtieth  year.  He  was  then 
allowed  to  marry,  to  take  part  in  the  public  assembly,  and  was 
eligible  to  the  offices  of  the  state.  But  he  still  ccntiniied  under 
the  public  discipline,  and  was  not  permitted  even  to  reside 
and  take  his  meals  with  his  wife.  The  gi'eater  part  cf  his 
time  was  occupied  in  gymnastic  and  military  exercises  ;  l:c 
took  his  meals  A\dth  his  comrades  at  the  public  mess,  and  he 
slept  at  night  in  the  public  barracks.  It  -was  not  till  l:e  had 
reached  his  sixtieth  year  that  he  was  released  from  the  public 
discipline  and  from  military  service. 


08  HISTOUY  OF  GREECH  Oiai-.  VII. 

Till!  jiiililir  mess — crillfrl  Sijssitin* — iHKiiid  to  have  \>c»'i\  iiiKti- 
tiilrd  hy  liV'-iiririiH  1<>  |ircviMit  all  iiidiilyi'iK'c  of  tin;  ap|M'tilc. 
I'lililir  tiililfs  well!  provided,  ut  wliirli  every  male  eifiz<-ii  wan 
()l)li;,'ed  to  t;ilu'  lii.s  meals.  Kaeli  talde  aeromriuKJati-d  lifter-n  jKJr- 
Hoiis,  wlin  ii)riiied  a  wparntc  mes«,  into  wliieh  no  new  member 
Ava.s  admitted,  exeept  by  the  nnaiiimoim  eoii.«ii'iit  of  the  wliole 
edmp.iiiy.  I'iaeli  hcmI  monthly  to  the  romirion  HtiK-k  a  KjKTificd 
(|iiaiitity  ofharlev-ineal,  wini-,  elu-i-w,  and  fi;.'i<,  and  a  little  money 
to  hiiy  iie.Hh  and  firth.  No  distinetion  of  any  kind  wa.s  allowed  at 
these  frufral  meal.s.  Meat  was  oidy  eaten  (K-riisionally  ;  and  one 
of  the  i)rineipal  dishes  was  blaek  broth.  Of  what  it  consisted 
"WC  do  not  know.  The  tyrant  iJionysiiis  found  it  vcr)'  unpala- 
table ;  but,  as  the  cook  told  him,  the  broth  was  nothing  without 
the  sea.'soiiiiifr  of  fati^mc  and  huiifrer. 

^  \2.  The  Sjjartan  women  in  their  earlier  years  were  subjected 
to  a  course  of  traininj^  almost  as  ri<rorous  as  that  of  the  men. 
They  were  not  viewed  as  a  part  of  the  family,  but  as  a  jiart  of  the 
state.  Their  preat  duty  was  to  pive  Sparta  a  viporous  race  of 
citizens,  and  not  to  discharge  domestic  and  household  duties. 
They  were  thereliire  trained  in  pyrnuastic  exercis<*s,  and  con- 
tended with  cacli  other  in  runninp,  wre.=;tlinp,  and  boxing.  The 
yoiiths  were  present  at  these  exercises,  and  the  maidens  were 
allowed  in  like  maimer  to  witness  those  of  the  youths.  The  two 
sexes  were  thus  brought  into  close  intercourse  in  a  manner  un- 
known to  tlic  rest  of  Greece  ;  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  followed  by  any  injurious  consequences,  and  the  morals  of 
the  Spartan  women  were  probably  purer  than  those  of  any  other 
females  in  Greece.  At  the  age  of  twenty  a  Spartan  woman  usually 
married,  and  she  was  no  longer  subjected  to  the  public  disciphne. 
Although  she  enjoyed  little  of  her  hu.-iband's  s<x'iety,  she  was 
treated  by  him  -with  deep  respect,  and  was  allowe<l  a  greater  de- 
gree of  liberty  than  Mas  tolerated  in  other  (rrecian  states.  Hence 
she  took  a  lively  interest  in  the  welfare  and  glory  of  her  native 
land,  and  was  animated  by  an  earnest  and  lofty  spirit  of  patriot- 
ism. The  Spartan  mother  had  reason  to  be  ])roud  of  herself  and 
of  her  children.  ^Vhen  a  woman  of  another  country  said  to 
Gorgo,  the  wife  of  Leonidas,  "  The  Spartan  women  alone  rule  the 
men,"  she  replied,  "  The  Spartan  women  alone  bring  forth  men.  ' 
Their  husbands  and  their  sons  were  fired  by  their  sympathy  to 
deeds  of  heroism,  and  were  deterred  from  yielding  to  the  fix;  by 
the  certain  reproaches  and  contempt  which  awaitetl  ihem  at 
their  domestic  hearths.      "  Return  either  with  your  shield,  or  upon 

*  TAiaaiTia,  that  is.  catinrf,  or  mfsxiiift  toficlhir  or  in  common.  Tl>e  pub- 
lic mess  was  also  called  Phlditia  {ru  ^eiii-id),  or  frugal  meals. 


B.C.  776.  LEGISLATION  OF  LYCURGUS.  69 

it,"  was  their  exhortation  to  their  sons,  when  going  to  battle  ; 
and  after  the  fatal  day  of  Lcuctra  those  mothers  whose  sons  had 
fallen  retnrned  thanks  to  the  gods ;  while  those  were  the  bitter 
sutTerers  whose  sons  had  survived  that  disgraceful  day.  The  tri- 
umphant resignation  of  a  Spartan  mother  at  the  heroic  death  of 
her  son,  and  her  fierce  wrath  when  he  proved  a  recreant  coward, 
are  well  expressed  in  two  striking  poems  of  the  Greek  Anthology  : 

"Eight  sons  Demajiieta  at  Sparta's  call 
Sent  forth  to  figlit;  one  tomb  received  them  all. 
No  tear  she  shed,  but  shouted  '  Victory ! 
Sparta,  I  bore  them  but  to  die  for  thee.'  " 


"  A  Spartan,  his  companion  slain. 

Alone  from  battle  fled; 
His  mother,  kindling  with  disdain 

That  she  had  borne  him,  struck  him  dead ; 
For  courage,  and  not  birth  alone, 
In  Sparta,  testifies  a  son!"* 

M3.  One  of  the  most  celebrated  measures  ascribed  to  Lycur- 
gus  by  later  writers  was  his  redivision  of  the  land  of  the  country. 
It  is  related  that  the  disorders  of  the  state  arose  mainly  from 
the  gross  inequality  of  property  :  the  greater  part  of  the  land 
was  in  the  hands  of  a  few  rich  men,  whilst  the  majority  of  the 
people  were  left  in  hopeless  misery.  In  order  to  remedy  this 
fearful  state  of  things,  he  resolved  to  make  a  ne-*,v  division  of 
lands,  that  the  citizens  might  all  live  together  in  perfect  equality. 
Accordingly,  he  redistributed  the  territory  belonging  to  Sparta 
into  9000  equal  lots,  and  the  remainder  of  Laconia  into  30,000 
equal  lots,  and  assigned  to  each  Spartan  citizen  one  of  the  former 
of  these  lots,  and  to  each  PerioGcus  one  of  the  latter. 

It  is,  however,  very  questionable  whether  Lycurgus  ever  made 
any  division  of  the  landed  property  of  Laconia.  It  is  not  men- 
tioned by  any  of  the  earlier  writers,  and  we  find  in  historical 
times  great  inequality  of  property  among  the  Spartans.  It  is 
suggested  with  great  probability  by  Mr.  Grote,  that  the  idea 
of  an  equal  division  of  landed  property  by  Lycurgus  seems 
to  have  arisen  in  the  third  century  before  the  Christian  era, 
when  an  attempt  was  made  by  Agis  and  Cleomenes,  kings  of 
Sparta,  to  rescue  their  country  from  the  state  of  degradation 
into  which  it  had  sunk.  From  the  time  of  the  Persian  war,  the 
number  of  the  Spartan  citizens  was  constantly  declining,  and  the 
property  accumulating  in  a  few  hands.  The  number  of  citizens, 
reckoned  by  Herodotus  at  8000,  had  dwindled  down  in  the  time 
of  Aristotle  to  1000,  and  had  been  still  furtlier  reduced  in  that  of 
*  Sec  Anthologia  J^oliiglotla,  edited  by  Dr.  Wellesley.  pp.  101,  202. 


70  lll>l<i|:V   ')!•   (ii;|-,K<  i:.  riur.  VII 

Afrirt  i'»  /I");  and  in  tin*  rcij^ii  of  ihi.s  kinjr  !'»()  alone  ]«ws4'>'m-(I 
nearly  the  whole  ol  the  landed  projMTty  in  the  htute,  whil';  llie 
remainder  were  niif^erahly  |KKjr.  At  the  name  lime  the  .' 
eiplinc  had  de^'eneraled  into  u  mere  form;  numhefK  oIjjIi 
had  nettled  in  the  eity  ;  un<l  Sparta  had  lon^r  lo><t  in-r  an<  iciil 
iudnenee  over  her  nei^'hlxMirs.  The  humiliatinn  condition  of 
their  country  roused  Apis  and  other  ardent  Hpirits  to  endeavour 
to  restore  Sjiarta  to  }ier  former  plories  ;  anrl  for  thiii  j)ur[)ow.' 
they  resolved  to  estalilish  a«rain  the  (lis<^'ii)line  of  Lycurpu.^  in 
its  pristine  vigour,  and  to  make  a  fresh  <Iivisiun  of  the  landed 
property.  Apis  perished  in  Jiis  attempt  to  carry  thc«;  refonns 
into  elleel ;  hut  a  similar  revolution  was  shortly  afterwards  ac- 
complished hy  Cleomenes.  It  wag  in  the  state  of  public  feelinp 
which  pave  birth  to  the  projects  of  Apis  and  Clct)mene»,  that 
the  idea  arose  of  an  equal  division  of  j)roi)erty  havinp  been  one 
of  the  ancient  institutions  of  their  preat  lawpiver.  The  disci])linc 
and  education  of  Lycurpus  tended  prcatly  to  intnxluce  equality 
ainonp  the  rich  and  the  poor  in  their  liabits  and  enjoyments  ; 
and  hence  we  can  ea:Mly  luiderstand  how  this  equality  sugpestcd 
to  a  subsctiuent  a<re  an  equality  of  property  as  likewise  one  of 
the  institutions  of  Lycurpus. 

HI-  It  has  been  already  remarked  that  the  Spartans  were 
not  allowed  to  enpape  in  any  trade  or  manufactures  ;  and  that  all 
occupations,  pursued  for  the  sake  of  pain,  were  left  in  the  hands 
of  the  Peria-ci.  Vic  are  told  that  Lycurpus  therefore  ])anishcd 
from  Sparta  all  pold  and  silver  money,  and  allowed  nothinp  but 
bars  ol'  iron  to  pass  in  exclianpe  for  every  cominotlity.  It  is,  how- 
ever, absurd  to  ascribe  such  a  repidation  to  Lycurpus,  since  silver 
money  was  first  coined  in  Greece  by  Phidon  of  Arpos  in  the  suc- 
ceeding pcneration,  and  pold  money  was  first  coined  in  Asia,  and 
was  very  little  known  in  Greece,  even  in  the  time  of  the  Peloj)on- 
ucsiau  war.  In  this  case,  as  in  others,  the  usage  of  later  times 
was  converted  into  a  primitive  institution  of  the  lawpiver.  As 
the  Spartans  were  not  allowed  to  enpape  in  connuerce.  and  all 
luxury  and  di.>;])lay  in  dress,  furniture,  and  food  was  forbidden, 
they  had  very  little  occasion  for  a  circulatinp  medium,  and  iron 
money  was  i'ound  sulTicient  for  their  few  wants.  But  this  pro- 
hibition of  the  precious  metals  only  made  the  Spartans  more 
anxious  to  obtain  them  :  and  even  in  the  times  of  their  prcatest 
plory  the  S]»artans  were  the  most  venal  of  the  Gri'eks,  and  could 
rarely  resist  the  temptation  of  a  ])ecuniary  bribe. 

The  Si)artans  were  averse  to  all  cbanpes,  lK>th  in  their  povem- 
ment  and  their  custi  m-s.  In  order  to  preserve  their  national 
character  and  the  primitive  simplicity  of  their  habits,  Lycurpns 
is  said  to  have  forbidden  all  strangers  to  reside  at  SjKirta  without 


B.C.  776.  LIGI3LATI0N  OF  LYCURGUS.  71 

special  permission.     For  the  same  reason  the  Spartans  were  not 
allowed  to  go  abroad  without  leave  of  the  magistrate. 

Caution  was  also  another  characteristic  of  the  Spartans. 
Hence  we  are  told  that  they  never  pursued  an  enemy  farther  than 
was  necessary  to  make  themselves  sure  of  the  victory.  They 
were  also  forbidden  by  Lycurgus  to  make  frequent  war  upon  the 
same  foes,  lest  the  latter  should  leani  their  peculiar  tactics. 

^15.  The  city  of  Sparta  was  never  fortihed,  even  in  the  days 
of  her  greatest  power,  and  continued  to  consist  of  five  distinct 
quarters,  which  were  originally  separate  villages,  and  which  were 
never  united  into  one  regular  town.  It  is  said  that  Lycurgus 
had  commanded  them  not  to  surround  their  city  with  walls,  but 
to  trust  for  their  defence  to  their  own  military  prowess.  Another 
and  a  better  rea.son  for  the  absence  of  walls  is  to  be  sought  in  the 
admirable  site  of  the  city,  in  tlic  midst  of  a  territory  almost  in- 
accessible to  invaders.  The  northern  and  western  frontiers  cf 
Laconia  were  protected  by  lofty  ranges  of  mountains,  through 
which  there,  were  only  a  few  difficult  passes  ;  while  the  rocky 
nature  of  its  eastern  coast  protected  it  from  invasion  by  sea. 
Sparta  was  situated  iidand,  in  the  middle  of  the  valley  of  the 
Eurotas  ;  and  all  the  principal  passes  of  Laconia  led  to  the  city, 
which  was  thus  placed  in  the  best  position  for  the  defence  of  the 
country.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  one  of  the  causes  of  the 
Spartan  power  is  to  be  traced  to  the  strength  of  its  frontiers  and 
to  the  site  of  Sparta  itself 

^  IG.  The  legislation  of  Lycurgus  was  followed  by  important 
results.  It  made  the  Spartans  a  body  of  professional  soldiers, 
well  trained  and  well  disciplined,  at  a  time  when  military  train- 
ing and  discipline  were  little  known,  and  almost  unpractised  in 
the  other  states  of  Greece.  The  consequence  was  the  rapid 
growth  of  the  political  power  of  Sparta,  and  the  subjugation  of 
the  neighbouring  states.  At  the  time  cf  Lycurgus  the  Spartans 
held  only  a  small  portion  of  Laconia ;  they  were  merely  a  garrison 
in  the  heart  of  an  enemy's  country.  Their  first  object  was  to 
make  themselves  masters  of  Laconia,.  in  which  they  finally  suc- 
ceeded after  a  severe  struggle.  The  military  ardour  and  love  of 
war,  which  had  been  implanted  in  them  by  the  institutions  cf 
Lycurgus,  contirmed  to  animate  them  after  the  suljjugation  cf 
Laconia,  and  led  them  to  seek  new  conquests.  We  have  already 
seen  that  they  ofl:'ered  a  successful  resistance  to  the  formidable 
power  of  Phidon  of  Argos.  They  now  began  to  cast  longing 
eyes  upon  the  possessions  of  their  Dorian  brethren  in  Messenia, 
and  to  meditate  the  conquest  of  that  fertile  country. 


1/ 


4w 


Early  Grt. 


triim  Vase-paintings. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

HISTORY  OF   srAKTA.       TUt;   MKSSKNIAN,   ARCADIAN,   AND  ARGIVE 
WARS. 


§  1.  Autliorities  for  the  liistorj'  of  the  Mcssenian  wars.  §2.  Tlie  first 
Messenian  war,  u.o.  743 — 724.  §  3.  The  eecoiitl  Messenian  war,  b.c. 
685 — 668.  Aristomcnes,  the Messenian  hero,  aiulTyita'ii*.  tlioSpartan 
hero,  of  this  war.  §4.  Wars  between  tlie  S|)artrtti8  anil  Area<liana. 
Conquest  of  the  southern  ])art  of  Areadia  )>y  Sparta.  War  between 
Sparta  and  Tegeix.  J?  5.  \Vai"s  between  the  Sjjai'tans  and  Argivei". 
Battle  of  the  three  hundred  champions  to  decide  the  possession  of 
Cynuria. 

^  1.  Thi:  early  wars  of  Sparta  were  carried  on  against  the  Mes- 
seniaus,  Arcadians,  and  Arrives.  They  resnlted  in  making 
Sparta  the  undisputed  mistress  of  two-thirds  of  Pelojmnnesus, 
and  the  most  powerful  of  the  Grecian  states.  Of  these  wars  the 
two  waged  against  Messenia  were  the  most  celebrated  and  the 
most  important.  They  were  both  long  protracted  and  obsti- 
nately contested.  They  both  ended  in  the  victory  of  Sparta,  and 
in  the  subjugation  of  Messenip..  These  facts  are  beyond  di.«pute, 
and  are  attested  by  the  contemjHirary  jioet  Tyrta>us.  But  of  the 
details  of  these  wars  we  have  no  trustworthy  narrative.  The 
account  of  them,  which  is  inserted  in  most  histories  of  Greece, 
is  taken  from  Pausanias.  a  writer  who  lived  in  the  second  ccn- 
turj'  (^f  the  Christian  era.     He  derivetl  his  narrative  of  the  Hrst 


B.C.  '743.  FIRST  MESSENIAN  WAR.  73 

war  from  a  prose  writer  of  the  name  of  Myron,  who  did  not  live 
earher  than  the  third  century  before  the  Christian  era  ;  and  he 
look  his  account  of  the  second  li-om  a  poet  called  Ehianus,  a 
native  of  Crete,  who  lived  about  B.C.  220.  Both  these  writers 
were  separated  from  the  events  which  they  narrated  by  a  period 
of  500  years,  and  probably  derived  their  materials  iicm  the  stories 
current  among  the  Messenians  after  their  restoration  to  their  na- 
tive land  by  Epaminondas.  Infonnation  oi'an  historical  character 
could  not  be  expected  from  the  work  of  Rhianus,  which  was  an 
epic  poem  celebrating  the  exploits  of  the  great  hero  Aristomenes. 
We  must  not,  therefore,  receive  the  common  account  of  the  Mes- 
Benian  wars  as  a  real  history  ;  and  M'c  shall  consequently  give 
only  a  brief  outline  of  tlie  narrative  of  Pauccnias.  The  dates  of 
the  two  wars  cannot  be  fixed  with  certainty.  Pausanias  makes 
tho  first  last  from  B.C.  743  to  724,  and  the  second  from  b.c.  685 
to  668.     Both  of  these  dates  are  probably  too  early. 

^  2.  The  real  cause  of  the  first  Mcss;enian  war  v\  as  doubtless 
the  lust  of  the  Spartans  for  the  fertile  territories  of  their  neigh- 
liours.  But  its  origin  was  narrated  in  the  following  manner. 
On  the  heights  of  Mount  Taygetns,  which  separated  the  two 
kingdoms,  there  was  a  temple  of  Artemis  (Diana),  common  to  the 
Spartans  and  Messenians.  It  was  here  that  the  Spartan  king 
Teleclus  was  slain  by  the  Messenians ;  but  the  two  people  gave  a 
diflerent  version  of  the  cause  of  his  death.  The  Spartans  asserted 
that  Teleclus  was  murdered  by  the  Messenians,  while  he  was 
attempting  to  defend  some  Spartan  virgins,  whom  he  was  con- 
ducting to  the  temple,  from  the  insults  of  the  Messenian  youth. 
The  Messenians,  on  the  ot-her  hand,  averred  that  Teleclus  had 
dressed  up  young  men  as  virgins  with  concealed  daggers,  and 
that  Teleclus  was  slain  in  the  aflray  which  ensued  upon  the  dis- 
covery of  the  plot.  The  war  did  not,  hoM'ever,  immediately 
break  out  ;  and  the  direct  cause  of  it  was  owing  to  a  private 
quarrel.  Polychares,  a  distinguished  Messenian,  who  had  gained 
the  prize  at  the  Olympic  games,  had  been  grossly  injured  by  the 
Spartan  Eusephnus,  who  had  robbed  him  of  his  cattle  and  mur- 
dered his  son.  Being  unable  to  obtain  redress  from  the  Spartan 
government,  Polychares  took  the  revenge  into  his  own  hands, 
and  killed  all  the  Lacedajmonians  that  came  in  his  way.  The 
Spartans  demanded  the  surrender  of  Polychares,  but  the  Messe- 
nians refused  to  give  him  up.  Thereupon  the  Spartans  deter- 
mined upon  war.  They  silently  prepared  their  forces ;  and 
without  any  formal  declaration  of  war,  they  crossed  the  frontier, 
surprised  the  fortress  of  Amphea,  and  put  the  inhabitants  to  the 
sword . 

Thus  coiiniicnced  the  first  Messenian  war.  E  uphaos,  who  was 
E 


74  HISTORY  OF  OREECR  Ciiai-.  VIII. 

tlicu  kiiij^  ol  M(  .■',Hfiii.'i,  rarrif  (1  on  llic  war  with  fiuTpy  and  -• 
Tor  tli<;  lirst  four  years  tl!»;  Lafredu-inoniau.H  ni.ul<-  little-  ju' 
but  in  tlin  (iith  a  (.Ti-at  battl<;  wa.s  l<)iiL'lit.  ■>\i<\  altii(iii<.'h  it.s  r<  .-uit 
WHS  iuil«!cif<ivi',  the;  M(*s.sc-iiiaii.i  (hd  not  vrntiir*!  to  ri.-k  another 
cn«;af;»'mi'iit,  and  retired  to  the  Htronjjly  fortilied  mountain  of 
Ithoinr-.  In  their  distress  they  ^ont  to  con.'<ult  the  oracle  at 
Delphi,  and  received  the  a[»|»allJnj,' answer  that  the  Kilvation  of 
Me.ss<'nia  re{|i!ired  the  Bflcniice  of  a  virjrin  of  th<'  lioujic  of 
/Epyturi*  to  the  poda  of  the  lower  world.  Ari.stfxlcinu»  oliered 
his  own  danpliter  as  tlie  victim  ;  but  a  younjj  Me^fienian,  who 
loved  the  maiden,  attempted  to  save  her  life  by  dcK-larinp  that 
she  was  alH)ut  to  }j«'come  a  mother.  Her  father,  enrapetl  at  this 
assertion,  ki'led  liis  daughter  with  his  own  hand,  and  opened 
her  bo<ly  to  refute  the  calumny.  Although  the  demands  of 
the  oracle  had  not  been  satisfied,  since  this  wa.s  a  nnirder  and 
not  a  sacrifice,  the  Spartans  were  .«o  disheartened  by  the  news, 
that  tliey  abstained  from  attacking  the  Me.<senians  for  sfjme 
years.  In  the  thirteenth  year  of  the  war,  the  Spartan  king 
Theopompus  mari-hed  against  Ithome,  and  a  second  great  battle 
was  fought,  but  tlie  result  was  again  indecisive.  Euphaes  fell 
in  the  action  ;  and  Aristodemus,  who  was  chosen  king  in  his 
place,  prosecuted  tlie  war  with  vijrour  and  ability.  In  the  fifth 
year  of  his  reign  a  third  great  battle  was  fought,  in  which  the 
Corinthians  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Spartans,  and  the  Arca- 
dians and  Sicyonians  on  the  side  of  the  Messenians.  This  time 
the  Me.s.seniaus  gained  a  decisive  victon",  and  the  Laceda>monians 
were  driven  back  into  their  own  territor}'.  They  now  sent  to 
ask  advice  of  the  Delphian  oracle,  and  were  promised  success 
upon  using  stratagem.  They  therefore  had  recourse  to  fraud  ; 
and  at  the  same  time  various  prodigies  dismayed  the  bold  spirit 
of  Aristodemus.  His  daughter  too  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream, 
showed  to  him  her  wounds,  and  summoned  him  away.  Seeing 
that  his  couutrv'  was  doomed  to  destruction,  Aristodemus  slew 
himself  on  his  daughters  tomb.  Shortly  afterwards,  in  tin- 
twentieth  year  of  the  war,  the  Messenians  abandoned  Ithome, 
which  the  Lacedienionians  razed  to  the  ground,  and  the  whole 
couutn,"  became  subject  to  Sparta.  Many  of  the  inhabitants 
lied  into  Arcadia,  and  the  priestly  families  withdrew  to  Eleusis, 
in  Attica.  Those  who  remained  in  the  country-  were  treated  with 
great  i^'verity.  They  were  retluced  to  the  condition  of  Helots,  and 
were  compelled  to  pay  to  their  masters  half  of  the  produce  of 
their  lands.  This  is  attested  by  the  authority  of  Tyrta;as.  who 
says,  '•  Like  asses  worn  down  by  hea\T  burthens  they  were  com- 

•  The  royal  family  of  Messenin  was  descended  from  ^pytus,  Tvho 
was  a  sou  vi  Cresphontcs. 


B.C.  685.  SECO-ND  MESSEXL\X  WAR.  75 

peiled  to  make  over  to  their  masters  an  entire  half  of  the  produce 
of  their  fields,  and  to  come  in  the  garb  of  woe  to  Sparta,  them- 
selves and  their  w-ives,  as  mourners  at  the  decease  of  the  kings 
and  principal  persons.' 

§  3.  For  thirt\--nine  years  the  3Iessenians  endured  this  degrad- 
ing yoke.  At  the  end  of  this  time  (b.c.  6^6)  they  took  up  arms 
against  their  oppressors,  having  fomid  a  leader  in  Aristomenes, 
of  Andania,  sprung  from  the  royal  hue  of  iEp)-tus.  The  exploits 
of  this  hero  form  the  great  subject  of  the  second  Messenian  war. 
It  would  appear  that  most  of  the  states  in  Peloponnesus  took 
part  in  this  struggle.  The  Argives,  Arcadians,  Sicyonians,  and 
Pisatans  were  the  principal  allies  of  the  Messenians  ;  but  the 
Corinthians  sent  assistance  to  Sparta.  The  first  battle  vras 
fought  before  the  arrival  of  the  allies  on  either  side  ;  and  though 
it  Avas  mdecisive,  the  valour  of  Aristomenes  struck  fear  into  the 
hearts  of  the  Spartans.  To  frighten  the  enemy  still  more,  the 
hero  crossed  the  frontier,  entered  Sparta  by  night,  and  affixed  a 
shield  to  the  temple  of  Athena  (Miners^a)  of  the  Brazen  House, 
■wath  the  inscription,  "  Dedicated  by  Aristomenes  to  the  goddess 
from  the  Spartan  spoils." 

The  Spartans  in  alarm  sent  to  Delphi  for  advice.  The  god 
bade  them  apply  to  Athens  for  a  leader.  Fearing  to  disobey  the 
oracle,  but  with  the  view  of  rendering  no  real  assi.?tance,  the 
Athenians  sentTjTtceus  of  Aphidnse,  who  is  represented  m  the 
popular  legend  as  a  lame  man  and  a  schoolmaster.  The  Spartans 
received  their  new  leader  AAitli  due  honour  ;  and  he  was  not  long 
in  justifying  the  credit  of  the  oracle.  His  martial  songs  roused 
the  fainting  courage  of  the  Spartans,  and  animated  them  to  new 
efibrts  against  the  foe.*  The  Spartans  showed  their  gratitude 
by  making  him  a  citizen  of  their  state.  So  efficacious  were  his 
poems,  that  to  them  is  mainly  ascribed  the  final  success  of  the 
Spartans.  Hence  he  appears  as  the  great  hero  of  Sparta  during 
the  second  Messenian  war.  Some  of  his  celebrated  songs  have 
come  down  to  us,  and  the  follo-SAing  war-march  is  a  specimen  : — 

"To  the  field,  to  the  field,  gallant  Spartan  band, 
"Worthy  sons,  like  your  sires,  of  our  "warUke  land! 
Let  each  arm  be  prepared  for  its  part  in  the  fight, 
Fix  tlie  shield  on  the  left,  poise  the  spear  with  the  right,  • 
Let  no  care  for  your  Uves  in  vour  bosoms  find  place, 
No  such  care  knew  the  heroes  of  old  Spartan  race."  f 

Encouraged  by  the  strains  of  Tyrtseus,  the  Spartans  again 

*  "  Tyrta?usqiie  mares  animos  in  Martia  bella 

Versibus  exacuit." — Hor.  Ars  Poet.  402. 
f  Mure's  History  of  Greek  Literature,  vol.  iii.  p.  195. 


in  lIisroRV   ui-  (iUKKCR  (JiAi-.  VUt 

iii.irflii'il  :ij,':uiist  tin?  ,Mc.«.s4'iiiaiii'.  IJiil  ihry  wen;  uot  .'it  lir«t  «uc- 
ct'ssriil.  A  prciit  l)iittl<!  wiiH  ((iij^'lil  at  tlu-  Jioar  h  Grave  iu  Hvs 
plain  of  Sltriiy<"l<"'riis,  in  wliicli  the  ullics  (if  linlli  tsidiru  were  pro- 
Bi-nt.  Tilt)  S|iartaiiH  M'rrc  tldi'atfj  with  fjrcat  lo«j ;  and  the 
Mcssenian  inaidcnrt  of  a  latrr  day  used  lo  hIiij?  liow  "  Arixlo- 
nuMU'rt  pursniMl  the  flying  Laccda-inoniaiiii  down  to  th«;  tnid-pluii> 
t)f  Stcnycli-rus,  and  up  to  tins  vrry  .sinnniit  of  ihc  mountain."  Iv 
tlu!  third  year  of  the  war  anotluT  fiTv.ii  battle  wan  linjght,  iu 
which  tho  Mt'SSfuians  HulitTcd  a  sifrnal  defrat,  in  cons4;qu«'nfro  of 
the  treachery  of  Aristocrati-s,  tin-  kinp  of  the  Arcadian  Orcho- 
mcnus.  Ho  great  was  the  lus.s  of  the  Me.Hrreijiana,  that  Aristo- 
mcncs  no  longer  ventured  to  mtiet  the  Spart-'iiiH  in  the  open 
field;  and  he  therefore  resolved  to  li»llow  the  exaiuple  of  tho 
Messeuian  leaders  in  tlu;  former  war,  and  concentrate  his  stren^h 
in  a  fortified  s])ot.  For  this  piupose  he  chose  the  mountain 
fortress  of  Ira,  and  there  he  continued  to  pnjsecute  the  war  for 
eleven  years.  The  Spartans  encamped  at  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tain ;  but  Arislomenes  frequently  sallied  from  Ins  fortrc.«.s,  and 
ravaged  the  lands  of  Laconia  with  fire  and  sword.  It  is  unne- 
cessary to  relate  all  the  wonderful  exploits  of  this  hero  in  his 
various  incursions.  Thrice  did  he  ofitT  to  Jove  Ithomates  the 
sacrifice  called  Hecatomphonia,  reserved  for  tlic  warrior  who 
had  slain  a  hundred  enemies  with  his  own  hand.  Thrice  was  he 
taken  j)ri.soner  ;  on  two  occasions  he  bur.st  liis  bonds,  but  on  the 
third  ho  was  carried  to  Sparta,  and  thrown  w  ilh  his  iifty  com- 
panions into  a  deep  pit,  called  Ceadas.  His  comrades  were  all 
killed  by  the  iall  ;  but  Aristomenes  reached  the  bottom  unhurt. 
He  saw,  however,  no  means  of  escape,  and  had  resigned  himself 
to  death  ;  but  on  the  third  day  perceiving  a  fo.x  creeping  among 
the  bodies,  he  grasped  its  tail,  and  following  the  animal  as  it 
struggled  to  escape,  discovered  an  opening  in  the  rock.  Through 
the  favor  of  the  gods  the  hero  thus  escaped,  and  on  the  next 
day  was  again  at  Ira  to  the  surprise  alike  of  friends  and  foes. 
But  his  single  prowess  was  not  sufiicient  to  avert  the  ruin  of  liis 
country  ;  he  had  incurred  moreover  the  anger  of  the  Dioscuri  or 
the  Twin  gods ;  and  the  favour  of  heaven  was  therefore  turned 
from  him.  One  night  the  Spartans  surprised  Ira,  while  Aristo- 
menes was  disabled  by  a  wound  ;  but  he  collected  the  bravest  of 
his  l()llowers,  and  forced  his  way  throuirh  the  enemy.  He  took 
refuge  in  Arcadia,  where  he  was  hosijitably  received  ;  but  the 
plan  which  he  had  formed  for  surprising  Sparta  w;u?  l)etrayed 
by  Aristocrates,  whoni  his  countrymen  stoned  for  his  treacherj'. 
Many  of  the  exiled  Messenians  went  to  Rhegium.  in  Italy, 
under  the  sons  of  Aristomenes,  but  the  hero  himself  tinished  liis 
days  in  Rhodes.      His  memory  long  lived  in  the  hearts  of  his 


B.C.  560.        AVAR  BETWEEN  SPARTA  AND  TEGEA.  77 

countrymen  ;  and  later  legends  related,  that  in  the  fatal  battle  of 
Leuctra,  which  destroyed  lor  ever  the  Laceda-monian  power,  the 
hero  was  seen  scattering  destruction  among  the  Spartan  troops. 

The  second  Messenian  war  was  terminated  by  the  complete 
subjugation  of  the  Messenians,  who  again  became  the  serls  of 
their  conquerors  (b.c.  666).  In  this  condition  they  remained  till 
the  restoration  of  their  independence  by  Epaminondas,  in  the 
year  369  b.c.  During  the  whole  of  the  intervening  period  the 
Messenians  disappear  i'rom  history.  The  country  called  Messenia 
in  th.e  map  was  in  reality  a  portion  of  Laconia,  which,  after  the 
second  Messenian  war,  extended  across  the  south  of  Pelopon- 
nesus from  the  eastern  to  the  western  sea. 

§  4.  Of  the  history  of  the  wars  between  the  Spartans  and 
Arcadians  we  have  fewer  details.  The  Spartans  made  various 
attempts  to  extend  their  dominion  over  Arcadia.  Hence  the 
Arcadians  allbrded  assistance  to  the  Messenians  in  their  struggle 
against  Sparta,  and  they  evinced  their  sympathy  for  this  gallant 
people  by  putting  to  death  Aristocrates  of  Orchomenus,  as  has 
been  already  related.  The  conquest  of  Messenia  was  probably 
followed  by  the  subjugation  of  the  southern  part  of  Arcadia. 
We  know  that  the  northern  frontier  of  Laconia,  consisting  of 
the  districts  called  Sciritis,  Beleminatis,  Maleatis,  and  Caryatis, 
originally  belonged  to  Arcadia,  and  M^as  conquered  by  the  Lace- 
dasmonians  at  an  early  period. 

The  Lacedfemonians,  however,  did  not  meet  with  equal  success 
in  their  attempts  against  Tegea.  This  city  was  situated  in  the 
south-eastern  corner  of  Arcadia,  on  the  very  frontiers  of  Laconia. 
It  possessed  a  brave  and  warlike  population,  and  defied  the 
Spartan  power  for  more  than  two  centuries.  As  early  as  the 
reign  of  Charilaus,  the  nephew  of  Lycurgus,  the  Lacedaemonians 
had  invaded  the  territory  of  Tegea  ;  but  they  were  not  only 
defeated  with  great  loss,  but  this  king  was  taken  prisoner  with 
all  his  men  who  had  survived  the  battle.  Long  afterward,  in 
the  reign  of  Leon  and  Agesicles  (about  e.c.  580),  the  Lace- 
dcernonians  again  marched  against  Tegea,  but  were  again  defeat- 
ed with  great  loss,  and  were  compelled  to  work  as  slaves  in  the 
very  chains  which  they  had  brought  with  them  for  the  Tegeatans. 
For  a  whole  generation  their  arms  continued  unsuccessful ;  but 
in  the  reign  of  Anaxandrides  and  Ariston,  the  successors  of 
Leon  and  Agesicles  (about  B.C.  560),  they  were  at  length  able 
to  bring  the  long  protracted  struggle  to  a  close.  In  their  dis- 
tress they  had  applied  a.s  usual  to  the  Delphic  oracle  for  advice, 
and  had  been  promised  success  if  tlicy  could  obtain  the  bones 
of  Orestes,  the  son  of  Agamemnon.  The  directions  of  the  god 
enabled  them  to  find  the  remains  of  the  hero  at  Tegea  :  and  by  a. 


•78  MIsTolIY  OF  GREECE.  Ciur.  VIIL 

Hkilfiil  flnitiifjf'rii  one  (illlwir  rritizciiK  puffccdcd  in  narryiiin  the 
lidly  n-lics  In  S|iart;i.  'I'ln-  li<lc  oC  the  war  now  turnrd.  The 
'J'cjTfiitanrt  were  const  ant  ly  drlratcd,  and  were  at  hm^tli  olili^ed 
1()  acknowlrd^'o  llic  KUjucniacy  of  Sparta.  Tlicy  wiTi;  not,  how- 
evtT,  rcdnccd  to  .«nl»jcclion,  lik<;  tin;  Mi-ssrnianH.  They  flill  ron- 
linucd  niaj^tcrs  ot  ihcir  own  city  antl  territory,  and  only  Lecatao 
depcndcnl  allies  ol'  Sjiarla. 

^  T).  Tlio  liislory  of  ihr  early  Ktnifrfrlo  bi;l\vecn  ArpoH  and 
Sparta  is  (piilc  uidinown.  ^Ve  have  already  t»een  that  the  whole 
easJern  coast  of  I'eloponnestis  had  originally  belonped  t<i  Arpos, 
or  the  conli'deracy  over  which  this  city  jjrcsided.  The  Laceda;- 
jnonians,  however,  succeeded  not  only  in  cf  nriuerinir  all  the 
eastern  coast  of  Laconia,  but  alco  in  annexinf,'  to  their  territory 
the  district  of  Cynnria,*  on  their  northern  frontier,  which  had 
orifriuiilly  formed  part  of  tlic^  doininions  of  Arjros.  It  is  uncer- 
tain at  what  time  the  Laceda-moniaus  obtained  this  iin]M>rtant 
ucfjuisition  ;  but  the  attempt  of  the  Arjrives  to  recover  it  in 
547  n.c.  led  to  one  of  the  most  celebrated  combats  in  early 
Grecian  history.  It  was  a«rreed  between  the  Laceda-nionians  and 
Arrives  that  the  ])o.-<.<essiou  of  the  territon,-  should  be  decided 
by  a  combat  between  three  hundred  chosen  champions  on  either 
side.  So  fierce  "was  the  conllict  that  only  one  Spartan  and  two 
Arprives  survived.  The  latter,  supposiufr  that  all  their  opjionents 
had  been  slain,  hastened  home  with  the  news  of  victory  ;  but 
Othrjades,  the  Spartan  warrior,  remained  on  the  field,  and 
spoiled  the  dead  bodies  of  the  enemy.  Both  sides  claimed  the 
victorv,  whereupon  a  general  battle  ensued,  in  Avhich  the  Argives 
were  defeated.  The  brave  Othrj-ades  slew  himself  on  the  field 
of  battle,  beins  ashamed  to  return  to  Sparta  as  the  one  survivor 
of  her  three  hundred  cham})ions.  This  victorj'  secured  the 
Spartans  in  the  possession  of  Cyiiuria.  and  cllectually  liumbled 
the  poMcr  of  Arjros. 

Sparta  was  now  by  far  the  most  jiowerful  of  the  Grecian  states. 
Her  own  territory,  as  we  have  already  seen,  included  the  whole 
southern  portion  of  Pelopoiniesus  :  the  Arcadians  were  her  sub- 
ject allies  ;  and  Ar^ros  had  sulii-red  too  much  from  her  recent 
defeat  to  oiler  any  furtb.er  resistance  to  her  formidable  neighbour. 
North  of  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth  there  was  no  state  whose  power 
could  compete  with  that  of  Sparta.  Athens  was  still  sullering 
from  the  civil  dis.*ensions  which  had  led  to  the  usuqjation  of 
Pisistratus,  and  no  one  could  have  anticipated  at  this  time  tlie 
Ta\nd  and  extraordinary  growth  of  this  state,  which  rendered  her 
belbre  long  the  rival  of  Sparta. 

*  Tlu>  i>laiii.  ciiUoil  Tliyrealis  from  the  town  of  Thyrea,  was  the  most 
important  puit  of  C'yiuuiii, 


Leaden  Slina-builets  and  Arrow-heads,  found  at  Athens,  Marathon,  and  Leontin!. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE    AGE    OF    THE    DESPOTS. 

§  1.  Abolition  of  royalty  throughout  Greece,  except  in  Sparta.  §  2.  Estab- 
lishment of  the  oligarchical  governments.  §  2.  Overthrow  of  the  oli- 
garchies by  the  despots.  Character  of  the  despots,  and  causes  of  their 
fall.  §  4.  Contest  between  oligarch}-  and  democracy  on  the  removal 
of  the  clespots.  §  5.  Despots  of  Sic\on.  History  of  Clisthenes.  §  6.  Des- 
pots of  Corinth.  History  of  vOypselns  and  Periander.  §  7.  Conflicts 
of  the  oligarchical  and  democratical  parties  at  Megara.  Despotisr 
of  Theagenes.     The  poet  Theognis. 

§  1.  Sparta  was  the  only  state  in  Greece  which  continued  to 
retain  the  kingly  form  of  government  during  the  brilliant  peyiod 
of  Grecian  history.  In  all  other  parts  of  Greece  royalty  had 
been  abolished  at  an  early  age,  and  various  forms  of  repubhcan 
government  estabhshed  in  its  stead.  In  all  of  these,  though  dii- 
fering  widely  from  each  other  in  many  of  their  institutions, 
hatred  of  monarchy  was  a  univeisal  feeling.  This  change  in 
the  popular  mind  deserves  our  consideration.  In  the  Heroic  age, 
as  we  have  already  seen,  monarchy  was  the  oidy  form  of  goveru- 
ment  known.  At  the  head  of  every  state  stood  a  king,  Vvho  had 
derived  his  authority  from  the  gods,  and  Mhose  commands  were 
reverently  obeyed  by  his  people.  -The  only  check  upon  his  au- 
thorit)'  was  the  council  of  the  chiefs,  and  even  they  rarely  ven- 
tured to. interfere  with  his  rule.  But  soon  after  the  commence- 
ment of  the  first  Olympiad  this  reverential  feeling  towards  the 
king  disappears,  and  his  authority'  and  his  fixnctions  are  trans- 
ferred to  the  council  of  chiefs. 


80  lIls'nMlY  OF  r.MKHCE.  Coat.  IX. 

'IMiis  iiii|M)rl;mt  iivoliitioii  wa.H  owiii^  iiiiiiiily  to  tlic  dinnlliiCM 
oi  till'  ( irccii'in  HtulrH.  It  iiiiiHt  \»;  roiislaiilly  n-iiH'inlKTfd  that 
cadi  pdlitic.'il  ('(iiiiiMuiiity  coiLuistcii  only  of  tin;  iiilialiitantM  of  a 
Biiijrln  <"ily.  AiiKiii^'  (Ml  Htiiall  a  l)(;(ly  tin;  kiii'r  could  not  fiirrouixl 
liiiiisrlt'  with  any  poiiii)  or  Miy;<tcry.  Hi;  moved  nn  u  man  among 
his  rcllow-mcM  ;  Imh  i'aultH  and  liirt  foiltlis  In'ramc  known  to  all  ; 
aiul  art  iho  (iii'ck  mind  developed  and  enlarf,'ed  itwif,  lii.s  KnlijectH 
lost  all  belief  in  his  divine  rijrht  to  their  «»lj«-dienee.  They  had 
no  extent  of  territory  whieli  rendered  it  advi!<ahle  to  maintain  a 
kinfj  lor  the  purjxtse  of  pre^ervinfr  tlieir  nnion  ;  and,  rtrnt^- 
qnently,  when  they  lost  re.-peet  lor  liis  person,  and  faith  in  hia 
divine  rir^bt,  they  aholi.shetl  the  di<rnity  alto<ret}ier.  This  change 
appers  to  have  heen  accomplished  w  ithoiit  any  sudden  or  violent 
revolutions.  ^Sometimes,  on  the  depth  of  a  king,  his  son  was  ac- 
knowledged as  ruler  for  life,  or  11  ir  a  certain  numher  of  years,  with 
tlio  title  ui  Arclinn  ;*  and  sometimes  the  royal  race  was  .'K;t  aside 
siltogi'ther,  and  one  of  the  nobles  was  elected  to  sujiply  the  place 
ot  the  king,  with  the  title  of  P/i/ffinis or  President. t  In  all  ca.-c3, 
however,  the  new  magistrates  became  more  or  less  resjjonsible 
to  the  nobles  ;  and  in  course  of  time  they  were  elected  fi^r  a 
brief  period  from  the  whole  body  of  the  nobles,  and  were  ac- 
countable to  the  latter  for  the  manner  in  which  they  discharged 
the  duties  of  their  oHice. 

\  2.  The  abolition  of  royalty  was  thus  followed  by  an  Oli- 
garchy, or  the  government  of  the  Few.  This  was  the  first  form 
of  republicanism  in  Greece.  Democracy,  or  the  goveniment  of 
the  Many,  was  yet  unknown  ;  and  the  condition  of  the  general 
mass  of  the  freemen  appears  to  have  been  unaliected  bv  the  re- 
volution. But  it  paved  the  way  to  greater  changes.  It  taught 
the  (Treeks  the  important  princij)le  that  the  political  power  was 
vested  in  the  citizens  of  the  state.  It  is  true  tliat  th.esc  were  at 
first  only  a  small  portion  of  the  fieeinen  ;  but  their  numlxr 
might  be  enlarged  ;  and  the  idea  could  not  fail  tocccur  that  the 
power  which  had  been  transferreil  from  the  One  to  the  Few 
might  be  still  further  extended  from  the  Few  to  the  Many. 

The  nobles  pos.sessed  the  greater  part  of  the  land  of  the  state, 
and  were  lience  frequently  distinguished  by  the  name  of  Gco- 
mori  or  Gamori.t  Their  estates  were  cultivated  Ly  a  rural  and 
dependent  population  ;  whilst  they  themselves  lived  in  the  city, 
and  appear  to  have  formed  an  exclusive  order,  transmitting  their 
privileges  to  their  sons  alone.  But  besides  this  governing  body 
and  their  rustic  dependents,  there  existed  two  other  classes,  con- 
sisting of  ^mall  landed  j)roprietors,  who  cultivated  their  fields 

J  Tiu/iopoi  (Ionic),  Tafiopoi  (Doric),  Iniijotcucrs. 


B.C.  650.  THE  GRECIAI^  DESPOTS.  81 

with  their  own  hands,  and  of  artisans  and  traders  residing  in  the 
town.  These  two  classes  were  constantly  increasing  in  numbers, 
wealth,  and  mtelligence,  and,  consequently,  began  to  demand  a 
share  in  the  government,  from  which  they  had  hitherto  been 
excluded.  The  ruling  body  meantime  had  remained  stationary, 
or  had  even  declined  in  numbers  and  in  wealth ;  and  they  had 
excited,  moreover,  the  discontent  of  the  people  by  the  arbitrary 
and  oppressive  mamier  in  which  they  had  exercised  their  au- 
thority. But  it  was  not  from  the  people  that  the  oligarchies 
received  their  first  and  greatest  blow.  They  were  generally  over- 
thrown by  the  usurpers,  to  whom  the  Greeks  gave  the  name  cf 
Tyrants.* 

^  3.  The  Greek  word  Tyrant  does  not  correspond  in  meaning 
to  the  same  \vord  in  the  English  language.  It  signifies  simply 
an  irresponsible  ruler,  and  may  theretbre  be  more  correctly  ren- 
dered by  the  term  Despot.  The  rise  of  the  Despots  seems  to 
have  taken  place  about  the  same  time  in  a  large  number  of  the 
Greek  cities.  They  begin  to  appear  in  the  middle  of  the  seventh 
century  e.c.  ;  and  in  the  course  of  the  next  hundred  and  fifty  years 
(from  B.C.  GoO  to  500)  there  were  few  cities  in  the  Grecian 
Avorld  which  escaped  this  revolution  in  their  government.  The 
gi-owing  discontent  of  the  general  body  of  the  people  afforded 
facilities  to  an  ambitious  citizen  to  overthrow  the  existing  oli- 
garchy, and  to  make  himself  supreme  niler  of  the  state.  In  most 
cases  the  despots  belonged  to  the  nobles,  but  they  acquired  their 
power  in  various  ways.  The  most  frequent  manner  in  which 
they  became  masters  of  the  state  w-as  by  espousing  the  cause  of 
ihe  commonalty,  and  making  use  of  the  strength  of  the  latter  to 
put  down  the  oligarchy  by  Ibrce.  Sometimes,  but  more  rarely, 
one  of  the  nobles,  who  had  been  raised  to  the  chief  magistracy 
for  a  temporary'  period,  availed  himself  of  his  position  to  retain 
his  dignity  permanently,  in  spite  of  liis  brother  nobles.  There 
was  another  class  of  irresponsible  rulers  to  whom  the  name  of 
^sijm/ietcs,j  or  Dictator,  was  given.  The  supreme  power  vras 
voluntarily  entrusted  to  him  by  the  citizens,  but  only  for  a  limited 
period,  and  in  order  to  accomplish  some  important  object,  such 
as  reconciling  the  various  factions  in  the  state. 

The  government  of  most  of  the  despots  was  oppressive  and 
cruel.  In  many  states  they  W'ere  at  first  popular  with  the  gen- 
eral body  of  the  citizens,  who  had  raised  tliem  to  power  and  were 
glad  to  see  the  humiliation  of  their  ibrmer  masters.  But  discon- 
tent soon  began  to  arise ;  the  despot  had  recourse  to  violence  to 
put  down  disaflection,  and  thus  became  an  object  of  hatred  to 
hid  il'l low-citizens.  In  order  to  protect  himself  he  called  in  the 
*  Tvpavvoi,  f  Alcnj/ivTjrric . 


82  IIISTOKY  OF  GUKKCR  Chap.  IX 

ai<l  of  |i»rri^fii  liDops,  and  tiMik  up  liirt  rmdciicc  in  tho  Acrf>jKili», 
Hurrouiidcd  liy  liis  iiicrci'ii.'irieH.  The  most  illustrioux  nU/AniA 
■were  now  exiled  or  jtut  lo  death,  and  the  ^overllIlle^t  became 
ill  reality  n  tyranny  in  the  iiuMlern  wnw- oj  tlic  word.  Some  of 
these  ihjs))ots  erected  ma;rniriiTiit  [iidilie  works,  either  to  frratily 
their  own  love  of"  s|)lendoiir  and  <lisplay,  or  with  the  exjiress  view 
of  impoverirthini^  their  sidyect.s.  Ulhers  wore  patrons  of  litera- 
ture and  art,  and  sonjrlit  to  pain  jKipnlarity  by  inviting  literary 
men  to  their  court.  But  even  those  who  cxerci.sf^d  their  hov- 
ereigiity  with  moderation  were  never  able  to  retain  their  |)f)pu- 
larity.  Tho  as.sumption  of  irresponsible  jMnvcr  by  one  man  had 
become  abhorrent  to  the  Greek  mind.  A  jKirson  thus  rai.'iiiig 
himself  above  the  law  was  considered  to  have  forfeited  all  title 
to  the  protection  of  the  law.  He  was  rejrarded  a^  the  prreatest 
of  criminals,  and  his  as.sassination  wa.s  viewed  as  a  rifrhteoud 
and  holy  act.  Hence  few  de.sj)ots  prew  old  in  their  povernment ; 
still  fewer  bcf[ueathed  their  power  to  their  sons ;  and  very  rarely 
did  the  dyna.sty  continue  as  long  as  the  third  pencration. 

^4.  Many  of  the  despots  in  Greece  were  put  down  by  tho 
Laccdicmonians.  The  Spartan  povernment,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  was  essentially  an  oliparchy  ;  and  the  Spartans  were  always 
ready  to  lead  their  powerlul  aid  to  the  support  or  the  establish- 
ment of  the  povenunent  of  the  Few.  Hence  they  took  an  active 
part  in  the  overthrow  ol"  the  despots,  with  the  intention  of  es- 
tablishinp  the  ancient  oliparchy  in  their  place.  But  this  rarely 
happened ;  and  they  thus  became  unuitentioual  instmrnents  in 
promoting  the  principles  of  the  popular  party.  The  rule  of  the 
despot  had  broken  down  the  distinction  between  the  nobles  and 
the  peneral  body  of  freemen ;  and  upon  the  removal  of  the  des- 
pot it  was  found  impossible  in  most  cases  to  reinstate  the  fomier 
body  of  nobles  in  their  ancient  privilepes.  The  latter,  it  is  true, 
attempted  to  repain  them,  and  were  supported  in  their  attemj)ts 
by  Sparta.  Hence  arose  a  new  strupple.  The  first  contest 
after  the  abolition  of  royalty  was  between  oliparchy  and  the 
despot ;  the  next  which  now  ensued  was  between  oligarchy  and 
democracy. 

Tiie  history  of  Athens  Avill  aflord  the  most  striking  illustration 
of  the  dilierent  revolutions  of  which  we  have  been  sjjcakinp ;  but 
there  are  some  examples  in  the  other  Greek  states  which  must 
not  be  passed  over  entirely- 

^  5.  The  city  of  Sicyon,  situated  to  the  west  of  tlic  Corinthian 
isthmus,  was  poverned  by  a  race  of  desjwts  for  a  longer  period 
than  any  other  Greek  state.  Their  dynasty  lasted  for  a  hundred 
yeai'3,  and  is  said  to  have  been  foiuuled  by  Orthagoras,  about 
B.C.  G76.     This  revolution  is  -worthy  of  notice,  because  Ortha- 


B.C.  625.        DESPOTS  OF  SICYOX  AND  CORIXTIl  83 

goras  did  not  belong  to  the  oligarchy.  The  latter  consisted  of  a 
portion  of  the  Dorian  conquei-ors  ;  and  Orthagoras,  who  belonged 
to  the  old  inhabitants  of  the  country,  obtained  the  power  by  the 
overthrow  of  the  Dorian  oligarchy.  He  and  his  successors  were 
doubtless  supported  by  the  old  population,  and  this  was  one 
reason  of  the  long  continuance  of  their  power.  The  last  of  the 
dynasty  was  Clisthenes,  who  was  celebrated  for  his  wealth  and 
magniticence,  and  who  gained  the  victory  m  the  chariot  race  in 
the  Pythian  and  Olympic  games.  He  aided  the  Amphictyons  in 
the  saci'ed  war  against  Cirrha  (b.c.  595),  and  he  was  also  engaged 
in  hostilities  against  Argos.  But  the  chief  point  in  his  history 
which  claims  our  attention  was  his  systematic  endeavour  to 
depress  and  dishonour  the  Dorian  tribes.  It  lias  been  already 
remarked*  that  the  Dorians  in  all  their  settlements  were  di- 
vided into  the  three  tribes  of  Hyllcis,  Pamphyli,  and  Dymanes. 
These  ancient  and  venerable  names  lie  changed  into  new  ones, 
derived  from  the  sow,  the  ass,  and  the  pig,t  while  he  declared 
the  superiority  of  his  own  tribe  by  giving  it  the  designation  of 
Arclietai,  or  lords  of  the  people.  Clisthenes  appears  to  have 
continued  despot  till  his  death,  which  may  be  placed  about 
B.C.  560.  The  dynasty  perished  with  him.  He  left  no  son; 
but  his  daughter  Agarista,  whom  so  many  suitors  wooed,  was 
married  to  the  Athenian  Megacles,  of  the  great  family  of 
the  Alcmeeonidae,  and  became  the  mother  of  Clisthenes,  the 
founder  of  the  Athenian  democracy  after  the  expulsion  of  the 
Pisistratidse. 

k  6.  The  despots  of  Corinth  were  still  more  celebrated.  Their 
dynasty  lasted  74  years.  It  was  founded  by  Cypselus,  who  over- 
threw the  oligarchy  called  the  Bacehiad<B  in  e.g.  ^55.  His  mother 
belonged  to  the  Bacchiada? ;  but  as  none  of  the  race  would  marry 
her  on  account  oi'  her  lameness,  she  espoused  a  man  who  did  not 
belong  to  the  ruling  class.  The  Bacchiadse  having  learnt  that  an 
oracle  had  declared  that  the  issue  of  this  marriage  would  prove 
their  ruin,  endeavoured  to  murder  the  child  ;  but  his  mother 
preserved  him  in  a  chest,  from  which  he  derived  his  name.| 
When  he  had  grow^n  up  to  manhood  he  came  forward  as  the 
champion  of  the  people  against  the  nobles,  and  with  their  aid 
expelled  the  Bacchiadaj,  and  established  himself  as  despot.  He 
held  his  power  for  thirty  years  (b.c.  655-625),  and  transmitted 
it  on  his  death  to  his  son  Periander.  His  government  is  said  to 
have  been  mild  and  popular. 

The  sway  of  Periander,  on  the  other  hand,  is  universally  repre- 

*  Above,  c.  7.  §  7. 

f  Hyatffi  ('Ydrai),  Oneatae  {^Oved-aL),  Chcereatfu  (XoipecZrat). 

i  Cypsehis  from  cypscle  {Kvtpe?.7i),  a  chest. 


HI  IMSToltV  OK  C.MVA'A'l-l  Ciiai-.  l.V 

Hfiitid  as  ii|i|tr(!HHiv<'  ami  cruel.  Mniiy  of  llic  talcs  related  of  him 
may  Ix'  n-^unliMl  as  the  caliiiiiriicri  of  liix  cii'-inifH  ;  but  then;  Ih 
•.'oiiil  icahoii  for  bclicviiij;  that  hr  riiK-d  with  a  rod  oliron.  The 
way  ill  wliicli  In-  Inaltd  the  ii(»hk'H  in  illuMtratrd  hy  Ji  wcll-kiiowii 
talc,  which  hu.s  liccii  tiaiisl(Trcd  to  tin-  early  )ii«lory  ol  Rome. 
Sudii  allcr  hi«  accession  IVriaiidcr  is  said  to  liave  wiit  to  Thra- 
Kyhuliis,  despot  of  Miletus,  to  ask  him  liir  advice  as  to  the  Ix-st 
mode  of  iiiaiiitaiiiiiiHr  ins  |)ow(;r.  Witiioiit  {.'iviii^  an  answer  in 
writing',  Thrasyhuliis  led  tin;  mcsseii<.'er  throiif;li  a  coni-field, 
(•iitliiij:  oil,  as  he  went,  the  tallest  ears  of  corn.  He  then  dis- 
missed the  mcssen<rer,  tellin<r  him  to  inform  his  master  how  he 
had  l()und  him  emi)loye(l.  The  action  was  ri«rhtly  inlerjtreted 
hy  Periander,  who  proceeded  tr)  rid  himself  of  the  powerful 
nobles  of  the  state.  The  anecdote,  whether  true  or  not,  is  au 
indication  of  the  common  opinion  entertained  of  the  govern- 
ment of  Periander.  We  are  further  told  that  he  [jrotected  Iiis 
person  by  a  body-ffiiard  of  rnerefcnaries,  and  kept  all  rebellion  in 
elicclv  by  his  rifforous  measures.  It  is  admitted  on  all  hands 
that  he  jiossessed  <rreat  ability  and  military  t-kill ;  and,  however 
oppres.sive  his  fjoveriiment  may  have  been  to  the  citizens  of 
Corinth,  he  raised  the  city  to  a  state  of  jrreat  prosperity  and 
power,  and  made  it  re.'^peoted  alike  by  friends  and  Ibes.  Under 
his  sway  Corinth  was  the  wealthiest  and  tlie  most  jMjwerl'ul  of 
all  the  eonuuereial  connnunitics  of  (ireece  ;  and  at  no  other  pe- 
riod in  its  history  does  it  apj)ear  in  so  (lourishin<r  a  condition. 
In  his  reipn  many  imjiortant  colonies  were  ibunded  by  Coriuth 
on  the  coast  of  Acarnania  and  the  surroundinf^  islands  and 
coasts,  and  his  sovereignty  extended  over  Corcyra,  Ambra- 
cia,  Leucas,  and  Anactorium,  all  of  which  were  independent 
states  in  the  next  generation.  Corinth  jwsscssed  harbours  on 
either  side  of  the  isthmus,  and  the  customs  and  port-tlues 
were  so  considerable  that  Periander  required  no  other  source 
of  revenue. 

Periander  was  also  a  warm  patron  of  literature  and  art.  He 
■welcomed  the  poet  Arion  and  the  ])hilcsopher  Anaeharsis  to 
his  court,  and  was  lunnbered  bj  some  among  the  t>eveu  Images 
of  Greece. 

The  private  life  of  Periander  "was  marked  by  great  misfortunes, 
which  embittered  his  latter  days.  He  is  said  to  have  killed  liis 
wiie  ^Melissa  in  a  lit  of  anger  ;  whereupon  his  son  Lyeophron 
lefl  Corinth  and  withdrew  to  Corcyra.  The  youth  continued 
so  incensed  against  his  father  that  he  refused  to  return  to  Cor- 
inth, when  Periander  in  his  old  aire  beirged  him  to  come  back 
and  assume  the  government.  Finding  him  inexorable,  Periander. 
who  was  anxious  to  insure  the  contuiuauce  of  his  dynasty,  then 


B.C.  600.        DESPOTS  OF  CORINTH  AKD  MEGARA.  85 

offered  to  go  to  Corcyra,  if  Lycophron  would  take  his  place  at 
Corinth.  To  this  his  son  assented  ;  but  the  Corcyra^ans,  fearing 
the  stern  rule  of  the  old  man,  put  Lycophron  to  death. 

Periondcr  reigned  forty  years  (b.c.  625—585).  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  a  relative,  Psainmetichus,  son  of  Gorgias,  who  oidy 
reigned  between  three  and  four  years,  and  is  said  to  have  been 
put  down  by  the  Lacedaemonians. 

^  7.  During  the  reign  of  Periander  at  Corinth,  Theagenes  made 
himself  despot  in  the  neighbouring  city  of  Megara,  probably 
about  B.C.  630.  He  overthrew  the  oligarchy  by  espousing  the 
popular  cause ;  but  he  did  not  maintain  his  power  till  his 
death,  but  was  driven  from  the  government  about  B.C.  600.  A 
struggle  now  ensued  between  the  oligarchy  and  the  democracy, 
which  was  conducted  with  more  than  usual  violence.  The 
popular  party  obtained  the  upper  hand,  and  abused  their  vic- 
tory. The  poor  entered  the  houses  of  the  rich,  and  forced 
them  to  provide  costly  banquets.  They  confiscated  the  property 
of  the  nobles,  and  drove  most  of  them  into  exile.  They  not 
only  cancelled  their  debts,  but  also  forced  the  aristocratic  cre- 
ditors to  refund  all  the  interest  which  had  been  paid.  But  the 
expatriated  nobles  returned  in  arms  and  restored  the  oligarchy. 
They  were,  however,  agaiir  expelled,  and  it  was  not  till  after 
long  struggles  and  convulsions  that  an  oligarchical  government 
was  permanently  established  at  Megara. 

These  Megarian  revolutions  are  interesting  as  a  specimen  of 
the  struggles  between  the  oligarchical  and  democratical  parties, 
which  seem  to  have  taken  place  in  many  other  Grecian  states 
about  the  same  time.  Some  account  of  them  is  given  by  the 
contemporary  poet  Theognis,  who  himself  belonged  to  the  ohgar- 
chical  party  at  Megara.  He  was  born  and  spent  his  life  in  the 
midst  of  these  convulsions,  and  most  of  his  poetry  was  composed 
at  the  time  when  the  oligarchical  party  was  oppressed  and  in 
exile, 

Li  his  poems  the  nobles  are  the  good,  and  the  commons 
the  bad,  terms  which  at  that  time  were  regularly  used  in  this 
political  signification,  and  not  in  their  later  ethical  meaning.* 
We  find  in  his  poems  some  interesting  descriptions  of  the 
social  changes  which  the  popular  revolution  had  efi'ected.  It 
had  rescued  the  country  population  from  a  condition  of  abject 
poverty  and  serfdom,  and  had  given  them  a  share  in  the  govern- 
ment. 

*  It  should  be  recollected  that  the  terms  ol  ayaOoc,  icdloi,  ftelnaroL, 
&c.  are  fre(j[uently  used  by  the  Greek  writers  to  signify  the  nobles,  and 
ol  icoKoi,  deiAot,  &c.,  to  signify  the  commons.  The  Latin  writers  employ 
in  like  manner  boni,  optimates,  and  mali. 


80  HISTORY  OF  (iULKCH  «  n.-i-.  IX 

"Oar  cDriuiiDinvcdltli  preserve*  iU  fonnor  famo: 
Our  coiiiiiiDti  |i<><>plo  are  no  riiuro  tlii.-  i>niiic. 
Tliey  tliiit  ill  Kkins  and  hiilen  wen-  riKlcly  drcHi'd, 
Nf>r  ilri'iiinl  of  Inw,  nor  i<oiiKlit  to  l»<r  rciJrciw'd 
I{y  riili'5  of  ri){lit,  hut  in  tin-  iJuy!«  of  (dd 
Jjiv'tl  on  till'  land,  like  I'littli-  in  tlio  fold, 
Arc  now  till!  Jirnvi-  und  (l<i<xl ;  nnd  we,  tlic  re«t, 
Arc  now  llic  Mi-itu  and  liad,"  tliougli  onc«;  the  host." 

All  ari.stocracy  of  vvcaltli  li.-id  alw  begun  to  spring  up  in  place 
of  an  aristocracy  of  birth,  and  inlcnuarriagcs  liad  taken  placo 
between  tlie  two  parties  in  the  state. 

"But  in  the  daily  nintclics  that  we  make 
The  price  is  every thiiifi;  for  money's  pake 
Men  marry — Women  are  in  marriape  (jjiven; 
The  JJaJ  or  Coward,*  that  in  wealth  has  tliriven. 
May  matcii  iiis  c  "  priiifj  with  the  proudest  race: 
Thus  everytliicij  is  mixed,  noble  and  base."' 

Tlieognis  lost  his  properly  m  the  revolution,  and  had  been 
driven  into  exile ;  and  the  following  lines  show  the  ferocious 
spirit  which  sometimes  animated  the  Greeks  in  their  party 
struggles. 

"Yet  my  full  wish,  to  drink  their  very  blood. 
Some  power  divine,  that  watches  for  my  good. 
May  yet  accomplish.     Soon  may  he  fulfil 
M}-  righteous  hope — my  just  and  hearty  will."f 

These  Sicyonian,  Corinthian,  and  Megarian  despots  were  some 
of  the  most  celebrated  ;  and  their  history  will  serve  as  sain])les 
of  what  took  place  in  most  of  the  Grecian  states  in  the  seventh 
V  nd  sixth  centuries  before  the  Christian  era. 

*  All  these  terms  arc  used  in  their  political  signification, 
f  The  preceding  extracts  from  Thcognis  arc  taken  from  the  transla- 
tion of  the  poet  published  by  Mr.  Frerc  at  Malta  in  1842. 


Coin  of  Corinth. 


Croesus  on  the  Funeral  Pile.     (See  p.  100.) — From  an  ancient  Vaee. 


CHAPTER  X. 

EARLY   HISTORY   OF   ATHENS  DOWN  TO   THE   USURPATION  OF 
PISISTRATUS. 


1.  Early  division  of  Attica  into  twelve  independent  states,  said  tohavo 
been  united  by  Theseus.  §  2.  Abolition  of  royalty.  Life  arelions. 
Decennial  archons.  Annual  arelions.  §  3.  Twofold  division  of  the 
Athenians.  (1.)  Eupatrida;,  Geomori,  Demiurgi.  (2.)  Four  tribes: 
Geleontes,  Hopletes,  .^gicores,  Argades.  §  4.  Division  of  the  four 
tribes  into  Trittyes  and  N^aucrarise,  and  into  Phratriaj  and  Gentes. 
§  5.  The  government  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  Eupatrida?.  The 
nine  archons  and  their  functions.  The  senate  of  Areopagus.  §6.  The 
legislation  of  Draco.  §  7.  The  conspiracy  of  Cylon.  His  failure,  and 
massacre  of  his  partisan?  by  Megacles,  the  Alcnijeonid.  Expulsion  of 
the  AlcmfEonida;.  §8.  VisitofEpiraenides  to  Athens.  Hispuiilica- 
tion  of  the  city,  g  9.  Life  of  Solon.  §  10.  State  of  Attica  at  the 
time  of  Solon's  legislation.  §  11-  Solon  elected  archon,  e.g.  594:,  with 
legislative  powers.  §  12.  His  Seisaehtneia  or  disburdening  ordinance. 
§  l.S.  His  constitutional  changes.     Division  of  the  people  into  four 


88  HISTORY  f)F  f;iU:KCH  «  lur.  A. 

<•lft'^«<'^,  noponliii.;  ><»  tluir  |ir<>|,iiiv.  ;i  II.  Itixtitiilion  of  tlit-  Svunlo 
of  I'l.iir  lliiii'lr.  <l.  Kiiliiii;riiH"Mt  <>f  lli<-  iihwcih  of  tin;  Ar<-<»|.(n;ii!(. 
Tlio  Alhciiiiiii  i;o\  iTimnMit  cotititnirt  iiii  olii»iir<'li v  afl<T  tUv  tiiiMr  of 
Solon.  ^1.1.  'I'lii' H|«Miiil  lawH  of  Solmi.  j^  IC.  'I'lic  1rriv<'!-.  of  Solon. 
§  17.   I'mirimtioii  of  rixiMtnitiiH.      Itfltini  iiihI  <l<-alli  of  Solon. 

s^  1.  Tin:  liistnry  of  Allini.-i  Ix-forc  iho  ape  of  Solon  irf  almost  a 
iil.iiik.  Its  Icircmhiry  lali's  arc  li-w,  its  lii.xtoriral  farts  Mill  fewer. 
('(•(•roj).-!,  the  lir.><t  ruler  of  Altica,*  i.-<  wiid  to  have  divided  the 
(oiiiitry  i"''»  twelve  distriet.-t,  which  are  repre.-K-iited  iw  iiidc- 
])ei!deiit  eoiiiiiiuiiities,  eaeh  froveriied  hy  a  H'jtarate  king.  They 
were  afterwards  united  into  a  sinj^le  .state,  havin<ij  .Xthcns  a.s  it8 
capital  and  the  seat  of  government.  At  what  time  thi»  im- 
portant union  wa.s  cllected  cannot  be  detennined.  It  took  jilace 
at  a  ])eriod  lonj^  antecedent  to  all  hi.storieal  reeord.s,  and  i» 
ascribed  to  Theseus,  as  the  national  hero  of  the  Athenian  jK'ople.f 
The  poot.s  and  orators  of  a  later  a;.'c  loved  to  represent  him  as 
the  j)arcnt  of  the  Athenian  democracy.  It  would  be  a  loss  of 
time  to  point  out  the  folly  and  absurdity  of  such  a  notion. 
The.-;eus  l)elou<rs  to  lefreiid,  and  not  to  history  ;  and  in  the  age 
in  wliich  he  is  ])laced  a  democratical  form  of  government  was  a 
tiling  quite  mikuown. 

^  2.  A  few  generations  after  Theseus,  the  Dorians  are  said  to 
have  invaded  Attica.  An  oracle  declared  that  they  would  be  vic- 
torious if  they  spared  the  life  of  the  Athenian  king  ;  whereupon 
C'odrus,  who  then  reigned  at  Athens,  resolved  to  sacrifice  himself 
for  the  welfare  of  his  country.  Accordingly  he  went  into  the 
invader's  camp  in  di.sgui.<e,  provoked  a  quarrel  with  one  of  the 
Dorian  soldiers,  and  was  killed  by  the  latter.  Uj)on  learning  the 
death  of  the  Athenian  king,  the  Dorians  retired  from  Attica 
without  striking  a  blow  ;  and  the  Athenians,  from  respect  to  the 
memory  of  Codrus,  abolished  the  title  of  king,  and  substituted 
for  it  that  of  ArchouJ  or  Ruler.  The  otiiee,  however,  was  held 
for  life,  and  was  confined  to  the  family  of  Codrus.  His  son, 
Medon,  was  the  first  archou,  and  he  was  followed  in  the  dignity  by 
eleven  members  of  the  family  in  succe.ssion.  But  soon  after  the 
accession  of  Alcma'on,  the  thirteenth  in  descent  irom  Medon, 
another  change  Avas  introduced,  and  the  duration  of  the  archon- 
slii]!  was  limited  to  ten  years  (n.c.  7-3"J).  The  dignity  was  still 
cjjitiued  to  the  descendants  of  Medon  ;  but  in  the  time  of  Hippo- 
menes  {n.c.  711)  this  restriction  was  removed,  and  the  otiice  was 
thrown  open  to  all  the  nobles  in  the  state.  In  i;.c.  G^o  a  still  more 
inijtjrlant  eliau2:e  took  place.  The  arehonehip  was  now  made 
annual,  and  its  duties  were  distributed  among  nine  perstms,  all  of 
whom  bore  the  title,  although  one  was  called  the  archon  pre-emi- 
*  Soe  \\  15.  f  For  details  see  p.  20.  J  'kpx'^- 


.B.C.  683.  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  ATHENS.  89 

nently,  and  gave  his  name  to  the  year.     The  last  of  the  decennial 
archons  was  Eryxias,  the  liist  of  the  nine  annual  archons  Creoii. 

Such  is  the  legendary  account  of  the  change  of  government  at 
Athens,  from  royalty  to  an  oligarchy.  It  appears  to  have  taken 
place  peaceably  and  gradually,  as  in  most  other  Greek  states. 
The  whole  political  power  was  vested  in  the  nobles  ;  from  them 
the  nine  annual  archons  were  taken,  and  to  them  alone  these 
magistrates  Avere  responsible.  The  people,  or  general  body  of 
freemen,  had  no  share  in  the  government. 

§  3.  The  Athenian  nobles  were  called  Eupatridce.  Their  name 
is  ascribed  to  Theseus,  who  is  said  to  have  divided  the  Athenian 
people  into  three  classes,  called  Eupatrida;,  Gcomori  or  husband- 
men, and  Dcmiurgi  ^  or  artisans.  The  Eupatridee  were  the  sole 
depositaries  of  political  and  religious  power.  In  addition  to  the 
election  of  the  archons,  they  possessed  the  superintendence  of 
all  religious  matters,  and  Avere  the  authorized  expounders  of  aU 
laAvs,  sacred  and  profane.  They  corresponded  to  the  Roman 
patricians  ;  while  the  two  other  classes,  who  were  their  subjects, 
answered  to  the  Roman  plebeians. 

There  was  another  division  of  the  Athenians  still  more  ancient, 
and  one  which  contmued  to  a  much  later  period.  ^Ve  have  seen 
that  the  Dorians  in  most  of  their  settlements  were  divided  into 
three  tribes.  The  lonians,  in  like  manner,  were  usually  distri 
buted  into  four  tribes. t  This  division  existed  in  Attica  from 
the  earliest  times,  and  lasted  in  full  vigour  down  to  the  great 
revolution  of  CUsthenes  (b.c.  509).  The  four  Attic  tribes  hud 
different  ajipellations  at  various  periods,  but  were  finally  distm- 
guished  by  the  names  of  Gclcmitcs  (or  Tdco)itcs),  Hoplctcs,  jEgi- 
corcs,  and  Argddcs,X  which  they  are  said  to  have  derived  from 
the  four  sons  of  Ion.  The  etymology  of  these  names  would  seem 
to  suggest  that  the  tribes  Avere  so  called  from  the  occupations  of 
their  members  ;  the  Geleontes  (Teleontes)  being  cultivators,  the 
Hopletes  the  icanior-dass,  the  ^-Egicores  goat-herds,  and  the 
Argades  artisans.  Hence  some  modern  AA'riters  have  supposed 
that  the  Athenians  Avere  originally  diAaded  into  castes,  like  the 
Egyptians  and  Indians.  But  the  etymology  of  these  names  is 
not  free  from  doubt  and  dispute ;  and  even  if  they  Avere  bor- 
roAved  from  certain  occupations,  they  might  soon  haA^e  lost 
their  original  meaning,  and  become  mere  titles  Avithout  any 
riguificance. 

k  4.  There  Avere  tAA-o  diA-isions  of  the  four  Athenian  tribes,  one 
for  political,  and  another  for  religious  and  social  purposes, 

*  EiiTorp/Jaf,  Teu/xopoi,  ArjfxiovpyoL 

f  ^vTlOv,  pi.  aj?M. 

X  T£?JovTCc,  or  TePJovrcr,  "O-atjte^,  AlyiKopelg,  'Apyddeic 


90  IIISTOKY  OF  (;UEKCH  Chap.  X 

For  pnlilirul  [nirjioHcs  racli  tril)r  wjih  dividnd  into  thn.-*;  Trit- 
ty(>s,  and  cacli  'I'liltys  into  lltiir  Naiicraria-.*  TIktc  were  lliu.s 
\2  Trillyf'rt  and  1^  Nancraria-.  Tln-.-c  apjH-ar  to  liavi;  l;ccn 
local  divisions  oI'iIk;  whole  Atlimian  jicoplr,  and  lo  have  b<-»-n 
inadt"  chicdy  lor  llnancial  and  military  ohjccts.  Kiirh  Nanrrar)' 
consisted  ol  the  Nancruri,  or  lionseliolders.t  who  had  to  fiinnsh 
the  amount  of  taxea  und  soldiers  imposed  ufK^a  llic  district  to 
Avhieh  they  h<'lonijed. 

The  division  ol'  the  trilies  for  rr'li;.'ions  and  Nicial  purpowB  is 
more  frequently  mentiomd.  JOaeh  trihe  is  said  to  liaveroulaine(J 
three  Phratrias  earh  I'hratry  thirty  (lentes,  and  each  (Jens  tliirty 
liead,s  of  families.!  Aeeordin'rly  there  would  have  been  12 
Phratria',  300  Gentcs,  and  10,>^00  heads  rf  families.  It  is  evident, 
however,  that  such  syrmnetrical  nundjcre  could  never  have  been 
preserved,  even  if  they  had  cAer  been  instituted  ;  and  while  it  is 
certain  that  the  number  of  families  must  have  increased  in  .some 
gentes,  and  decreased  in  others,  it  may  also  be  questioned  wlic- 
ther  the  same  nuud)er  of  {rentes  existed  in  each  tribe.  But 
whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  numbers,  the  pliratria;  and 
gentes  were  important  elements  in  the  religious  and  eocial  life 
of  the  Athenians.  The  families  comjiosing  a  gens  were  united 
by  certain  religions  rites  and  social  obligations.  They  were 
accustomed  to  meet  logetlier  at  fixed  periods  to  ofler  sacri- 
fices to  a  liero,  wliom  they  regarded  as  the  eonmion  ai'cestor 
of  all  the  families  of  the  gens.  They  liad  a  connnon  j)lace  of 
burial  and  connnon  property  ;  and  in  case  of  a  member  dying 
intestate,  his  property  devolved  upon  his  gens.  They  were 
bound  to  assist  each  other  in  dilliculties.  There  was  also  a  con- 
nection between  the  gentes  of  the  same  phratr}',  and  between 
the  phratries  of  the  same  tribe,  b'y  means  of  certain  religious 
rites  ;  and  at  the  head  of  each  tribe  there  was  a  magistrate 
called  the  Fliylo-Basilciis,^  or  King  of  the  Tribe,  who  ofl(?rcd 
sacrifices  on  behalf  of  the  whole  body. 

k  5.  The  real  liistory  of  Athens  begins  Avith  the  institution  of 
annual  arclious,  in  the  year  6^3  n.c.  This  is  the  first  date  in 
Athenian  history  on  which  certain  reliance  can  be  placed.  The 
duties  of  the  government  were  distributed  among  the  nine 
archons,  in  the  following  maimer.     The  first,  as  has  been  already 

*  Tp/r-rf,  l^avKpapia. 

\  Nrti'Apupof  sconis  to  be  connected  vrith  raiu,  diedl,  and  i.^  only  nn- 
otlior  form  for  var^/apof  or  I'nvKP.^pof. 

\  <I'par()io.  i.e.  brotherhood :  i  lio  word  i.<  ctyniolotriertll y  connected  witli 
frattr  and  brothii:  Tiio  word  Ifiof.  or  (iens.  answers  nearly  in  meaning 
to  our  rlau.    The  members  of  a  }  tvo;  were  called  yn-i-r/rai  or  d/ioya/MKrec 

§  i<v?.of3aai?.Evc. 


B.C.  683.  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  ATTICA.  91 

remarked,  was  called  Tlie  Arclion*  by  way  of  pre-eminence, 
and  sometimes  the  Archoii  Epoiiijim(s,-\  because  the  year  was 
distinguished  by  his  name.  He  was  the  president  of  the  body, 
and  the  rejiresentative  of  the  dignity  of  llie  state.  He  was  the 
protector  of  widows  and  orphans,  and  determined  all  disputes 
relating  to  the  family.  The  second  archon  was  called  The  Basi- 
Icus  or  Tlie  King,  because  he  represented  the  king  in  his  capaci- 
ty as  high-prie.st  of  the  nation.  J  All  cases  respecting  religion  and 
homicide  were  brought  before  him.  The  third  archon  bore  the 
title  of  Tlie  Poleniarch,k  or  Commander-in-chief,  and  was,  down 
to  the  time  of  Clisthenes,  the  commander  of  the  troops.  He  had 
jurisdiction  in  all  disputes  between  citizens  and  strangers.  The 
remaining  six  had  the  common  title  of  T]iesmothetce,\\  or  Legis- 
lators. They  had  the  decision  of  all  disputes  which  did  not 
specially  belong  to  the  other  three.  Their  duties  seem  to  have 
been  almost  exclusively  judicial  ;  and  for  this  reason  they  re- 
ceived their  name,  not  that  they  made  the  laws,  but  because 
their  particular  sentences  had  the  force  of  laws  in  the  absence 
of  a  written  code. 

Tlie  Senate,  or  Council  of  Areopagus,  was  the  only  other 
political  power  in  the  state  in  these  early  times.  It  received  its 
name  from  its  place  of  meeting,  which  was  a  rocky  eminence 
opposite  the  Acropolis,  called  the  Hill  of  Ares  (Mars'  Hill).1[ 
Its  institution  is  ascribed  by  some  writers  to  Solon  ;  but  it  ex- 
isted long  betbre  the  time  of  that  legislator,  and  may  be  regard- 
ed as  the  representative  of  the  council  of  chiefs  in  the  Heroic 
ages.  It  was  originally  called  simply  The  Senate  or  Council, 
and  did  not  obtain  the  name  of  the  senate  of  Areopagus  till 
Solon  instituted  another  senate,  from  which  it  was  necessary  to 
distinguish  it.  It  was  of  course  formed  exclusively  of  Eupatrids, 
and  all  the  archons  became  members  of  it  at  the  expiration  of 
their  year  of  office. 

k  0.  The  government  of  the  Eupatrids,  like  most  of  the  early 
oligarchies,  seems  to  have  been  oppressive.  In  the  absence  of 
written  laws,  the  archons  possessed  an  arbitrarj^  power,  of  Avhich 
they  probably  availed  themselves  to  the  benefit  of  their  friends 
and  tiieir  order,  and  to  the  injury  of  the  general  body  of  citizens. 

*  'O  "Aqx'^v.  f  'kqxuv  e~6vvfj.o(;. 

\  'O  dauLAEvg.  In  the  same  manner  the  title  of  Rex  Sdcrtjlat- 
tus  or  Jicx  Sacronnn  was  retained  at  Rome  after  the  abohiion  of 
royalty. 

§  'O  IIo/lf/zao^YOf- 

I  QeafioOerai.  The  word  deaijoi  was  the  ancient  term  for  laws,  and 
was  afterwards  supplanted  by  vo/uoi.  The  latter  expression  for  making 
laws  is  Oiadai  vofiov^. 

If  'O  "Plqeloq  ■Kuyoc. 


92  HISTOUV  OF  f;in:i;(M  <  hai.  X 

The  conwfiiu'iiro  av.is  ^Tcut  dixr-oiitcnl,  wliifli  at  icn^li  Ix-rainc 
Ko  si-rions,  lli.'it  hraco  wari  a|t|Hiiiilcil  in  (i'i  i  is.c.  to  draw  ii|»  u 
written  (^kIi'  «it  lawrt.  lie  did  not  cliaiiyc  tlic  |)<)litiral  coni^titu- 
lion  of  Atlicns,  and  the  nwrnt  ri'niarkal)li!  cliaracttrriMtii;  of  hiii 
laws  wart  llicir  i-xtreine  Kcverily.  lli-  allixrd  the  penalty  ol'deatli 
to  all  (^rinu'H  alike  ; — to  jielty  thefts,  for  inslance,  as  well  a«  to 
sacrile^fc  and  nnirder.  Hence  they  were  t-aid  to  hav<!  Ix-en  writ- 
ten not  in  ink,  hut  in  hjood  ;  and  we  are  told  that  he  jn-stilie-d  this 
extreme  harshnesrt  hy  saying',  that  small  ollenees  deserved  death, 
and  that  he  knew  no  severer  ]Mniishrn<-nt  li)r  preat  ones.  This 
severity,  however,  must  he  attrilxited  rather  to  the  spirit  of  the 
times,  than  to  any  jteenliar  harshness  in  iJraco  himself;  for  ho 
prohahly  did  little  more  than  n-dncc  to  writinc:  the  ordinances 
■which  had  previonsly  rejrulated  his  brother  Euputrids  in  their  de- 
cision of  cases.  His  laws  wonid  of"  course  appear  excessively 
severe  io  a  later  age,  lonj^  accustomed  to  a  milder  system  of 
jurisprudence  ;  but  there  is  reason  for  believing  that  their  .severi- 
ty has  been  somewhat  exaggerated.  In  one  instance,  indeed, 
Draco  softened  the  ancient  rigour  of  the  law.  Before  his  time 
all  homicides  were  tried  by  the  senate  of  Areopagus,  and  if  found 
guilty,  were  condenuied  to  sufier  the  full  penally  of  the  law. — 
either  death,  or  perpetual  banishment  with  conli.-ication  of  jiroj)- 
erty.  The  .senate  had  no  jiower  to  take  account  of  any  extenuat- 
ing or  justifving  circumstances.  Draco  left  to  this  ancient  body 
the  trial  of  all  cases  of  wilinl  murder  ;  but  he  appointed  fifty-one 
new  judges,  called  Ej)lHia\*  who  Avere  to  trj- all  cases  of  homi- 
cide in  which  accident  or  any  other  justification  could  be  pleaded. 
His  regulations  with  respect  to  homicide  continued  in  use  after 
his  other  ordinances  had  been  repealed  by  Solon. 

k  7.  The  legislation  of  Draco  failed  to  calm  the  prevailing  dis- 
content. The  people  gained  nothing  by  the  written  code,  except 
a  more  perfect  knowledge  of  its  severity  ;  and  civil  dissensions 
prevailed  as  extensively  as  before.  The  general  dissatisfaction 
with  the  government  was  favourable  .to  revolutiouar)-  projects  ; 
and  accordingly,  twelve  years  after  Draco's  legislation  (i;.c.  ()12), 
one  of  the  nobles  conceived  the  design  of  depriving  his  brother 
Eupatrids  of  their  power,  and  making  himself  despot  of  Athens. 
This  noble  Avas  Cylon,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  members 
of  the  order.  He  had  gained  a  victory  at  the  Olympic  games, 
and  had  married  the  daughter  of  Theagenes,  of  Megara.  who 
had  made  himself  despot  of  his  native  city.  Encouraged  by 
the  success  of  his  father-in-law,  and  excited  by  his  own  cele- 
brity and  position  in  the  state,  he  consulted  the  Delphic  oracle 
on  the  subject,  and  was  advised  to  seize  the  Acropohs  at  '"  the 


B.C.  612.  CONSPIRACY  OF  CYLOX  93 

greatest  festival  of  Jove."  Cylon  naturally  supposed  that  the 
god  referred  to  the  Olympic  games,  in  which  he  had  gained  so 
much  distinction,  forgetting  that  the  Diasia  was  the  greatest 
festival  of  Jove  at  Athens.  Accordingly,  during  the  celebration 
of  the  next  Olympic  games,  he  took  possession  of  the  Acropolis 
with  a  considerable  force,  composed  partly  of  his  own  partisans, 
and  partly  of  troops  furnished  by  Theagenes.  But  he  did  not 
meet  with  any  support  from  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  and 
he  soon  found  himself  closely  blockaded  by  the  forces  which  the 
government  was  able  to  summon  to  its  assistance.  Cylon  and 
his  brother  made  their  escape  :  but  the  remainder  of  his  asso- 
ciates, hard  pressed  by  hvniger,  abandoned  the  defence  of  the 
walls,  and  took  refuge  at  the  altar  of  Athena  (Minerva).  Here 
tliey  were  found  by  the  archon  Megacles,  one  of  the  illustrious 
family  of  the  Alcmasonida) ;  who,  fearing  lest  their  death  should 
pollute  the  sanctuary  of  the  goddess,  promised  that  their  lives 
should  be  spared  on  their  quitting  the  place.  But  directly  they 
had  quitted  the  temple,  the  promise  was  broken,  and  they  were 
put  to  death  ;  and  some  who  had  taken  refuge  at  the  altar  of 
the  Eumenides,  or  the  Furies,  were  murdered  even  at  that  sa- 
cred spot. 

The  conspiracy  thus  failed  ;  but  its  suppression  was  attended 
with  a  long  train  of  melancholy  consequences.  The  whole  family 
of  the  Alcma3onidsB  were  believed  to  have  become  tainted  by  the 
daring  act  or  sacrilege  committed  by  Megacles  ;  and  the  friends 
and  partisans  of  the  murdered  conspirators  were  not  slow  in  de- 
manding vengeance  upon  the  accursed  race.  Thus  a  new  ele- 
ment of  discord  was  introduced  into  the  state.  The  power  and 
influence  of  the  Alcmteonidae  enabled  theni  long  to  resist  the 
attempts  of  their  opponents  to  bring  them  to  a  public  trial ;  and 
it  was  not  till  many  years  after  these  events  that  Solon  per- 
suaded them  to  submit  their  case  to  the  judgment  of  a  special 
cor.rt  composed  of  three  hundred  Eupatridee.  By  this  court  they 
were  adjudged  guilty  of  sacrilege,  and  were  expelled  from  Attica ; 
but  their  punishment  was  not  considered  to  expiate  their  im- 
piety, and  we  shall  find  in  the  later  times  of  Athenian  history 
that  this  powerful  family  was  still  considered  an  accursed  race, 
which  by  the  sacrilegious  act  of  its  ancestor  brought  upon  their 
native  land  the  anger  of  the  gods.  The  expulsion  of  the  Alc- 
majonida;  appears  to  have  taken  place  about  the  year  597  b.c. 

§  8.  The  banishment  of  the  guilty  race  did  not,  however,  de- 
liver the  Athenians  from  their  religious  fears.  They  imagined 
tliat  their  state  had  incurred  the  anger  of  the  gods  :  and  the 
pestilential  disease  with  which  they  Avere  visited  was  regarded 
zs  an  uneiTing  sign  of  the  divine  wrath.      U])on  the  advice  of 


94  IllS'lOltV  or  (MtKIX'H  Chap.  X. 

llic  Dc-lpliic  oiar-lc,  they  invited  iho  cdebra'.irl  Cretan  prophet 
and  snjfo  Kpiiiiciiidcrt  to  visit  AthciiH,  and  jturify  their  city  I'roni 
pollntion  and  sacrilege. 

J'ipiincnidcs  vas  one  of  tlic  uu«i  rcnowm-d  propIietH  of  tho 
Ufie..  In  liis  youth  ho  was  CJiid  to  Imve  licou  overtaken  hy  a  hleep, 
whicli  histed  lor  lifly-seven  years.  Durinj^  this  iniraeuloii.s  tranc<; 
Jic  had  been  favoured  with  frequent  intereourse  witli  the  (.'ods, 
and  liad  h-arnt  llie  niean.s  of  jirojiiliatin^'  them  and  gaininp  tlieir 
favour.  This  veneralde  wer  wa.s  reeeived  with  the  fjnatest  re- 
verence at  Athens.  J{y  jicrlnrininf^  certain  Hacrillecs  and  expi- 
atory rites,  lie  ."iueeeeded  in  slayinp  tlie  jdajrue,  and  in  purifying 
the  city  from  its  <rnih.  Tlie  reli<rioM8  de.';j)ontlency  of  the  Athe- 
nians now  cea.<ed,  and  the  frrateful  jieople  oliered  their  bene- 
factor a  talent  of  f,'old  ;  hut  he  refu.sed  the  nuney,  and  con- 
tented himself  with  a  branch  from  the  sacred  olive  tree,  which 
prew  on  the  Acropolis.  The  visit  of  ]:^pimenides  to  Athen.s  oc- 
curred about  the  year  596  u.c. 

Epimenides  had  been  assisted  in  his  undertakin;r  by  the  ad- 
vice of  t^olon,  who  now  enjoyed  a  distinguished  reputation  at 
Athens,  and  to  whom  his  lellow-eitizens  looked  up  as  the  only 
person  in  the  state  who  could  deliver  them  I'rorn  their  political 
and  social  dissensions,  and  secure  them  from  such  misfortunes  lor 
the  future. 

§  9.  AVe  have  now  come  to  an  important  period  in  Athenian 
and  in  Grecian  historj-.  The  legislation  of  t>olon  laid  the  iounda- 
tions  of  the  greatness  of  Athens.  iSolon  himself  was  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  men  in  the  early  historj'  of  Greece.  He  pos- 
sessed a  deep  knowledge  of  human  nature,  and  was  animated  in 
his  public  conduct  by  a  lofty  spirit  of  patriotism.  It  is,  there- 
fore, the  more  to  be  regretted  tliat  we  are  acquainted  with  only 
a  few  facts  in  his  life.  His  birth  may  be  placed  about  the  year 
638  B.C.  He  was  tlic  son  of  Execcstides,  who  traced  his  descent 
from  the  heroic  Codrus ;  and  his  mother  was  lir.st  cousui  to  the 
mother  of  Pisistratus.  His  father  possessed  only  a  moderate 
fortune,  which  he  had  still  further  diminished  by  prodigality  ; 
and  Solon  in  consequence  was  obliged  to  have  recoui-se  to  trade. 
He  visited  many  parts  of  Greece  and  Asia  as  a  merchant,  and 
formed  acquaintance  with  many  of  the  most  eminent  men  ol  his 
time.  At  an  early  age  he  distinguished  himself  by  his  poetical 
abilities  ;  and  so  Midely  did  his  reputation  extend,  that  he  was 
reckoned  one  of  the  Seven  Sages. 

The  llrst  occasion  which  induced  Solon  to  take  an  active  part 
in  political  allairs,  ^^•as  the  contest  between  Athens  and  Megara 
for  the  possession  of  Salamis.  That  islaiul  had  revolted  to  ?Je- 
gara  ;  and  the  Athenians  had  so  repeatedly  failed  in  their  at- 


B.C.  600.  LIFE  OF  SOLON.  9{j 

tempts  to  recover  it,  tliat  tliey .  forbade  any  citizen,  under 
penalty  of  death,  to  make  any  proposition  lor  the  renewal  of  the 
enterprise.  Indignant  at  such  pusillanimous  conduct,  Solon 
caused  a  report  to  be  spread  through  the  city  that  he  was  mad, 
and  then  in  a  state  of  frenzied  excitement  he  rushed  into  the 
market-place,  and  recited  to  a  crowd  of  bystanders  a  poem 
wdiich  he  had  previously  composed  on  the  less  of  Salamis.  He 
upbraided  the  Athenians  with  their  disgrace,  and  called  upon 
them  to  reconquer  "  the  lovely  island."  "  Rather  (lie  exclaimed) 
would  I  be  a  denizen  of  the  most  contemptible  community  in 
Greece  than  a  citizen  of  Athens,  to  be  pointed  at  as  one  of  these 
Attic  dastards  who  had  so  basely  relinquished  their  right  to 
Salamis."  His  stratagem  was  completely  successful.  His  Iriends 
seconded  his  proposal :  and  the  people  unanimouslj'^  rescinded 
the  law,  and  resolved  once  more  to  try  the  fortune  of  war.  Solon 
was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  expedition,  in  which  he 
was  accompanied  by  his  young  kinsman  Pisistratus.  In  a  single 
campaign  (about  B.C.  600)  Solon  drove  the  Megarians  out  of  the 
island  ;  but  a  tedious  war  ensued,  and  at  last  both  parties  agreed 
to  refer  the  matter  in  dispute  to  the  arbitration  of  Sparta.  So- 
lon pleaded  the  cause  of  his  countrymen,  and  is  said  on  this 
occasion  to  have  forged  the  line  in  the  Iliad,*  which  represents 
Ajax  ranging  his  ship  with  those  of  the  Athenians.  The  Lace- 
dEemonians  decided  in  favor  of  the  Athenians,  in  whose  hands 
the  island  remained  henceforward  down  to  the  latest  times. 

Soon  after  the  conquest  of  Salamis,  Solon's  reputation  was 
further  increased  by  espousing  the  cause  of  the  Delphian  temple 
against  Cirrha.  He  is  said  to  have  moved  the  decree  of  the  Am- 
phictyons,  by  which  war  was  declared  against  the  guilty  city 
(B.C.  595). t 

^  10.  The  state  of  Attica  at  the  time  of  Solon's  legislation  de- 
mands a  more  particular  account  than  we  have  hitherto  given. 
Its  population  was  divided  into  three  factions,  who  were  now  in 
a  state  of  violent  hostility  against  each  other.  These  parties 
consisted  of  the  PcdicisX  or  wealthy  Eupatrid  inhabitants  of  the 
plains  ;  of  the  Diacrii,k  or  poor  inhabitants  of  the  hilly  districts 
in  the  north  and  east  of  Attica  ;  and  of  the  Parali.W  or  mercantile 
inhabitants  of  the  coasts,  who  held  an  intermediate  position  be- 
tween the  otlier  two. 

The  cause  of  the  dissensions  between  these  parties  is  not 
particularly  mentioned  ;  but  the  difficulties  attending  these  dis- 
putes had  become  aggravated  by  the  miserable  condition  of  tho 
poorer  population  of  Attica.     The   latter   were   in   a  state  of 

*  ii.  .558.  f  See  p.  51.  %  Tlediel^  or  TiedLoioi. 

§  A^a^■p^o^  ||    Tlu^a'Aot. 


y'\  iii>T(»i:v  oi  (;iti;i;<:R  chai-.  x. 

alijcct  |Miv(Tly.  'I'll!  V  liail  Ldrrowrd  money  from  the  wealthy 
at,  cxorhilaiit  rales  of  iiitercHt  iijK)n  the  weiirity  <»('  their  pro- 
jterty  and  th<'ir  jktwhih,  II'  ihe  |iriiici|tal  uiid  iiilerent  tii'  tho 
debt  Mere  not  jiaid,  the  creditor  liail  llie  power  ol"  i«eizinj^  the 
person  as  well  as  the  land  of  his  debtor,  and  of  usirifj  Jiiin  as  a 
elave.  Many  h.'id  thns  been  lorn  rmiu  tli'-ir  hoiricK  and  K»ld  to 
barbarian  niaslers  :  while  others  wen;  eidtivatinfr  as  HhiveH  the 
lands  of  their  wealthy  eredilors  in  Attiea.  The  rapaeity  of  the 
rich  and  the  de<rnidation  of  the  poor  are  reeorded  bv  Solon  in 
the  existin^r  frajrnienis  of  his  jioetrv  ;  and  matters  had  now  eotne 
to  sneh  a  erisis,  that  the  exislinjr  laws  eonid  no  longer  be  cn- 
ioreed.  and  the  j)oor  were  reaily  to  rise  in  o]ien  insnrreetion 
against  the  rieh. 

^  \\.  hi  these  alarmin<r  eirenmstances,  the  nding  oligarchy 
were  obliged  to  have  reeonrse  to  S.lon.  They  were  aware  of  the 
vigorous  ])rotest  he  had  mad(r  against  their  injnstiee  ;  but  thf-y 
trusted  that  his  connexion  with  their  jiarty  would  help  them  over 
their  present  dilliculties;  and  they  tliereibre  chose  hirn  Archcn 
in  r..c.  5'J  I,  investing  him  under  that  title  with  unlimited  jMiwcrs 
to  ellcct  any  elianges  he  might  consider  beneficial  to  the  state. 
His  a])pointment  was  hailed  with  satisfaction  by  the  poor; 
and  all  jiarties  were  willing  to  accept  his  mediation  and  re- 
forms. 

Many  of  Solon  i>  friends  urged  him  to  take  advantage  of  his 
position  and  make  him.«elf  de.«pot  of  Athens.  There  is  no  doubt 
he  woulil  have  succeeded  if  he  had  luadc  the  attempt,  but  he 
had  the  wisdom  and  the  virtue  to  resist  the  temj)tation,  telling 
his  friends  that  "despotism  might  be  a  line  countr)'.  but  there 
was  no  way  out  of  it."  Di.>imissing,  therefore,  all  thoughts  of 
personal  agiriaudisement,  he  devoted  all  his  energies  to  the  diffi- 
cult ta.sk  he  had  undertaken. 

M~-  He  commenced  his  undertaking  by  relieving  the  poorer 
class  of  debtors  from  their  existing  distress.  This  he  eliected 
by  a  celebrated  ordinance  called  Sciscichf/iria,  or  a  shaking  oHof 
burthens.*  This  measure  cancelled  all  contracts  by  which  the 
land  or  person  of  a  debtor  had  been  given  as  security  :  it  thus 
relieved  the  land  from  all  encumbrances  and  claims,  and  set  at 
liberty  all  persons  who  had  been  reduced  to  slavery  on  account 
of  their  debts.  Solon  also  provided  means  of  restoring  to  their 
homes  those  citizens  who  had  been  sold  into  foreign  countries. 
He  forbad  for  the  future  all  loans  in  which  the  person  of  the 
debtor  was  jiledged  as  security.  This  extensive  measure  entirely 
rclea.'-ed  the  poorer  classes  from  their  dilliculties.  but  it  must 
have  left  many  of  their  creditors  unable  to  discharge  their  obli- 


B.C.  oy-i.  LEGISIATION  OF  SOLOK  37 

gations.  To  give  the  laltei*  some  relief,  he  lowered  the  stamlard 
of  the  coinage,  so  that  the  debtor  saved  rather  more  than  a 
fourth  iu  every  payment.* 

Some  of  his  friends  having  obtained  a  hint  of  his  intention 
borrowed  large  sums  of  money,  with  which  they  purchased 
estates ;  and  Solon  himself  would  have  sufiered  in  public  esti- 
mation, if  it  had  not  been  found  that  he  was  a  loser  by  his  own 
measure,  having  lent  as  much  as  five  talents. 

§  13.  The  success  attending  these  measures  was  so  great,  that' 
Solon  was  now  called  upon  by  his  fellow-citizens  to  draw  up  a 
new  constitution  and  a  new  code  of  laws.  As  a  preliminary  step 
he  repealed  all  the  laws  of  Draco,  except  those  relating  to  murder. 
He  then  proceeded  to  make  a  new  classification  of  the  citizens, 
according  to  the  amount  of  their  property,  thus  changing  the 
government  from  an  Oligarchy  to  a  Timocracy.f 

The  title  of  the  citizens  to  the  honours  and  offices  of  the  state 
was  henceforward  regulated  by  their  wealth,  and  not  by  their 
birth.  This  was  the  distinguishing  feature  of  Solon's  constitu- 
tion, and  produced  eventually  most  important  consequences ; 
though  the  change  was  probably  not  great  at  first,  since  there 
were  then  few  wealthy  persons  in  Attica,  except  the  Eupatrids. 
Solon  then  distributed  all  the  citizens  into  four  classes,  accord- 
ing to  their  property,  which  he  caused  to  be  assessed.  The  first 
class  consisted  of  those  whose  annual  income  was  equal  to  500 
medimui  of  corn  and  upwards,  and  were  called  Pcntacosiome- 
dlmni.X  The  second  class  consisted  of  those  whose  incomes 
ranged  between  300  and  500  medimni,  and  were  called  K)iiglits,k 
from  their  being  able  to  furnish  a  war-horse.  The  third  class 
consisted  of  those  who  received  between  200  and  300  medimni, 
and  were  called  Zciigitcc,\\  from  their  being  able  to  keep  a  yoke 
of  oxen  for  the  plough.  The  fourth  class^  called  Thetes,'^  included 
all  whose  property  lell  short  of  200  medimni.  The  members  of 
the  first  three  classes  had  to  pay  an  income-tax  according  to  the 
amount  of  their  property  ;  but  the  fourth  class  were  exempt 
from  direct  taxation  altogether.  The  first  class  were  alone 
eligible  to  the  archonship  and  the  higher  offices  of  the  state. 
The  second  and  third  classes  filled  inferior  posts,  and  were  liable 

*  Solon  is  said  to  have  made  the  mina  contain  100  drachmas  instead 
ofZS;  that  is,  73  old  drachmas  contained  the  same  quantity  of  silver 
as  100  of  tlie  new  standard. 

f  T ifioKi>aTLa  from  ti/i/}  assessment,  and  KQariu  ride. 

\  nei'TaKoaiofiedi/n'oi.  The  medimnus  contained  nearly  12  imperial 
gallons,  or  1^  bushel:   it  was  reckoned  eqiial  to  a  drachma. 

S   'iTTTTz/f  or  'Imislr. 

I    Zevylrai,  from  ^evyor,  a  yoke  of  beasts.  ^  Qr/rec. 

F 


98.  HISTORY  OF  GliEKCH  Ciiaj.  X 

to  military  Ht-Tvico,  ilu;  former  as  hor«onrjcn,  aiul  the  latter  as 
hciivy-uriMcd  Holrlicru  on  ltx»t.  The  fourth  c-l!ij<.s  were  exchult-d 
from  iill  j)iil)lie  oIliccH,  tuid  Hcrvcd  in  tho  uniiy  only  tin  li;.'lit- 
ariiied  trooj)S.  Solon,  hoW(;ver,  udinittrd  them  to  a  Hhare  in  the 
jK)litie!il  ])o\vcr  hy  allowing  them  to  vot«;  in  the  puhlie  Uim:in- 
bly,*  whore  they  must  have  constituted  hy  lar  the  larj^est  num- 
ber, ile  <^ave  the  aHsembly  the  ri^ht  of  fleeting  the  arehonu  and 
the  other  ollicerH  of  the  state  ;  and  he  also  made  the  archoiu 
accountable  to  the  ass<'mhly  at  the  expiration  of  tlieir  year  oi' 
oilice.  8olon  thus  greatly  enlargi-d  the  fiUK^tions  ol  the  |iublic 
assembly,  "whieh,  under  the  government  of  the  Euputrids,  proba- 
bly ])ossessed  little  more  power  than  the  agora,  described  in  the 
poems  of  Homer. 

^  14.  This  extension  of  tin-  duties  of  the  jtublic  assembly  led 
to  the  institution  of  a  new  bc^dy.  Solon  created  the  Senate,  or 
Coinicil  of  Four  Hundred,  with  the  special  object  of  preparing 
all  matters  for  the  discussion  of  the  public  assenddy,  of  presiding 
at  its  meetings,  and  of  caiTying  its  resolutions  into  eflect.  2so 
subject  couUl  be  introduced  beitjre  the  people,  except  by  a  pre- 
vious resolution  of  the  Senate. t  The  members  of  the  Senate 
were  elected  by  the  public  assembly,  one  hundred  from  each  of 
the  four  ancient  tribes,  which  were  left  untouched  by  Solon. 
They  held  their  office  for  a  year,  and  were  accountable  at  its  ex- 
piration to  the  public  assembly  for  the  manner  in  which  they  had 
discharged  their  duties. 

Solon,  hoM'cvcr,  did  not  deprive  the  ancient  Senate  of  the  Are- 
opagus of  any  of  its  functions. J  On  the  contrarj-,  he  enlarged 
its  powers,  and  entrusted  it  with  the  general  supervision  ol  the 
institutions  and  laws  of  the  state,  and  imposed  ujwn  it  the  duty 
of  inspecting  the  lives  and  occu]iations  of  the  citizens. 

These  are  the  only  political  institutions  which  can  be  safely 
ascribed  to  Solon.  At  a  later  period  it  became  the  fashion  among 
the  Athenians  to  regard  Solon  as  the  author  of  all  their  demo- 
cratical  institutions,  just  as  some  of  the  orators  referred  them 
even  to  Theseus.  Thus  the  creation  of  jury-courts  and  of  the 
periodical  revision  of  the  laws  by  the  Nomothetaj  belongs  to  a 
later  age,  although  frequently  attributed  to  Solon.  Tliis  legis- 
lator only  laid  the  foundation  of  the  Athenian  democracy  by 
giving  the  poorer  classes  a  vote  in  the  popular  assembly,  and 
by  enlarging  the  power  of  the  latter ;  but  he  left  the  govern- 
ment exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  wealthy.  For  many  years 
after  his  time  the  government  continued  to  be  an  oligarchy,  but 

*  Called  Heliaea  ('H?./a/a)  in  the  time  of  Solon,  but  subseq\j«intlj' 
JUcclesia  (iKK/.r/aia). 

f  Called  Probouleuma  {■!rpo,8ov?.eij*aX  |  See  p.  "31 


B.C.  594.  LEGISL-lTiON  OF  SOLON.  99 

was  exercised  with  more^oderation  and  justice  than  formerly. 
The  establishment  of  the  Athenian  democracy  v/as  the  work  of 
Clisthenes,  and  not  of  Solon. 

k\Q.  The  laws  of  Solon  were  inscribed  on  wooden  rollers  and 
triangular  tablets,*  and  were  preserved  hrst  in  the  Acropolis,  and 
afterwards  in  the  Prytaneum,  or  Town-hall.  They  were  very 
numerous,  and  contained  regulations  on  almost  all  subjects  con- 
nected with  the  public  and  private  life  of  the  citizens.  But  they 
do  not  seem  to  have  been  arranged  in  any  systematic  manner ; 
and  such  small  fragments  have  come  down  to  us,  that  it  is  im- 
possible to  give  any  general  view  of  them. 

The  most  important  of  all  these  laws  were  those  relating  to 
debtor  and  creditor,  of  which  we  have  already  spoken.  Several 
of  Solon's  enactments  had  for  their  object  the  encouragement  of 
trade  and  manufactures.  He  invited  foreigners  to  settle  in 
Athens  by  the  promise  of  protection  and  valuable  privileges. 
The  Council  of  the  Areopagus  was,  as  we  have  seen,  intrusted  by 
him  with  the  duty  of  examining  into  every  man's  mode  of  life, 
and  of  punishing  the  idle  and  profligate.  To  discourage  idleness 
a  son  was  not  obliged  to  support  his  father  in  old  age,  if  the  lat- 
ter had  neglected  to  teach  him  some  trade  or  occupation. 

Solon  punished  theft  by  compelling  the  guilty  party  to  restore 
double  the  value  of  the  property  stolen.  He  forbade  speaking 
evil  either  of  the  dead  or  of  the  living.  He  either  established  or 
regulated  the  public  dinners  in  the  Prytaneum,  of  which  the 
archons  and  a  few  others  partook. 

The  rewards  which  he  bestowed  upon  the  victors  in  the  Olym- 
pic and  Isthmian  games  were  very  large  for  that  age  :  to  the 
former  he  gave  500  drachmas,  and  to  the  latter  100. 

One  of  the  most  singular  of  Solon's  regulations  was  that  which 
declared  a  man  dishonoured  and  disfranchised  who,  in  a  civil 
sedition,  stood  aloof  and  took  part  with  neither  side.  The 
object  of  this  celebrated  law  was  to  create  a  public  spirit  in  the 
citizens,  and  a  lively  interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  state.  The 
ancient  governments,  unlike  those  of  modern  times,  could  not 
summon  to  their  assistance  any  regular  police  or  military  force ; 
and  unless  individual  citizens  came  forward  in  civil  commotions, 
any  ambitious  man,  supported  by  a  powerful  party,  might  easily 
make  himself  master  of  the  state. 

\\^.  Solon  is  said  to  have  been  aware  that  he  had  left  many 
imperfections  in  his  laws.  He  described  them  not  as  the  best 
laws  which  he  could  devise,  but  as  the  best  which  the  Athe- 
nians could   receive.      He  bound  the  government  and  people 

*  Called  "Asovff  and  Kiip/?e«f. 


100  1I1ST()I:V  OF  GliKECM  Chap.  X 

of  Allii'iiH  by  a  BoU-irm  oalh  to  observe  hiH  iiiKtitutionH  for  at 
Iciirit  ten  years.  IJul  aH  soon  as  ibey  came  into  ojieratioii  he 
wa.s  constantly  hcsic;,n'(l  by  a  number  of  ajiplieantH,  who  canio 
to  ask  hirt  advice  lespectinf;  tlie  meaning  ol  hi«  enaetmeiitH,  or 
lo  .«ii<rfre.st  ini|ir(ivement8  and  alteratidn.s  in  thern.  Seeing  that 
i!"  he  remained  in  Athens,  he  should  be  olilifred  to  introduce 
chaufres  into  his  code,  he  resolved  to  leave  hi.s  native  city  iiir  iho 
period  of"  ton  years,  durinf^  which  the  Athenians  were  Ijound  to 
maintain  iii.s  laws  inviolate,  lie  first  visited  ]'>tryi»l,  and  then 
prociecded  to  Cyprus,  where  he  was  received  with  ;rreat  di.stinc- 
tion  by  Pliilocyj)rus,  kinj;  of  the  small  town  ol"  yEpia.  Ih-  j>er- 
suaded  this  prince  to  remove  his  city  from  the  old  site,  and  iiiund 
a  new  one  on  the  jtlain,  which  Philocyprus  called  SoU,  in  honour 
of  liis  illustrious  vi.sitor. 

Solon  is  also  related  to  have  remained  some  time  at  Sardis, 
the  capital  of  Lydia.  His  interview  with  Cro-'sus,  the  Lydian 
king,  is  one  of  the  most  celebrated  events  in  his  life.  The  Ly- 
dian monarchy  was  then  at  the  height  of  its  prosperity  and  glory. 
Cru'sus,  after  exhibiting  to  the  Grecian  sage  all  his  treasures, 
asked  him  who  was  the  happiest  man  he  had  ever  known, 
uotliing  doubting  of  the  reply.  But  Solon,  without  flattering 
his  royal  guest,  named  two  obscure  Greeks;  and  when  the  king 
expressed  his  surprise  and  mortilieation  that  his  visitor  took  no 
account  of  his  great  glory  and  wealth,  Solon  replied  that  he  es- 
tceuu'd  no  man  happy  till  he  knew  how  he  ended  his  life,  since 
the  highest  prosperity  was  frequently  followed  by  the  darkest 
adversity.  Ora'sus  at  the  time  treated  the  admonition  of  the 
sage  with  contempt  ;  but  when  the  Lydian  monarchy  was  after- 
wards overthrown  by  Cyrus,  and  Cra'sus  was  condemned  by  his 
savage  conqueror  to  be  burnt  to  death,  the  warnings  of  the  Greek 
philosopher  came  to  his  mind,  and  he  called  in  a  loud  voice  upon 
the  name  of  Solon.  Cyrus  inquired  the  cause  of  this  strange  in- 
vocation, and  upon  hearing  it,  was  struck  witli  the  vicissitudes 
of  fortune,  set  the  Lydian  monarch  free,  and  made  him  his  con- 
fidential friend. 

It  is  impossible  not  to  regret  that  the  stem  laws  of  chronology 
compel  us  to  reject  this  beautiful  tale.  Croesus  did  not  ascend 
the  throne  till  B.C.  5G0,  anil  Solon  had  returned  to  Athens  before 
that  date.  The  storj'  has  been  evidently  invented  to  convey  an 
im])ortant  moral  lesson,  anil  to  draw  a  striking  contrast  between 
Grecian  republican  simplicity  and  Oriental  splendour  and  |ximp. 

§  17.  During  the  absence  of  Solon,  the  old  dissensions  between 
the  Plain,  the  Shore,  and  the  Mountain  had  broken  out  afresh 
with  more  violence  than  ever.  The  lirst  was  headed  by  Lycurgus, 
the  second  by  Megacles.  the  Alcraa?onid,  and  the  grandson  of  the 


E.G.  560.  USURPATION  OF  PISISTRATUS.  •        101 

archon  who  had  suppressed  the  conspiracy  of  Cylon,  and  the 
third  by  Pisistratus,  the  cousin  of  Solon.  Of  these  leaders,  Pisis 
tratus  was  the  ablest  and  the  most  dangerous.  He  had  gained 
renown  in  war ;  he  possessed  remarkable  fluency  ol'  speech  ;  and 
he  had  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Mountain,  which  was  the  poor 
est  of  the  three  classes,  in  order  to  gain  popularity  with  the  gi-eat 
mass  of  the  people.  Of  these  advantages  he  resolved  to  avail 
himself  in  order  to  become  master  of  Athens. 

Solon  returned  to  Athens  about  b.c.  562,  when  these  dissen- 
sions were  rapidly  approaching  a  crisis.  He  soon  detected  the 
ambitious  designs  of  his  kinsman,  and  attempted  to  dissuade 
him  from  them.  Finding  his  remonstrances  Iruitless,  he  next 
denounced  his  projects  in  verses  addressed  to  the  people.  Few, 
however,  gave  any  heed  to  his  warnings ;  and  Pisistratus,  at 
length  finding  his  schemes  ripe  for  action,  had  recourse  to  a 
memorable  stratagem  to  secure  his  object.  One  day  he  appeared 
in  the  market-place  in  a  chariot,  his  mules  and  his  own  person 
bleeding  with  wounds  inflicted  with  his  own  hands.  These  he 
exhibited  to  the  people,  telling  them  that  he  had  been  nearly 
murdered  in  consequence  of  defending  their  rights.  The  popu- 
lar indignation  was  excited  ;  an  assembly  was  lorthwith  called, 
and  one  of  his  friends  proposed  that  a  guard  of  fifty  club-men 
should  be  granted  him  for  his  future  security.  It  was  in  vain 
that  Solon  used  all  his  authority  to  opj^ose  so  dangerous  a  re- 
quest ;  his  resistance  was  overborne  ;  and  the  guard  was  voted. 

Pisistratus  thus  gained  the  first  and  most  important  step.  He 
gradually  increased  the  number  of  his  guard,  and  soon  found 
himself  strong  enough  to  throw  ofl"  the  mask  and  seize  the  Acro- 
polis, B.C.  560.  Megacles  and  the  AlcmseonidBe  left  the  city. 
Solon  alone  had  the  courage  to  oppose  the  usurj^ation,  and  up- 
braided the  people  with  their  cowardice  and  their  treachery. 
"  You  might,"  said  he,  "  with  ease  have  crushed  the  tyrant  in 
the  bud ;  but  nothing  now  remains  but  to  pluck  him  up  by  the 
roots."  But  no  one  responded  to  his  appeal.  He  refused  to  fl.y ; 
and  when  his  friends  asked  him  on  what  he  relied  for  protection, 
"  On  my  old  age,"  was  his  reply.  It  is  creditable  to  Pisistratus 
that  he  left  his  aged  relative  immolested,  and  even  asked  his 
advice  in  the  administration  of  the  government. 

Solon  did  not  long  survive  the  overthrow  of  the  constitution. 
He  died  a  year  or  two  afterwards  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty. 
His  ashes  are  said  to  have  been  scattered,  by  his  own  direction, 
round  the  island  of  Salamis,  which  he  had  won  for  the  Atheiiiau 
people. 


Ruins  or  the  Teraple  of  the  Olympian  Jove  at  Atbens. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


HISTORY    OF  ATHENS    FROM    THE    USURPATION"   OF    PISISTRATUS    TO 
THE    ESTAKLISHMENT   OF    THE    DEMOCRACY    BY   CLISTHENES. 

§  1.  Despotism  of  Pisistratu?.  Ilis  first  oxptilsion  and  restoration.  §2. 
His  !5ocon<l  o.\piil?ioii  ami  restoration.  §  '.i.  (Tovernnient  of  Pisistratus 
after  his  final  restoration  to  his  death,  n.r.  527.  §  4.  Government  of 
Ilippias  ami  llipparehus.  Conspiraey  of  Ilarinodius  ami  Aristotriton, 
and  assassination  of  lli|>parehus,  n.r.  514.  §  5.  Sole  government  of 
Ilippias.  llis  expulsion  by  the  AletnaH->nid.T  and  the  Laced.Tmonians, 
B.C.  510.  §6.  Honours  jiaid  to  Ilarniodius  and  Aristogiton.  §7.  Party 
strtiggles  at  Athens  between  Clistlienes  and  Isadoras.  EstalMishment 
of  the  Atlicnian  demoerncy.  §  8.  Reforms  of  Clistlienes.  Institution 
of  ten  now  tribes  and  of  tlie  denies.  ^  ".>.  Increase  of  the  number  of 
the  Senate  lo  I'ive  Hundred.  §  10.  Eidargenunt  of  the  funetions  and 
authority  of  the  Senate  and  the  EecUsia.  §  11.  Introduction  of  the 
judicial  funetions  of  the  people.  Institution  of  the  Ten  Strategi  or 
Generals.  §  I'J.  Ostracism.  §  13.  Fii*st  attempt  of  the  l.aeedncnionians 
to  overthrow  the  Athenian  democracy.     Invasion  of  Attica  by  Cleo- 


B.C.  560.  USURPATION  OF  PISISTRATUS.  103 

menes,  followed  by  his  expulsion  with  that  of  Isagoras.  §  14-.  Second 
attempt  of  the  Lacedteinonians  to  overthrow  the  Athenian  democracy. 
Tlie  Lacedtenionians,  Thebans,  and  Chalcidians  attack  Attica.  The 
LacediBraonians  deserted  by  their  allies  and  compelled  to  retire.  Vic- 
tories of  the  Athenians  over  the  Thebans  and  Chalcidians,  followed 
by  the  planting  of  4000  Athenian  colonists  on  the  lands  of  the  Chal- 
cidians. §  15.  Third  attempt  of  the  Lacedaemonians  to  overthrow  the 
Athenian  democracy,  again  frustrated  by  the  refusal  of  the  allies  to 
take  part  in  the  enterprise.  §  16.  Growth  of  Athenian  patriotism,  a 
consequence  of  the  reforms  of  Clisthenes. 

5  1.  PisiSTRATUs  became  despot  of  Athens,  as  already  stated, 
in  the  year  560  n.c.  He  did  not  however  retain  his  power  long. 
The  two  leaders  of  the  other  factions,  Meg-aeles  of  the  Shore, 
and  Lycurgus  of  the  Plain,  now  combined,  and  Pisistratus  was 
driven  into  exile.  But  the  two  rivals  afterwards  quarrelled,  and 
Megacles  invited  Pisistratus  to  retm-n  to  Athens,  ollering  him 
his  daizghter  in  marriage,  and  promising  to  assist  him  in  regain- 
ing the  sovereignty.  These  conditions  being  accepted,  the  follow- 
ing stratagem  was  devised  for  carrying  the  plan  into  etlect.  A  tall 
stately  woman,  named  Phya,  was  clothed  in  the  armour  and  cos- 
tume of  Athena  (Minerva),  and  placed  in  a  chariot  with  Pisistratus 
at  her  side.  In  this  guise  the  exiled  despot  approached  the  city, 
preceded  by  heralds,  who  announced  that  the  goddess  was  bring- 
ing back  Pisistratus  to  her  own  acropolis.  The  people  believed 
the  announcement,  worshipped  the  woman  as  their  tutelary 
goddess,  and  quietly  submitted  to  the  sway  of  their  former  ruler. 
^  2.  Pisistratus  married  the  daughter  of  Megacles  according 
to  the  compact ;  but  as  he  had  already  grown  up  children  by  a 
former  marriage,  and  did  not  choose  to  connect  his  blood  with  a 
family  which  was  considered  accursed  on  account  of  Cylon's 
sacrilege,  he  did  not  treat  her  as  his  wife.  Incensed  at  this 
affront,  Megacles  again  made  common  cause  with  Lycurgus,  and 
Pisistratus  was  compelled  a  second  time  to  quit  Athens.  He  re- 
tired to  Eretria  in  Euboja,  ^vhere  he  remained  no  fewer  than  ten 
years.  He  did  not  however  spend  his  time  in  inactivity.  He  pos- 
sessed considerable  influence  in  various  parts  of  Greece,  and  many 
cities  furnished  him  with  large  sums  of  money.  He  was  thus 
able  to  procure  mercenaries  from  Argos ;  and  Lygdamis,  a  pow- 
erful citizen  of  Naxos,  came  himself  both  with  money  and  with 
troops.  Vv'^ith  these  Pisistratus  sailed  from  Ei'etria,  and  landed  at 
Marathon.  Here  he  was  speedily  joined  by  his  friends  and  parti- 
sans, who  flocked  to  his  camp  in  large  numbers.  His  antagonists 
allowed  him  to  remain  undisturbed  at  Marathon  ;  and  i;.  was  not 
till  he  began  his  march  towards  the  city  that  they  hastily  col- 
lected their  forces  and  went  out  to  meet  him.  But  their  conduct 
was  extremely  negligent  or  corrupt ;  for  Pisistratus  fell  suddenly 


101  HISTORY  or  OIIKKCFL  Chai'.  XL 

ii|K)ii  tlicir  lorccH  al  iiooii,  \vli<>ii  llii;  iiil-ii  were  tiiiprcparcd  for 
h:Lttl*>,  .'111(1  ])iit  Uii-iii  to  liiirlit  alidoxt  willioiit  n-HiHtuiKre.  Iiixtcad 
dl"  Itillowiiif,'  up  liis  victor)'  liy  Hluii^'litiTiii;,'  the  riijfitivca,  lie  pro- 
cliiiuicul  a  frt'iicral  parddii  on  condition  of  their  n-luriiinjr  (juietly 
to  tlic'ir  lioiiitrs.  lliH  orders  were  penerally  olx-yed  ;  and  the 
leaders  ol  the  o|>|K)sito  iartioiiH,  finding  theiiis<'lve»  ahandoned 
by  tlieir  jtartisans,  rpiitted  tlie  coinilr)'.  In  thi.s  manner  Pi»iK- 
traturi  hecaino  undisj)iite(|  masler  ol' Athens  for  the  third  time. 

^  ',\.  I*isi.s1ratu.s  now  adopted  vi<jorou.s  measures  to  heeure  hi« 
power  and  render  it  permaniMit.  He  took  into  his  pay  a  body 
of  Thraeian  mereenaries,  and  seized  as  hosta^'es  the  einldren  of 
those  citizens  wliom  ]ir  susj»eeted,  jilaein^them  in  iSaxos  inider 
the  care  of  Lvfrdamis.  Jiiit  as  goon  as  he  Mas  finidy  estabhshed 
in  the  government,  his  administration  was  marked  by  mildness 
and  equity.  An  income-tax  of  live  per  cent,  was  all  that  he 
levied  iVom  the  people.  He  maintained  the  institutions  of  JnjIoii, 
takinj?  care,  however,  that  the  highest  offices  should  always  be 
held  l)y  some  members  of  his  own  family.  He  not  only  enlorced 
strict  obedience  to  tin-  laws,  but  himself  set  the  rxaiii|ilc  t  I  .miT>- 
TiultuiL''  to  tlicni.  l)ciiiLr  accuscil  ol  niunliT,  lie  (Ii>i!aiii<-(1  to 
take  a(l\Mll!l'jT'  (if  lli^J  iiril^TMiJI} .  and  Ui'lll  ill  peiMll  Lii  "ptT^d 
Jus  cause  iR-lure  the  Anopairus.  ^\lll^|■|^  Ins  accu.'i-r  lial  not  ven- 
Jure  to  appear.  lie  CdUiied  luniulantv  bv  lari'i^srs  to  the 
eitiy.eus.  and  by  ihrowiiiir  "lien  liis  lmhI'-hs  to  llic  l>""r.  lb' 
adorncil  Alliens  with  many  iiuiilic  builll^l^^■^.  tlios  <^nvni<'-  cni- 
plovnicut  to  tiie  ])oorci- ciliy.ens,  ami  -n^  |b'' ^-''""' ^'M"-' ff'"'^^'*^' ' "o 
his  own  taste,  lb*  counncneed  on  a  stupendous  scale  a  temple 
to  the  t»lyni])lan  Jove,  Avhieli  remained  unfinished  for  centuries, 
and  was  at  leiiirth  completed  bv  the  emperor  Hadrian.  He 
covered  with  a  building  the  fountain  Callirrhoe,  Avhich  supplied 
the  £rreater  part  of  Athens  with  water,  and  conducted  the  Mater 
throurrh  nine  pipes,  whence  the  fomitaiu  was  called  Ennea- 
crunus.*  Moreover,  Pislstratus  was  a  patron  of  literature,  as 
well  as  of  the  arts.  He  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  person  in 
Greece  who  collected  a  librar}',  which  he  threw  open  to  the 
public  ;  and  to  him  posterity  is  indebted  for  the  collection  of 
the  Homeric  poems. f  On  the  whole,  it  cannot  be  denied  that 
he  made  a  wise  and  noble  use  of  his  power ;  and  it  was  for  this 
reason  that  Julius  Caesar  was  called  the  Pisistratus  of  Rtnne. 

<j  1.  Pisistratus  died  at  an  advanced  agej.n_027  r..c..  tliirty- 
tbrcc  years  atlcT  Ins  lirst  usurpation.  Ho  transmitted  the  s<-)- 
veiriij[ii  jiowcr  to  liis  sons.  Hijipias  and  Iliiniarclius.  wlu)  con- 
dueteil  the   L^nvcniuu'iit  tu  llie  ^allu^  ]triiioiiilvs  as   tlicir  'ia'clicr. 

*  'EvvEUKQovfoc  from  iiiia  nine,  and  Acpoi'vof  a  pipe.       f  See  p.  4S. 


B.C.  514.  ASSASSINATION  OF  HIPPARCHUs.  106 

Hipparchns  inherited  his  father's  literary  tastes.  He  invite'' 
several  disllnguished  poets,  such  as  Aiiacreon  and  Simonides,  to 
his  court,  and  he  set  up  along  the  highways  statues  of  Hermes 
(Mercury),  vv'ith  moral  sentences  written  upon  them.  Thucy- 
dides  states  that  the  sons  of  Pisistratus  cultivated  virtue"7ind  wis- 
dom ;  the  pco]3le  appear  to  have  been  contented  with  then*  rule  ; 
and  it  was  only  an  accidental  circumstance  which  Jed  to  their 
overthrow  and  to  a  change  in  the  government. 

Their  fall  was  occasioned  by  the  memorable  conspiracy  cf 
Harmodius  and  Aristogiton.  These  citizens  belonged  to  an 
ancient  family  of  Athens,  and  were  attached  to  each  other  by  a 
most  intimate  friendship.  Harmodius  having  given  otlcnce  to 
Hippias,  the  despot  revenged  himself  by  putting  a  public  allront 
upon  his  sister.  This  indignity  excited  the  resentment  of  the 
two  friends,  and  they  now  resolved  to  slay  the  despots,  or  perish 
in  the  attempt.  They  communicated  the  plot  to  a  few  asso- 
ciates, and  determined  to  carry  it  into  execution  on  the  festival 
of  the  Great  PanathenEea,  when  all  the  citizens  were  required  to 
attend  in  arriis,  and  to  march  in  procession  from  the  Ceramicus, 
a  suburb  of  the  city,  to  the  temple  of  Athena  (Minerva)  on  the 
Acropolis.  When  the  appointed  time  arrived,  the  conspirators 
appeared  armed  like  the  rest  of  the  citizens,  but  carrying  con- 
cealed daggers  besides.  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton  had  planned 
to  kill  Hippias  first,  as  he  was  arranging  the  order  of  the  proces- 
sion in  the  Ceramicus ;  but  upon  approaching  the  spot  where  he 
was  standing,  they  were  thunderstruck  at  beholding  one  of  the 
conspirators  in  close  conversation  with  the  despot.  Believing 
that  they  were  betrayed,  and  resolving  before  they  died  to  wreak 
their  vengeance  upon  Hipparchns,  they  rushed  back  into  the 
city  with  their  daggers  hid  in  the  myrtle  boughs  which  they 
were  to  have  carried  in  the  procession.  They  Ibund  him  near 
the  chapel  called  Leocorium,  and  killed  him  on  the  spot.  Har- 
modius w^as  immediately  cut  down  by  the  guards.  Aristogiton 
escaped  for  the  time,  but  was  aiterw'ards  taken,  and  died  under 
the  tortures  to  which  he  was  subjected  in  order  to  compel  him 
to  disclose  his  accompUces.  The  news  of  his  brother's  death 
reached  Hippias  before  it  became  generally  known.  With  ex- 
traordinary presence  of  mind  he  called  upon  the  citizens  to  drop 
their  arms,  and  meet  him  in  an  adjoining  ground.  They  obeyed 
without  suspicion.  He  then  apprehended  those  on  Avhose  per- 
sons daggers  were  discovered,  and  all  besides  whom  he  had  any 
reason  to  suspect. 

^  5.  Hipparchns  was  assassinated  in  E.c.  514,  the  fourteenth 
year  after  the  death  of  Pisistratus.  From  this  time  the  char- 
acter of  the  government  became  ei^Urely  changed.      His  bro- 


nm  HISTORV  OF  (iRKKCK.  Chap.  XL 

IIkth  iiiuril(!r  coiivcrlrd  llippias  into  a  cruel  and  simpiciouH 
lyr.'inl  llu  |iiil  to  ilcalli  niiriilxrrH  uf  the  iriti/eiiH,  and  raixcd 
laimt  HUiriH  of  iiiciiicy  by  extraordinary  taxes.  Fieling  liiniwdC 
mi.salb  at  lioinc,  lie  he^'an  to  look  abroad  lor  some  j»lace  of  re- 
treat, in  case  be  hIiouI<1  be  expelled  from  AtbenM.  With  this 
view,  he  f,'ave  his  daughter  in  niurriajje  to  /Kantides,  Hon  of  Hij)- 
poclus,  despot  of  LaMi]>saeus,  beeanso  the  latter  wa«  in  great 
iiivoiir  with  Darius,  kin<(  of  Persia. 

Meantime  the  prowinfj  nnftopnlarity  of  Ilippias  rained  the 
hopes  of  the  powerful  family  of  the  Alema;onida-,  who  ha<l  lived 
in  exile  ever  siiiee  the  third  and  linal  restoration  of  Pisi.stratua 
to  Athens.  Iielievin<i;  the  favourable  iur)tuent  to  be  cornc,  they 
even  ventured  to  invade  Attiea,  and  established  themselves  in  a 
fortified  town  upon  the  frontier.  They  were,  h(»wever,  defeated 
by  Ilippias  with  loss,  and  compelled  to  quit  the  country.  Un- 
able to  elii'ct  their  restoration  by  force,  they  now  had  recourse 
to  a  mau<x,'uvre  which  proved  succes.sful. 

The  Alcmieonid.e  had  taken  the  contract  for  rehuildin^  the 
tein})le  at  Delphi,  which  had  been  accidentally  destroyed  by  fire 
many  years  previously.  They  not  only  executed  the  work  in 
the  best  ])os.-:ible  manner,  but  even  exceeded  what  liad  heen 
reipiired  of  them,  emph)yiug  Parian  marble  ibr  the  front  of  the 
temple,  instead  of  the  coarse  stone  specified  in  the  contract. 
This  liberality  gained  for  them  the  favour  of  the  Delphians ;  and 
Clislhenes,  the  son  of  jMegacles,  who  was  now  the  head  of  the 
family,  secured  the  oracle  still  further  by  pecuniary  presents  to 
tlie  Py  thia,  or  priestess.  Henceforth,  whenever  the  reparians  came 
to  consult  the  oracle,  the  answer  of  the  priestess  was  always  the 
same, — "  Athens  must  be  liberated."  This  order  was  so  often 
repeated,  that  the  Spartans  at  last  resolved  to  obey,  although 
they  had  hitherto  maintained  a  friendly  connexion  with  the 
family  of  Pisistratus.  Their  first  attempt  failed  ;  the  force  which 
they  sent  into  Attica  was  defeated  by  Hippias.  and  its  leader 
slain.  A  second  ellort  succeeded.  Cleomenes,  king  of  Sjjarta, 
defeated  the  Thessalian  allies  of  Hippias  ;  and  the  latter,  unable 
to  meet  his  enemies  in  the  lleld.  took  refuge  in  the  AcropoUs. 
Here  he  might  have  maintained  himself  in  safety,  had  not  his 
children  been  made  prisoners  as  they  were  being  secretly  carried 
out  of  the  country.  To  procure  their  restoration,  he  consented 
to  quit  Attica  in  the  space  of  five  days.  He  sailed  to  Asia,  and 
took  up  his  residence  at  Sigeum  in  the  Troad,  which  his  father 
liad  wrested  from  the  i\lytilenfpans  in  war. 

^  6.  Hippias  was  expelled  in  r..c.  510,  four  years  after  the 
assassination  ot"  Hipparchus.  These  four  years  had  been  a  time 
of  sutlering  and  oppression  for  the  Athenians,  and  liad  eflaced 


B.C.  510.  EXPULSION  OF  HIPPIAS. 


109 


from  their  minds  all  recollection  of  the  former  mild  rux,^(.gj 
Pisistratus  and  his  sons.  Hence  the  expulsion  of  the  family 
■was  hailed  with  delight,  and  their  names  were  handed  down 
to  posterity,  with  execration  and  hatred.  For  the  same  reason 
the  memory  of  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton  was  cherished  with 
the  fondest  reverence  ;  and  the  Athenians  of  subsequent  genera- 
tions, overlooking  the  four  years  which  elapsed  from  their  death 
to  the  overthrow  of  the  despotism,  represented  them  as  the  libe- 
rators of  their  country  and  the  first  martyrs  for  its  liberty.  Their 
statues  were  erected  in  the  market-place  soon  after  the  expulsion 
of  Hippias  ;  their  descendants  enjoyed  immunity  from  all  taxes 
and  public  burdens  ;  and  their  deed  of  vengeance  formed  the 
favourite  subject  of  drinking  songs.  Of  these  the  most  famous 
and  popular  has  come  down  to  us,  and  may  be  thus  translated  : 

"I'll  wreatli  mv  sword  in  myrtle  bough, 
The  sword  that  laid  the  tyrant  low, 
"When  patriots,  burning  to  be  free, 
To  Athens  gave  equality. 

"  Harmodius,  hail !  though  reft  of  breath. 
Thou  ne'er  shalt  feel  the  stroke  of  death! 
The  heroes'  happy  isles  shall  be 
The  bright  abode  allotted  thee. 

"  I'll  wreath  my  sword  in  myrtle  bough. 
The  sword  that  laid  Hipparchu.s  low, 
"When  at  Athena's  adverse  fane 
He  knelt,  and  never  rose  again. 

"  While  Freedom's  name  is  understood. 
You  shall  delight  the  wise  and  good  ; 
You  dared  to  set  your  country  free, 
And  gave  her  laws  equality.'"* 

^  7.  The  Lacedaemonians  quitted  Athens  soon  after  Hippias 
had  sailed  away,  leaving  the  Athenians  to  settle  their  own  atliiirs. 
The  Solonian  constitution,  which  had  continued  to  exist  nomi- 
nally under  the  administration  of  the  family  of  Pisistratus,  was 
noAv  revived  in  its  full  force  and  vigour.  Clisthenes,  to  whom 
Athens  Avas  mainly  indebted  for  its  liberation  from  the  despotism, 
aspired  to  be  the  political  leader  of  the  state,  but  was  opposed 
by  Isagoras,  who  was  supported  by  the  great  body  of  the  nobles. 
By  the  Solonian  constitution,  the  whole  political  power  was 
vested  in  the  hands  of  the  latter  ;  and  Clisthenes  soon  found  that 
it  was  hopeless  to  contend  against  his  rival  midcr  the  existing 
order  of  things.     For  this  reason  he  resolved  to  introduce  an 

*  Welleslej-'s  Anthologia  Polyglotta,  p.  445. 


no  HISTOUY  OF  OKKKfR  Chap.  XI 

Tln'so  rc'fornii*,  liowi-vcr,  w<'ro  ii<it  iiitriMliirc«l  by  CliKthcncK. 
llr  iiiiiliiiucd  1(1  cxcIikIc  the  loiirth  ol  IIkxh*  clai^tfH  into  ■wliich 
Solmi  Ii.kI  (liviilcd  llic  fiti/('ii}i,  frorii  llir  jmisI  of  arrhnn  ami  Irciii 
all  ntlicr  (iliircs  ol  stalt;  ;  he  made  no  i-lian^'c  in  the  tiianncr  of 
a|i|)ointin<r  lli<"  arclions,  and  It'll  ilirm  in  llif  cxcrnhe  of  irn- 
IMiitant  judicial  duties.  Ilcnro  the  fvinntitntion  of  CliHllieneH, 
notw  itlislandiiifr  the  inorea-st'  of  ]M)wer  Mhirh  it  gave  to  the 
jK-oplf,  canic  to  1m'  rojjarded  as  aristocnitical  in  the  times  of 
I'ericles  and  Demoslhenofi. 

Ml.  Of  the  other  refoimB  of  Clisthenes  we  are  imperfectly 
iid'onned.  Jle  increased  the  judicial  as  "well  as  the  j»olitical 
jHAVcr  of  the  ])eojile.  It  i.s  in  I'act  doubtful  whether  Solon  pave 
the  jteojtlo  any  judicial  functions  at  all  ;  and  it  was  probably 
Clisthenes  who  enacted  that  all  jiublic  crimes  shctuKl  U*  tried  by 
the  whole  body  i  f  citizens  almve  thirty  years  of  ape.  specially  con- 
voked and  sworn  for  li.e  ])urpose.  The  asH-mblv  thus  convened 
was  called  Jft'/io'd,  and  its  members  JffUc./s*  ^Vith  the  in- 
crea.ee  of  the  judicial  functions  of  the  ])eo]»lc,  it  became  necessary 
•to  divide  the  Helia'a  into  ten  di.stinct  courts  ;  and  this  change 
was  probably  introduced  .soon  after  the  time  of  Clisthenes. 

The  new  constitution  of  the  tribes  introduced  a  change  in  the 
military  arrangements  of  the  state.  The  citizens,  who  were  re- 
quired to  serve,  were  now  marshalled  according  to  tribes,  each 
of  which  was  subject  to  a  StrafegttsA  or  general  of  its  o'wn. 
These  ten  generals  were  elected  annually  by  the  whole  body  of 
citizens,  and  became  at  a  later  time  the  most  important  officers 
in  the  state,  since  they  possessed  the  direction  not  oidy  of  naval 
and  military  allairs,  but  also  of  the  relations  of  the  city  with 
tbreign  states.  Down  to  the  time  of  Clisthenes,  the  command  ci' 
the  military  force  had  been  vested  exclusively  in  the  third  ar- 
chon.  or  Polemarch  ;  and  even  after  the  institution  of  the  Stra- 
tegi  l)y  Clisthenes,  the  Polemarch  still  continued  to  possess  a 
joint  right  of  command  along  with  them,  as  will  be  seen  whon 
we  come  to  relate  the  battle  of  Marathon. 

^  12.  There  was  another  remarkable  institution  expressly 
ascribed  to  Clisthenes — the  Ostracism  :  the  real  object  of  which 
has  been  explained  for  the  first  time  by  Mr.  Grote.  By  the  Os- 
tracism, a  citizen  was  banished  without  special  accusation,  trial, 
or  defence  for  ten  years,  which  term  was  subsequently  reduced 
to  live  :  he  Avas  not  deprived  of  his  ])roperty  ;  and  at  the  end  c< 
his  porio<l  of  exile  was  allowed  to  return  to  Athens,  and  to  resume 
all  the  political  rights  and  privileges  which  he  had  previously 
enjoyed.      It  must  be  recollected  that  the  force  wliich  a  Greek 

• 'HA<a/a,  'H?.ta<rrai.  f  2rpa7T;y<'^. 


B.C.  510.  REFORilS  OF  CLISTHENES.  Ill 

government  liad  at  its  disposal  was  ver}'^  small ;  and  that  it  was 
comparatively  easy  foi'  an  ambitions  citizen,  supported  by  a  nu- 
merous body  of  partisans,  to  overthrow  the  constitution  and  make 
himselt"  despot.  The  past  history  of  the  Athenians  had  shown 
the  dangers  to  which  they  were  exposed  from  this  cause  ;  and 
the  Ostracism  was  the  means  devised  by  Clisthenes  for  removing 
quietly  from  the  state  a  powerful  party  leader  before  he  could 
carry  into  execution  any  violent  schemes  for  the  subversion  of 
the  government.  Every  precaution  was  taken  to  guard  this  in- 
stitution from  a.buse.  The  senate  and  the  ecclesia  had  first  to 
determine  by  a  special  vote  Avhether  the  safety  of  the  state  re- 
quired such  a  step  to  be  taken.  If  they  decided  in  the  atiirma- 
tive,  a  day  was  fixed  for  voting,  and  each  citizen  wrote  upon 
a  tile  or  oyster  shell*  the  name  of  the  person  whom  he  wished 
to  banish.  The  votes  were  then  collected,  and  if  it  was  found 
that  6000  had  been  recorded  against  any  one  person,  he  was 
obliged  to  withdraw  from  the  city  within  ten  days  ;  if  the  num- 
ber of  votes  did  not  amount  to  6000,  nothing  was  done.  The 
large  number  of  votes  required  for  the  ostracism  of  a  person 
(one-fourth  of  the  entire  citizen  population)  was  a  sutficient 
guarantee  that  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  citizens  considered 
him  dangerous  to  the  state.  It  is  a  proof  of  the  utility  of  this 
institution  that  from  the  time  of  its  establishment  no  further 
attempt  was  made  by  any  Athenian  citizen  to  overthrow  the 
democracy  by  force. 

§  13.  The  reforms  of  Clisthenes  were  received  with  such  popu- 
lar favor,  and  so  greatly  increased  the  influence  of  their  author, 
that  Isagoras  saw  no  hope  for  him  and  his  party  except  by  calling 
in  the  interference  of  Clcomenes  and  the  Laceda?monians.  This 
was  readily  promised,  and  heralds  were  sent  from  Sparta  to 
Athens,  demanding  the  expulsion  of  Clisthenes  and  the  rest  of 
the  Alcma:'onida},  as  the  accursed  family  on  whom  rested  the 
pollution  of  Cylon's  murder.  Clisthenes,  not  daring  to  disobey 
the  Lacediemonian  governiuent,  retired  voluntarily  ;  and  thus 
Cleomenes,  arriving  at  Athens  shortly  afterwards  with  a  small 
force,  found  himself  undisputed  master  of  the  city.  He  first 
expelled  700  families  pointed  out  by  Isagoras,  and  then  at- 
tempted to  dissolve  the  Senate  of  Five  Hundred,  and  place  the 
government  in.  the  hands  of  three  hundred  of  his  friends  and 
partisans.  This  proceeding  excited  general  indignation ;  the 
people  rose  in  arms  ;  and  Cleomenes  and  Isagoras  took  refuge 
in  the  Acropolis.  At  the  end  of  two  days  their  provisions  were 
exliausted,  and  they  were  obliged  to  capitulate.      Cleomenes  and 

*   Ostracon  (ooTgaKov),  Viience  the  name  of  Osfracism  {oargaKia/ioc). 


112  HISTORY  (JF  (iltKKa-:  (^hap.  XI 

till'  Ii;ic<'(l,Tin(iiii;iii  tmopH,  as  wiM  as  Icafrnrns,  wrre  allow*-*!  to 
ret  in-  ill  Kili-ty  ;  l»iit  all  thi-ir  a<llnTi*iit«  who  wrre  caj»lun-(i 
with  llicm  wen-  jmt  to  death  hy  tin?  Atlwiiiaii  jH-opJc.  CIik- 
thcnt'rt  and  tin;  7U()  cxilfd  raiiiilicB  wen-  itiiincdiatcly  n-calli-d, 
and  the  new  ronstitulion  was  niatrrially  htrcnf,^h«-iu-d  by  the 
failiiri*  (iI'lliiH  altcm])!  to  ovfrthrow  it. 

HI.  The  Athenians  had  now  ojienly  hmken  with  Sparta. 
•Feariiifi  the  venpeann!  of  this  roriiiidahle  state,  Clistlienps  H<'nt 
envoys  to  Artaphenies,  the  Persian  Katraj)  at  Sardis,  to  Holirjt 
the  Persian  alliance,  Mhich  was  oHi-red  on  condition  of  the 
Athenians'  seiidinp  earth  and  water  to  the  Kinjr  of  Persia  as  a 
token  oi"  their  snhinission.  The  envoys  promised  coinjtliancc  ; 
but  on  their  return  to  Athens,  their  eountrjnien  repudiated 
their  proeeedinp  with  indignation.  Meantime,  Cleomenea  was 
pre])ariiip  to  take  vengeance  upon  the  Athenians,  and  to  establish 
Isadoras  as  ;i  despot  over  them.  He  siiinriioned  the  PelojKinnc- 
sian  allies  to  the  iield,  hut  without  inlomiinp  them  of  the  object 
of  the  expedition;  and  at  the  same  time  he  concerted  measures 
with  the  Thehans  and  the  Chalcidians  of  ICuhu-a  for  a  simulta- 
neous attack  uj)on  Attica.  The  Peloponnesian  army,  commanded 
by  the  two  kiii<rs,  Cleomenes  and  Demariitus,  entered  Attica,  and 
advanced  as  far  as  Eleusis«  but  when  the  allies  became  aware  of 
the  object  lor  which  they  had  been  .summoned,  they  refused  to 
march  farther.  The  jiower  of  Athens  was  not  yet  sulbciently 
preat  to  inspire  jealousy  amonp  the  other  Greek  states  ;  and  the 
Corinthians,  who  still  smarted  luuler  the  recollection  of  the  suf- 
ferings inflicted  upon  them  by  their  own  despots,  took  the  lead 
in  denounciup  the  attem])t  of  Cleomenes  to  cnish  the  liberties 
of  xVthcns.  Their  remonstrances  were  seconded  by  Deniaratus, 
the  other  Spartan  kinp ;  so  that  Cleomenes  found  it  necessar)' 
to  abandon  the  expedition  and  return  home.  The  dissensirii  of 
the  two  kinps  on  this  occasion  is  said  to  have  led  to  the  enact- 
ment of  the  law  at  Sparta,  that  b(,th  kinps  should  never  have 
the  command  of  the  army  at  the  same  time. 

The  luiexpected  retreat  of  the  Peloj)onnesian  army  delivered 
the  Athenians  from  their  most  fonnidable  enemy,  and  thev  lost 
no  time  in  turninp  their  anns  apain.<t  their  other  fues.  March- 
inp  into  Bu-otia,  they  defeated  the  Thebans,  and  then  cros.<ed  over 
into  Euba-a,  where  they  pained  a  decisive  victor}- over  the  Chal- 
cidians. In  order  to  secure  their  dcminion  in  Eubcra,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  provide  for  their  poorer  citizens,  the  Ath.enians 
distributed  the  estates  of  the  wealthy  Chalcidian  landowners 
amonp  iUUO  of  their  citizens,  who  settled  in  the  count  ly  under 
the  name  of  C/<n«Jii.* 

*  K/7?()ori\-o/,  that  i.?.  "  lot-lioUb-rs." 


B.C.  508. 


SUCCESSES  OF  THE  ATHENIANS. 


113 


§  15.  The  successes  of  Athens  had  excited  the  jealousy  of  the 
Spartans,  and  they  now  resolved  to  make  a  third  attempt  to  over- 
throw the  Athenian  democracy.  They  had  meantime  discovered 
the  deception  which  had  heen  practised  upon  them  by  the 
Delphic  oracle ;  and  they  invited  Hippias  to  come  from  Sigeum 
to  Sparta,  in  order  to  restore  him  to  Athens.  The  experience  of 
the  last  campaign  had  taught  them  that  they  could  not  calculate 
upon  the  co-operation  of  their  allies  without  lirst  obtaining  their 
approval  of  the  project ;  and  they  therefore  summoned  deputies 
from  all  their  alhes  to  meet  at  Sparta,  in  order  to  determine  re- 
specting the  restoration  of  Hippias.  The  despot  was  present  at 
the  congress  ;  and  the  Spartans  urged  the  necessity  of  crushing 
the  growing  insolence  of  the  Athenians  by  placing  over  them 
their  former  master.  But  their  proposal  was  received  with  uni- 
versal repugnance  ;  and  the  Corinthians  again  expressed  the 
general  indignation  at  the  design.  "  Surely  heaven  and  earth 
are  about  to  change  places,  when  you  Spartans  propose  to  set 
up  in  the  cities  that  wicked  and  bloody  thing  called  a  Despot. 
First  try  what  it  is  for  yourselves  at  Sparta,  and  then  force  it 
upon  others.  If  you  persist  in  a  scheme  so  wicked,  know  that 
the  Corinthians  will  not  second  you."  These  vehement  remon- 
strances were  received  with  such  approbation  by  the  other 
allies,  that  the  Spartans  found  it  necessary  to  abandon  their 
project.  Hippias  returned  to  Sigeum,  and  afterwards  proceeded 
to  the  court  of  Darius. 

§  16.  Athens  had  now  entered  upon  her  glorious  career.  The 
institutions  of  Cllsthenes  had  given  her  citizens  a  personal  in- 
terest in  the  welliire  and  the  grandeur  of  their  country.  A  spirit 
of  the  warmest  patriotism  rapidly  sprang  up  among  them  ;  and 
the  history  of  the  Persian  wars,  which  followed  almost  imme- 
diately, exhibits  a  striking  proof  of  the  heroic  sacrifices  which 
they  were  prepared  to  make  for  the  liberty  and  independence  of 
their  state. 


Coin  of  Alliens. 


m'  m    .!■   ■■!  iji  II        ■  ".  )•   I — — 1  ri  n  t  I  II    i  r  re —    «   jn  i.  iiibjiibi 


Ancient  Sculptures  from  Selinua. 


CHAPTER  XIT. 


HISTORY    OF    Tin:    ClflCEK    COLONIES. 

§  1.  Connoxion  of  the  subject  witli  tlie  [general  history  of  Greece.  §  2. 
Origin  of  tlie  Greek  colonies  and  tlieir  relation  to  the  mother-coun- 
try. §  3.  Gharaeteristies  common  to  most  of  the  Greek  colonies. 
§  4.  The  ^Eolic,  Ionic,  ami  Doric  colonies  in  Asia.  Mih-tus  the  most 
important,  and  the  parent  of  numerous  colonies.  Eiihesus.  Phocjea. 
§  5.  Colonies  in  the  south  of  Italy  and  Sicily.  History  of  Cumie. 
§  6.  Colonies  in  Sicily.  Syracuse  and  Agritjentuin  the  niost  impor- 
tant, riialaris,  despot  of  Agrigentum.  §  7.  Colonies  in  Magna  Gne- 
cia  (the  south  of  Italy).  Syharis  and  Croton.  War  between  these 
cities,  and  destruction  of  Sybaris.  §  8.  Epizephyrian  Locri:  its  law- 
giver, Zaleucus.  Rhesium.  §  9.  Tarentum.  Decline  of  the  cities 
in  Magna  (tneeia.  §  10.  Colonies  in  Gaul  and  Spain.  Massalia. 
§  11.  Colonies  in  Africa.  (Gyrene.  §  12.  Colonies  in  Epiru*.  Mace- 
donia, and  Thrace.  §  13.  Importance  of  a  knowledge  of  the  history 
of  the  Greek  colonies. 

^  1.  An  account  of  the  Greek  colonies  forms  an  important  part 
of  the  History  of  Greece.  It  has  been  already  obser\'ed  that 
Hellas  did  not  indicate  a  coinitry  marked  by  certain  geog^raphical 
limits,  but  included  the  whole  body  of  Hellenes,  in  whatever 
part  of  the  world  they  might  be  settled.  Thus,  the  inhabitants 
of  Trapezu.s  on  the  farthest  shores  of  the  Black  Sea.  of  Cyreno 
in  Africa,  and  of  Massalia  in  the  south  of  Gaul,  were  as  essential- 
ly members  of  Hellas  as  the  citizens  of  Athens  and  Sparta.  They 
all  glo'-jed  in  the  name  of  Hellenes:  they  all  boasted  of  their 
descent  from  the  eomiiion  ancestor  Hellen  ;  and  they  all  pes- 


Chap.  XII.  THE  GREEK  COLONIES.  115 

sessed  and  frequently  exercised  the  right  of  contending  in  the 
Olympic  games,  and  the  other  national  festivals  of  Greece. 

The  vast  number  of  Greek  Colonies,  their  wide-spread  ditihsion 
over  all  parts  of  the  Mediterranean,  Avhicli  thus  became  a  land 
of  Grecian  lake,  their  rapid  growth  in  wealth,  power,  and  intel- 
lio-ence  afford  the  most  striking  proofs  of  the  greatness  of  this 
wonderful  people.  It  would  carry  us  too  far  to  give  an  account 
of  the  origin  of  all  these  colonies,  or  to  narrate  their  history  at  any 
length.  We  must  content  ourselves  with  briefly  mentioning  the 
more  important  of  them,  after  stating  the  causes  to  wdiich  they 
owed  their  origin,  the  relation  in  which  they  stood  to  the 
mother  country,  and  certain  characteristics  which  were  common 
to  them  all. 

^  2.  Civil  dissensions  and  a  redundant  population  were  the 
two  chief  causes  of  the  origin  of  most  of  the  Greek  colonies.*" 
They  were  usually  undertaken  with  the  approbation  of  the  cities 
from  which  they  issued,  and  under  the  management  of  leaders 
appointed  by  them.  In  most  cases  the  Delphic  oracle  had  pre- 
viously given  its  divine  sanction  to  the  enterprise,  which  was 
also  undertaken  under  the  encouragement  of  the  gods  of  the  mo- 
ther-city. But  a  Greek  colony  was  always  considered  politically 
independent  of  the  latter  and  emancipated  from  its  control.  The 
only  connexion  between  them  was  one  of  filial  affection  and  of 
common  religious  ties.  The  colonists  worshipped  in  their  new 
settlement  the  deities  whom  they  had  been  accustomed  to  ho- 
nour in  their  native  country  ;  and  the  sacred  fire,  which  was  con- 
stantly kept  burning  on  their  public  hearth,  was  taken  by  them 
from  the  Prytaneum  of  the  city  from  which  they  sprung.  They 
usually  cherished  a  feeling  of  reverential  respect  for  the  mother- 
city,  which  they  displayed  by  sending  deputations  to  the  prin- 
cipal festivals  of  the  latter,  and  also  by  bestowing  places  of 
honour  and  other  marks  of  respect  upon  the  ambassadors  and 
otlier  members  of  the  mother-city,  wdien  they  visited  the  colony. 
In  the  same  spirit,  they  paid  divine  worship  to  the  founder  of 
the  colony  after  his  death,  as  the  representative  of  the  mother- 
city  ;  and  when  the  colony  in  its  turn  became  a  parent,  it  usually 
sought  a  leader  from  the  state  from  which  it  had  itself  sprung. 
It  was  accordingly  considered  a  violation  of  sacred  ties  for  a 
mother-country  and  a  colony  to  make  war  upon  one  another. 
These  bonds,  however,  w^ere  often  insufficient  to  maintain  a 
lasting  union  ;  and  the  memorable  quarrel  between  Corinth  and 
her  colony  Corey ra  will  show  how  easily  they  might  be  severed 
by  the  ambition  or  the  interest  of  either  state. 

*  A  colony  was  called  uTToiKia ;  a  colonist,  uiroiKog ;  the  mother  city. 
V.T]TQ6TioXig,  and  the  leader  of  a  colony  olkicttj^. 


116  HISTORY  OF  GUEECH  Cuak  XIL 

k  3.'  Thc(>rtH'k  roloiiicrt,  uiilikt*  iiuwt  whifli  have  been  fouiidei] 
ill  iiiodeni  tiinus,  did  not  ciiiiHir't  ot  (i  U-w  hlni^'i/liii*.'  ImiidH  ot  nd 
ventiinrrrt,  wiiltcri:(l  over  the  eoiinlry  in  which  they  Hettled,  and 
only  cojili'.Hciiif,'  into  a  cily  at  a  hiter  |MTio<l.  On  the  rontrar)', 
the  Urerk  colonists  foniicd  Iroiii  the  l)ej/inniii<,'  an  orjranized  |k>- 
htical  hody.  Their  lirnt  can;  u|ion  H'tfhii<:  in  their  adopted 
country  was  lo  lound  a  city,  ami  to  erect  in  it  th<*c  pnhlic 
buildings  which  were  essential  to  the  reliirious  and  wicial  liie  of 
a  GJreek.  Hi'iice  it  was  rpnckly  adonicfl  with  temples  for  the 
worship  of  the  pods,  with  an  a<rora  or  j)lacc  of  jiuhlic  iiieetiiifr  for 
the  citizens,  with  a  p^iiinasinin  for  the  exercise  of  the  youth, 
and  at  a  later  time  with  a  theatre  for  dramatic  representations. 
Almost  every  colonial  (ireck  city  was  built  ufM)n  the  sea-coast, 
and  the  site  usually  selected  contained  a  liill  sufliciently  lofty 
to  form  an  acropolis.  The  s])ot  chosen  fl»r  the  puqM)Pf^  was 
for  the  most  part  seized  Viy  force  from  the  ori<riiial  inhabitants 
of  the  country.  The  relation  in  which  the  coloni.sts  stmnl  to  the 
latter  naturally  varied  in  diflcrent  localities.  In  some  jilaces 
they  were  reduced  to  slavery  or  expelled  I'rom  the  district ;  in 
others  they  became  the  subjects  of  the  conquerors,  or  were  ad- 
mitted to  a  share  of  their  jwlitical  li^dits.  In  many  ca.-^-s  inter- 
marria<res  look  place  between  the  colonists  and  the  native  jM)pu- 
lation,  and  tlius  a  foreijrn  clement  was  introduced  amoiifr  them 
— a  circum.stancc  which  must  not  be  lost  sight  of,  especially  in 
tracinir  the  history  of  the  Ionic  colonies. 

It  has  i  requeut  ly  been  observed  that  colonies  are  favourable  to 
the  develoj)iuent  of  democracy.  Ancient  customs  and  usajres 
cannot  be  preserved  in  a  colony  as  at  home.  Men  are  of  neces- 
sity placed  oil  a  greater  equality,  since  they  have  to  share  the 
same  hardships,  to  overcome  the  same  difliculties,  and  to  face 
the  same  dangers.  Hence  it  is  diiricult  lor  a  single  man  or  for 
a  class  to  maintain  peculiar  pinvileges,  or  to  exercise  a  pennanent 
authority  over  the  other  colonists.  Accordingly,  we  lind  that  a 
democrat ical  form  of  government  was  established  iii  most  of  the 
Greek  colonies  at  an  earlier  jiiriod  than  in  the  mother-countrj', 
and  that  an  aristocracy  could  rarely  maintain  its  ground  for  any 
length  of  time.  Owing  to  the  freedom  of  their  institutions,  and 
to  their  favourable  position  for  commercial  enterprise,"  manv  of 
the  Greek  colonies  became  the  i^iost  ilourishinir  cities  in  the 
Hellenic  world  ;  and  in  the  earlier  period  of  Grecian  bi.story 
several  oi"  thi'm,  such  as  Miletus  and  Ephesus  in  Asia.  S\Tacuse 
and  Agrigentum  in  Sicily,  and  I'roton  and  Sybaris  in  Italy,  sur- 
passed all  the  cities  of  the  mother-couutr\-  in  })ower.  population, 
and  wealth. 

The  G  reciau  colonies  may  bo  arranged  in  four  groups :   1 .  Thote 


Ghap.  XIL  colonies  IN  ASIA  MINOR.  117 

founded  in  Asia  Minor  and  the  adjoining  islands  ;  2.  Those  iu 
the  western  parts  of  the  Mediterranean,  in  Italy,  Sicily,  Gaul,  and 
Spain  ;  3.  Those  in  Africa  ;  4.  Tliose  in  Epirus,  Macedonia,  and 
Thrace. 

^  4.  The  earliest  Greek  colonies  were  those  founded  on  the  west- 
ern shores  of  Asia  Minor.  They  were  divided  into  three  great 
masses,  each  hearing  the  name  of  that  section  of  the  Greek  race 
with  which  they  claimed  affinity.  The  iEolic  cities  covered  the 
northern  part  of  this  coast  ;  the  lonians  occupied  the  centre, 
and  the  Dorians  the  southern  portion.  The  origin  of  these 
colonies  is  lost  in  the  mythical  age  ;  and  the  legends  of  the 
Greeks  respecting  them  have  been  given  in  a  previous  part  of  the 
present  work.^  Their  political  history  will  claim  our  attention 
when  we  come  to  relate  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  Persian  em- 
pire ;  and  their  successful  cultivation  of  literature  and  the  arts 
will  form  the  chief  subject  of  our  next  chapter.  It  is  sufficient 
to  state  on  the  present  occasion  that  the  Ionic  cities  were  early 
distmguished  by  a  spirit  of  commercial  enterprise,  and  soon  rose 
superior  m  wealth  and  in  power  to  their  vEalian  and  Dorian 
neighbors.  Among  the  Ionic  cities  themselves  Miletus  was  the 
most  flourishing,  and  during  the  eighth  and  seventh  centuries 
before  Christ  was  the  first  commercial  city  in  Hellas.  In  search 
of  gain  its  adventurous  mariners  penetrated  to  tlie  farthest  parts 
of  the  Mediterranean  and  its  adjacent  seas  ;  and  for  the  sake  of 
protecting  and  enlarging  its  commerce,  it  planted  numerous  co- 
lonies, which  are  said  to  have  been  no  fewer  than  eighty.  Most 
of  them  were  founded  on  the  Propontis  and  the  Euxine  ;  and  of 
these,  Cyzicus  on  the  former,  and  Sinope  on  the  latter  sea,  be- 
came the  most  celebrated.  Sinope  was  the  emporium  of  the 
Milesian  commerce  in  the  Euxine,  and  became  in  its  turn  the 
parent  of  many  prosperous  colonies. 

Ephesus,  which  became  at  a  later  time  the  first  of  the  Ionic 
cities,  was  at  this  period  inferior  to  Miletus  in  population  and  in 
wealth.  It  was  never  distinguished  for  its  entei'prise  at  sea,  and 
it  planted  few  maritime  colorues  ;  it  owed  its  greatness  to  its 
trade  with  the  interior,  and  to  its  large  territory,  which  it  gra- 
dually obtained  at  the  expense  of  the  Lydians.  Other  Ionic 
cities  of  less  importance  than  Ephesus  possessed  a  more  power- 
ful navy  ;  and  the  adventurous  voyages  of  the  Phocccans  deserve 
to  be  particularly  mentioned,  in  which  they  not  only  visited  the 
coasts  of  Gaul  and  Spain,  but  even  planted  in  those  countries 
several  colonics,  of  which  Massalia  became  the  most  prosperous 
and  celebrated. 

\  5.  The  colonies  of  whose  origin  we  have  an  historical  ac' 
*  See  p.  35. 


118  JllsToltV  OF  (;KI:K(JIv  Chai-.  XIL 

couiil  lu-j^au  to  1k!  H)iiiifliiil  Hooii  after  th<!  (irHt  Olympiad.  Thoue 
U8lulili»he(l  in  Sicily  ami  llic  Hoiitli  of  Italy  claiiii  our  firnt  atten- 
tion, as  wi'll  on  account  of  their  ini)H*rlaiicc  ua  of  the  priority  of 
their  foundatidu.  Like  the  Asiatic  cnlonic.H,  they  were  of  various 
origin  ;  and  tin;  inhahitants  of  UhalciH  in  KulKj'a,  of  Corinth, 
Meijara  and  Sparta,  and  the  Achu;an.s  and  Locrians  were  all  w^n- 
cerned  in  them. 

One  of  the  Grecian  wittlciu'-nt.s  in  Italy  lays  claim  to  a  much 
earlier  dnir  than  any  other  in  tlicr  country.  Thi.s  in  the  Campanian 
Cuiuje,  .«ituatcil  near  Cuyv.  Miseniun.on  the  Tyrrhenian  sea.  It 
is  8aid  to  have  hecn  a  joint  colony  from  the  .,-Eolic  Cyme  in  Asia, 
and  from  Chalci.s  in  Jiuhu-a,  and  to  have  l)een  lijunded,  according 
to  coiiunnn  (dironolo<ry,  in  ii.c.  lOolJ.  Thi.s  date  is  of  course 
uncertain  :  hut  there  is  no  douht  that  it  wjis  the  mo.st  ancient 
Grecian  establishment  in  Italy,  and  that  a  lonpr  |»erirKl  elapsed 
before  any  other  Greek  colonists  were  bold  cnougli  to  follow  in 
the  same  track.  Cuma?  was  for  a  long  time  the  most  Hourishing 
city  in  Campania  :  and  it  was  not  till  its  decline  in  the  fifth  cen- 
tury before  the  Christian  era  that  Capua  rose  into  imj)ortance. 

^  G.  The  earliest  Grecian  settlement  in  Sicily  was  founded  in 
B.C.  735.  The  prcater  part  of  Sicily  was  then  inhabited  by  the 
rude  tribes  of  Sicels  and  Sicanians.  The  Carthaginian  settle- 
ments mostly  lay  on  the  western  side  of  the  island  ;  but  the 
eastern  and  the  southern  coasts  were  occuj)ied  only  bv  the  Sicels 
and  Sicanians,  who  were  easily  driven  by  the  Greeks  into  the 
interior  of  the  country.  The  extraordinary  fertility  of  the  land, 
united  with  the  facihty  of  its  acquisition,  soon  attracted  nume- 
rous colonists  from  various  parts  of  Greece  ;  and  there  arose  on 
the  coasts  of  Sicily  a  succession  of  flourishing  cities,  of  which  a 
list  is  given  below.*  Of  these,  Syracuse  and  Agrigentum,  both 
Dorian  colonies,  became  the  most  ])owerfuI.  The  former  was 
founded  by  the  Corinthians  in  B.C.  731,  and  at  the  time  of  its 
greatest  prosperity  contained  a  population  of  500,000  souls,  and 
was  surrounded  by  walls  twenty-two  miles  in  circuit.  Its  great- 
ness, however,  belongs  to  a  later  period  of  Grecian  history  ;  and 

*  1.  Xaxc^s,  the  onHiest,  founded  by  the  Clinlcidians,  B.r.  T35.  2.  Syra- 
cuse, foundoil  by  the  ("orintliians,  B.r.  7o4.  3.  Loontini  and  Catana, 
founded  by  Naxos  in  Sicih",  b.c.  730.  4.  llybla^an  Metrara.  founded  by 
Megara,  b.c.  728.  5.  Gela,  founded  by  the  hindians  in  Rhodes,  and  by 
the  Cretans,  b.c  690.  6.  Zancle,  aft*?r\vards  called  Messana,  founded 
by  the  Cuniwans  and  Chalcidians:  its  date  is  uncertain.  7.  Acrae, 
founded  by  Syracuse,  B.r.  664.  8.  Casmena;,  founded,  by  Syracuse, 
B.C.  644.  0.  Solinus,  founded  by  llybla'an  Meirara,  b.c.  630.  10. 
Cauiarina,  founded  by  Syracuse,  k.c.  oi^S.  11.  Acraga*,  better  known 
by  the  Roman  name  of  Agrigentiun,  founded  by  Gela,  b.c.  582.  li 
Hiniera,  founded  by  Zancle:  its  date  is  uncertain. 


B.C.  735. 


COLONIES  IN  SICILY 


119 


we  know  scarcely  anything  of  its  affairs  till  the  usurpation  of 
Gelon  in  B.C.  485.  Agrigentum  was  of  later  origin,  lor  it  was 
not  founded  till  b.c.  582,  by  the  Dorians  of  Gela,  which  had  itself 
been  colonized  by  Rhodians  and  Cretans.  But  its  growth  was 
most  rapid,  and  it  soon  rose  to  an  extraordinary  degree  of  pros- 
perity and  power.  It  was  celebrated  in  the  ancient  world  for 
the  magnificence  of  its  public  buildings,  and  within  a  century  after 
its  foundation  was  called  by  Pindar  "  the  fairest  of  mortal  cities." 
Its  early  history  only  claims  our  attention  on  account  of  the 
despotism  of  Phalaris,  who  has  obtained  a  proverbial  celebrity 
as  a  cruel  and  inhuman  tyrant  His  exact  date  is  uncertain; 
but  he  was  a  contemporary  of  Pisistratus  and  Croesus  ;  and  the 
commencement  of  his  reign  may  perhaps  be  placed  in  b.c.  570. 
He  is  said  to  have  burnt  alive  the  victims  of  his  cruelty  in  a 
brazen  bull ;  and  this  celebrated  instrument  of  tortiu-e  is  not 
only  noticed  by  Pindar,  but  was  in  existence  at  Agrigeiituiri  in 
later  times.  He  was  engaged  in  frequent  wars  with  his  neigh- 
bours, and  extended  his  power  and  dominion  on  ail  sides  ;  but 
his  cruelties  rendered  him  so  abhorred  by  the  people,  that  they 
suddenly  rose  against  him,  and  put  him  tc  dtdtli.* 


Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies  in  Sicily 

*  TI«ere  are  extant  certain  Greek  letters  attributed  to  Phalaris,  cele- 
brated on  account  of  the  literary  controvers_y  to  "which  they  gave  rise 
in  modern  times.  Their  genuineness  -was  maintained  by  Boyle  and  the 
contemporaiy  scholars  of  Oxford  ;  but  Bentley,  in  his  masterly  "  Dis- 
sertation upon  the  Epistles  of  Phalaris,"  in  reply  to  Boyle,  proved  be- 
yond question  that  they  were  the  production  of  a  sophist  of  a  later  age. 


120  IIISTOUV  OK  CJKKKCH  Ciiai-.  XII 

'I'lic  primjHTily  "1  'ln'  (ircck  citicn  in  Sicily  aftcrwanlH  re- 
crivod  u  ttevcrc  clic-ck  liom  the  IwrntilitirH  «il  tin;  Curltiii^iiiiatiK  ; 
but  lor  two  ci-iituri<s  iiiul  a  liall  alUr  tlie  tirnt  (jri-ek  rettli-iiM-nt 
in  tliL'  island  tlu-y  did  not  conic  into  contact  with  the  latter 
people,  and  were  thus  left  at  liU-rty  t(»  develop  their  reiM>urcea 
witlioiit  any  oppotiitiun  from  a  forei^Mi  |Ht\ver. 

^  7.  The  Grecian  colonieH  in  Italy  hejian  to  be  planted  at 
nearly  the  same  time  a<  in  Sicily.  They  ev<'ntually  lined  tlio 
whole  southern  coast  as  far  as  Cuma;  on  the  one  K-a,  and  Ta- 
rentum  on  the  other.  They  even  surjia.-sed  those  in  Si<"ilv  in 
number  and  importance  ;  and  su  numerous  and  fl(/uri.>-hin<.'  did 
they  become,  that  the  south  of  Italy  received  the  name  ol  Maj/na 
Gra-cia.  Of  these,  two  of  the  earliest  and  mo.«t  jmisperoiis  w ere 
Sybaris  and  Croton,  both  situated  upon  the  fridl  of  Tarenturn, 
and  both  of  Acluean  origin.  Sybaris  was  ]ilanted  in  li.c.  7iiO, 
and  Cioton  in  u.c.  71U.  For  two  centuries  they  seem  to  have 
lived  in  harmony,  and  we  know  scarcely  anylhinfr  of  their  history 
till  their  fatal  contest  in  u.c.  51U,  which  ended  in  the  ruin  of 
Sybaris.  During  the  whole  of  thi.s  j)eriod  they  were  two  of  the 
most  flourishing  citic^  in  all  Hellas.  The  walls  of  Sybaris  em- 
braced a  circuit  of  six  miles,  and  those  of  Croton  were  not  less 
than  twelve  miles  in  circumference  ;  but  tlie  fcjrmer,  thfugh 
smaller,  was  the  more  powerful,  since  it  jiossessed  a  larger  extent 
of  territory  and  a  greater  number  of  colonies,  among  wliich  was 
the  distant  town  ol  Tosidonia  (Pa  stum),  whose  magnificent  luins 
still  attest  its  former  greatness.  Several  native  tribes  Ltccme 
the  subjects  of  Sybaiis  and  Croton,  and  their  licniinions  extended 
across  the  Calabria n  ])eninsula  from  sea  to  sea. 

Sybaris  in  particular  attained  to  an  extraordinary  degree  of 
Avealth  ;  and  its  inhabitants  were  so  notorious  iijr  their  luxurv, 
eileminaey,  and  debauchery,  that  their  name  has  become  proveibial 
for  a  volujjtuary  in  ancient  and  in  iiudern  times.  Many  of  the 
anecdotes  recorded  of  them  bear  on  their  face  the  exaggerations 
of  a  later  age ;  but  their  great  wealth  is  attested  by  th.e  fact,  that 
5000  horsemen,  clothed  in  magnificent  attire,  foimed  a  part  of 
the  procession  in  certain  festivals  of  the  city,  whereas  Atheus  in 
her  best  days  could  not  number  more  than  I'JOO  kniglits. 

Croton  was  distinguished  for  the  excellence  of  its  physiciaiis 
or  surgeons,  and  for  the  munber  of  its  citizens  who  gained  prizes 
at  the  01yiii})ie  games.  Its  government  was  an  aristccracy.  and 
was  in  the  hands  of  a  senate  of  One  Thousand  persons.  It  was 
in  this  city  that  Pythagoras  settled,  and  founded  a  fraternity,  of 
which  an  account  is  given  in  the  following  chapter. 

The  war  between  these  two  powerful  cities  is  the  most  im- 
portant event  recorded  in  the  historj'of  Magna  Gra-cia.    It  arose 


B.C.  664.  COLONIES  IN  ITALY.  121 

from  the  civil  dissensions  of  Sybaris.  The  ohgarchical  govern- 
ment was  overthrown  by  a  popular  insurrection,  headed  by  a 
citizen  of  the  name  of  Telys,  who  svicceeded  in  making  himself 
despot  of  the  city.  The  leading  members  of  the  oligarchical 
party,  500  in  number,  were  driven  into  exile  ;  and  when  they 
took  refuge  at  Croton,  their  surrender  was  demanded  by  Telys, 
and  war  threatened  in  case  of  refusal.  This  demand  excited 
the  greatest  alarm  at  Croton,  since  the  military  strength  of  Sy- 
baris was  decidedly  superior ;  and  it  was  only  owing  to  the 
urgent  persuasions  of  Pythagoras  that  the  Crotoniates  resolved 
to  brave  the  vengeance  of  their  neighbours  rather  than  incur 
the  disgrace  of  betraying  suppliants.  In  the  war  which  fol- 
lowed, Sybaris  is  said  to  have  taken  the  field  with  300,000  men, 
and  Croton  with  100,000 — numbers  which  seem  to  have  been 
grossly  exaggerated.  The  Crotoniates  were  commanded  by 
Milo,  a  disciple  of  Pythagoras,  and  the  most  celebrated  athlete 
of  his  time,  and  they  were  further  reinforced  by  a  body  of 
Spartans  under  the  command  of  Dorieus,  younger  brother  of 
king  Cleomenes,  who  was  sailmg  along  the  gulf  of  Tarentum,  in 
order  to  found  a  settlement  in  Sicily.  The  two  armies  met  on 
the  banks  of  the  river  Trfeis  or  Trionto,  and  a  bloody  battlo 
was  fought,  in  which  the  Sybarites  were  defeated  with  prodi- 
gious slaughter.  The  Crotoniates  followed  up  their  victory  by 
the  capture  of  the  city  of  Sybaris,  which  they  razed  to  the 
ground  ;  and  in  order  to  obliterate  all  traces  of  it,  they  turned 
the  course  of  the  river  Crathis  through  its  ruins  (b.c.  510).  The 
destruction  of  this  wealthy  and  powerful  city  excited  strong 
sympathy  through  the  Hellenic  world  ;  and  the  Milesians,  with 
whom  the  Sybarites  had  always  maintained  the  most  friendly 
connexions,  shaved  their  heads  in  token  of  mourning. =^ 

§  8.  Of  the  numerous  other  Greek  settlements  in  the  south 
of  Italy,  those  of  Locri,  Rhegium,  and  Tarentum  were  the  most 
important. 

Locri,  called  Epizephyrian,  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Cape 
Zephyrium,  was  founded  by  a  body  of  Locrian  freebooters  from 
the  mother  country,  in  b.c.  683.  Their  early  history  is  memo- 
rable on  account  of  their  being  the  first  Hellenic  jieople  who 
possessed  a  body  of  A\Titten  laws.  They  are  said  to  have  sufier- 
ed  so  greatly  from  lawlessness  and  disorder  as  to  apply  to  the 
Delphic  oracle  for  advice,  and  were  thus  led  to  accept  the  ordi- 
nances of  Zaleucus,  who  is  represented  to  have  been  originally 
a  shepherd.  His  laws  were  promulgated  in  B.C.  G64,  forty  years 
earlier  than  those  of  Draco  at  Athens.  They  resembled  the 
latter  in  the  severity  of  their  punishments ;  but  they  were  ob- 
*  In  B.  c.  443  the  Atlieuiaua  founded  Thurii,  near  tlie  site  of  Sj'baris. 

G 


122 


HISTORY  OF  nUEECK. 


Chap.  XIL 


BiTVcd  for  a  If)ii^  jtriiod  by  Ui(!  lirHTi.iiiH,  wht)  •were  m  avi-rw;  to 
any  cliaiif^f,'  in  lliciii,  that  whoever  j)r(>jKW(|  a  new  law  liad  to 
ai)|)ear  in  the  puhhe  assemhly  with  a  r(i|M'  round  lurt  neek,  wliirh 
wari  iunne(hate|y  ti^'htened,  if  he  failed  to  eonvinee  hiH  fellow- 
citizenH  of  ihe  necessity  of  Iuh  jtro|M)Hition.H.  Two  anecdotes  are 
related  of  ZaleiicuH,  which  deserve  mention,  though  their  au- 
theiitieity  cannot  he  frnarantecd.  His  won  ha<l  been  puilty  of  an 
olleiice,  the  jienally  of  which  was  the  loss  of  hoth  eyes  :  tho 
father,  in  order  to  maintain  tlu;  law,  and  yet  nave  his  Km  from 
total  blindness,  submitted  to  the  loss  of  one  of  his  own  eyes. 
Anotlier  ordinance  of  Zaleiieus  forl)ade  any  citizen  to  enter  the 
Bcnatc-house  in  arms  under  penalty  of  death.  On  a  war  suddenly 
breaking  out,  Zaleueus  transfrresscd  his  own  law;  and  whfn 
his  attention  was  called  to  it  by  one  present,  he  replied  that  l.e 
would  vindicate  the  law,  and  straightway  fell  upon  his  sword. 


Map  of  ihc  cliicf  Greek  Colonics  in  Southern  ha]> 


B.C.  600.  COLONIES  IN  GAUL  AND  SPAIN.  123 

Rhegium,  situated  on  the  straits  of  Messina,  ojipcsite  Sicily, 
was  colonized  by  the  Chalcidians,  but  received  a  large  number 
of  Messenians,  who  settled  here  at  the  close  both  of  the  first  and 
second  Messenian  wars.  Anaxilas,  who  made  liimself  despot  qf 
the  city  about  e.g.  500,  was  of  Messenian  descent ;  and  it  was 
he  who  changed  the  name  of  the  Sicilian  Zancle  into  Messana, 
when  lie  seized  the  latter  city  in  n.c.  494. 

^  9.  Tarentum,  situated  at  the  head  of  the  gulf  which  bears  its 
name,  was  a  colony  from  Sparta,  and  was  founded  about  b.  c.  708. 
During  the  long  absence  of  the  Spartans  in  the  first  Messenian 
war,  an  illegitimate  race  of  citizens  had  been  born,  to  whom  the 
name  of  Partheniaj  (sons  of  maidens)  was  given.  Being  not  only 
treated  with  contempt  by  the  other  Spartans,  but  excluded  from 
the  citizenship,  they  formed  a  conspiracy  under  Phalanthus,  one 
of  their  number,  against  the  government ;  and  when  their  plot 
was  detected,  they  were  allowed  to  quit  the  country  and  plant  a 
colony  under  his  guidance.  It  was  to  these  circumstances  that 
Tarentum  owed  its  origin.  It  was  admirably  situated  for  com- 
merce, and  was  the  only  town  in  the  gulf  which  possessed  a  per- 
fectly safe  harbour.  After  the  destruction  of  Sybaris,  it  became 
the  most  powerful  and  flourishing  city  in  Magna  Grsecia,  and 
continued  to  enjoy  great  prosperity  till  its  subjugation  by  the 
Romans.  Although  of  Spartan  origin,  it  did  not  maintain  Spar- 
tan habits  ;  and  its  citizens  were  noted  at  a  later  time  for  their 
love  of  luxury  and  pleasure. 

The  cities  of  Magua  Grfecia  rapidly  declined  in  power  after 
the  commencement  of  the  fifth  century  before  the  Christian  era. 
This  was  mainly  owing  to  two  causes.  First,  the  destruction  of 
Sybaris  deprived  the  Greeks  of  one  of  their  most  powerful  cities, 
and  of  a  territory  and  an  influence  over  the  native  population, 
to  which  no  other  Greek  town  could  succeed  ;  and,  secondly, 
they  were  now  for  the  first  time  brought  into  contact  with  the 
warlike  Samnites  and  Lucanians,  who  began  to  spread  from 
Middle  Italy  towards  the  south.  Cumee  was  taken  by  the  Sam- 
nites, and  Posidonia  (Pajstum)  by  the  Lucanians  ;  and  the  latter 
people  in  course  of  time  deprived  the  Greek  cities  of  the  whole 
of  their  inland  territory. 

§  10.  The  Grecian  settlements  in  the  distant  countries  of  Gaul 
and  Spain  were  not  numerous.  The  most  celebrated  was  Mas- 
salia,  the  modern  Marseilles,  founded  by  the  Ionic  Phoca^ans 
in  B.C.  GOO.  It  planted  five  colonies  along  the  eastern  coast  of' 
Spain,  and  was  the  chief  Grecian  city  in  the  sea  west  of  Italy. 
The  commerce  of  the  Massaliots  was  extensive,  and  their  navy 
sufficiently  powerful  to  repel  the  aggressions  of  Carthage.  They 
possessed  considerable  influence  over  the  Celtic  tribes  in  theiv 


I'.M  IllS'iUllV  OF  UKKIXH  Chat.  XIL 

iici^'lilMiiirliood,  ;im(iiif,'  whom  they  diliiiwd  the  art.s  of  civili/x-tl 
lili',  .'111(1  a  kiiowlcd^i-  of'lhf  Greek  al|)hal«'t  and  hlrrature. 

s^  11.  The  iiurtheru  coast  of  Atrica  hi-tvveeii  the  lerritorica  of 
•  "iirtlia^c  and  J'^jryj)!  M'as  alwj  occupied  hy  Greek  colonistg. 
Ahout  the  year  050  u.  c.  the  Greeks  were  for  the  firht  time 
allowed  to  nettle  in  Ejrypt  and  to  carry  on  commerce  witli  the 
country.  Thin  privilefre  tliey  owed  to  IVaininelichuH,  who  had 
nii.><ed  hirnseU  to  the  throne  of  JCfrypt  hy  the  aid  ol  Ionian  and 
C'arian  mercenaries.  The  Greek  traders  were  not  flow  in  avail- 
in<,'  themselves  of  the  oi)eninfr  of  this  new  and  inijiortant  market, 
and  thus  heeame  ac(|iiaiiited  with  the  neifrlibourinp  coast  of 
Africa.  Jlere  they  fnundcd  ihe  city  oi  Cyrene  alxjut  ii.c.  030. 
It  wa.s  a  colony  from  the  l.'^land  of  Thera  in  the  yEpean,  which 
was  itself  a  colony  from  Sparta.  The  situation  of  Cyrene  waa 
well  chosen.  It  stood  on  the  edpe  of  a  ran<re  of  hills,  at  the 
distance  often  miles  from  the  Mediterranean,  of  which  it  com- 
manded a  fine  view.  These  liills  descended  l»y  a  succession  of 
terraces  to  tlie  port  of  the  town,  called  Apollonia.  The  climate 
was  most  salubrious,  and  the  soil  was  distinfmishcd  by  extraor- 
dinary fertility.  With  these  advantajres  Cyrene  rapidly  grew  in 
wealth  and  power ;  and  its  greatness  is  attested  by  the  inunensc 
remains  which  still  mark  its  desolate  site.  Unlike  most  Grecian 
colonies,  Cyrene  was  governed  by  kings  for  eight  generations. 
Battus,  the  founder  of  the  colony,  was  the  first  king  :  and  his 
successors  bore  alternately  the  names  of  Arcesilaus  and  Battus. 
On  the  death  of  Arcesilaiis  IV.,  which  must  have  happene<l 
after  b.  c.  100,  royalty  was  abolished  and  a  democratical  Ibrm  of 
government  established. 

Cyrene  planted  several  colonies  in  the  adjoining  district,  of 
which  Barca,  founded  about  n.c.  500,  was  the  most  important. 

^  lli.  The  Grecian  settlements  in  Epinis,  Macedonia,  and 
Thrace  claim  a  few  words. 

There  were  several  Grecian  colonies  situated  on  the  eastern 
side  of  the  Ionian  sea  in  Epirus  and  its  immediate  neighbour- 
hood. Of  these  the  island  of  Corcyra,  now  called  Corfu,  was  the 
most  wealthy  and  j)owerl"ul.  It  was  founded  by  the  Corinthians, 
about  B.C.  700  ;  and  in  con.sequence  of  its  commercial  activitj" 
it  soon  became  a  formidable  rival  to  the  mother-city.  Hence 
a  war  broke  out  between  these  two  states  at  an  early  period  ; 
and  the  most  ancient  naval  battle  on  record  was  the  one  fiaight 
between  their  ileets  in  B.C.  601.  The  dissensions  between  the 
mother-city  and  her  colony  are  frcrpicntly  mentioned  in  Grecian 
Iiistory,  and  were  one  of  the  immediate  causes  of  the  Pelopon- 
ncsian  v,ar.  ISotwithstaiiding  their  quarrels,  they  joined  in 
plantiuiT  fi)iir  tireeian  colonies  upon  the  same  line  of  coast — . 


B.C.  651.     COLONIES  IN  MACEDONIA  AND  THRACE. 


125 


Leucas,  Anactorium,  ApoUonia,  and  Epidamnus  :  in  the  settle- 
ment of  the  two  former  the  Corinthians  were  the  principals,  and 
in  that  of  the  two  latter  the  Corcyra'ans  took  the  leading  part. 

The  colonies  in  Macedonia  and  Thrace  were  very  numerous, 
and  extended  all  along  the  coast  of  the  jEgean,  of  the  Hellespont, 
of  the  Propontis,  and  of  the  Euxine,  from  the  borders  of  Thes- 
saly  to  the  mouth  of  the  Danube.  Of  these  we  can  only  glance 
at  the  most  important.  The  colonies  on  the  coast  of  Macedonia 
were  chiefly  founded  by  Chalcis  and  Eretria  in  Euboea  ;  and  the 
peninsula  of  Chalcidice,  with  its  three  projecting  headlands,  was 
covered  with  their  settlements,  and  derived  its  name  from  the 
former  city.  The  Corinthians  likewise  planted  a  few  colonies  on 
this  coast,  of  which  Potidsea,  on  the  narrow  isthmus  of  Pallene, 
most  deserves  mention. 

Of  the  colonies  in  Thrace,  the  most  flourishing  were  Selymbria 
and  Byzantium,*  both  founded  by  the  Megarians,  who  appear  as 
an  enterprising  maritime  people  at  an  early  period.  The  far- 
thest Grecian  settlement  on  the  western  shores  of  the  Euxine 
was  the  Milesian  colony  of  Istria,  near  the  southern  mouth  of 
the  Danube. 

§  13.  The  preceding  survey  of  the  Grecian  colonies  shows  the 
wide  diffusion  of  the  Hellenic  race  in  the  sixth  century  before 
the  Christian  era.  Their  history  has  come  down  to  us  in  such 
a  fragmentary  and  unconnected  state,  that  it  has  been  impos- 
sible to  render  it  interesting  to  the  reader ;  but  it  could  not  be 
passed  over  entirely,  since  some  knowledge  of  the  origin  and 
progress  of  the  more  important  of  these  cities  is  absolutely 
necessary,  in  order  to  understand  aright  many  subsequent  events 
in  Grecian  history. 

*  The  foundation  of  Byzantium  is  placed  in  b.c.  657. 


Coin  of  Cyrcne,  representing  on  the  reverse  the  Siiphium,  which  was  tne  chief  article 
in  the  export  trade  of  the  city. 


AIra>U3  and  Sapplio.     From  a  i'niniing  on  a  Vnne- 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


HISTORY    OF    LITERATURE. 


§  1.  i'd-foction  of  the  Greeks  in  literature.  §  2.  Greek  epic  poetry  di- 
vided into  two  eln.«ses,  Homeric  and  Ilesiodic.  ^  3.  Poems  of  Ilesiod. 
§  4.  Origin  of  Greek  l^'ric  poetry.  §  5.  Archilochus.  §  6.  Simonidea 
of  Amorgos.     §  7.  Tyrta;us  and  Alcraan.     §  8.  Arion  and  Stesichorns. 

■  §  9.  AlcsDUs  and  Sapi>ho.  §  10.  Anacreon.  ^\l.  Tlie  Seven  Sa«;es  of 
Greece.  §  12.  Tiie  Ionic  seliool  of  pliilosophy.  Tliale.*,  Anaximan- 
der,  and  AnaximeiK?.    §13.  The  Eleatic  school  of  ]>hilo:iophy.    Xeno- 

fhanes.      §  14-  The  Pythagorean  school   of   phiiosopliy.      Life  of 
ythagoras.     Foundation  and  suppression  of  his  society  in  the  cities 
of  Magna  Gra^cia. 

\  1.  The  perfection  wliicli  the  Greeks  attained  in  literature  and 
art  is  one  of  the  most  strikiusr  features  in  the  history'  of  the 
peo])le.  Their  intellectual  activity  and  their  keen  appreciation 
of  the  beautiful  constantly  pave  birth  to  new  forms  of  creative 
cenius.  There  was  an  iniintemipted  progress  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  Grecian  mind  from  the  earhest  dawn  of  the  history 
of  the  people  to  the  downfall  of  their  political  independence ; 
and  each  succeeding  age  saw  the  production  of  some  of  those 
master  works  of  genius  which  have  been  the  models  and  the 
admiration  of  all  subsequent  time.  It  is  one  of  the  objects  of 
the  present  work  to  trace  the  diflerent  phases  of  this  intellectual 
growth.  During  the  two  centuries  and  a  half  comprised  in  this 
book  many  species  of  composition,  in  which  the  Greeks  after- 


Chap.  XIII.  EPIC  POETRY.     HESIOD.  127 

wards  became  pre-eminent,  were  either  unknown  or  little  prac- 
tised. The  drama  was  still  in  its  infancy,  and  prose  writing,  as 
a  branch  of  popular  literature,  was  oidy  beginning  to  be  culti- 
vated ;  but  epic  poetry  had  reached  its  culminating  point  at  the 
commencement  of  this  epoch,  and  throughout  the  whole  period 
the  lyric  muse  shone  with  undiminished  lustre.  It  is  thereforo 
to  these  two  species  of  composition  that  our  attention  will  be 
more  particularly  dii-ected  on  the  present  occasion. 

§  2.  There  were  in  antiquity  two  large  collections  of  epic 
poetry.  The  one  comprised  poems  relating  to  the  great  events 
and  enterprises  of  the  Heroic  age,  and  characterised  by  a  certaui 
poetical  unity  ;  the  other  included  works  tamer  in  character 
and  more  desultory  in  their  mode  of  treatment,  containing  the 
genealogies  of  men  and  gods,  narratives  of  the  exploits  of  sepa- 
rate heroes,  and  descriptions  of  the  ordinary  pursuits  of  life. 
The  poems  of  the  former  class  passed  under  the  name  of  Homer  ; 
while  those  of  the  latter  were  in  the  same  general  way  ascribed 
to  Hesiod.  The  former  were  the  productions  of  the  Ionic  and 
jEolic  minstrels  in  Asia  Minor,  among  whom  Homer  stood  pre- 
eminent and  eclipsed  the  brightness  of  the  rest :  the  latter  were 
the  compositions  of  a  school  of  bards  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Mount  Helicon  in  BoBotia,  among  whom  in  like  mamier  Hesiod 
enjoyed  the  greatest  celebrity.  The  poeins  of  both  schools  were 
composed  in  the  hexameter  metre  and  in  a  similar  dialect ;  but 
they  difl'ered  widely  in  almost  every  other  feature.  Of  the 
Homeric  poems,  and  of  the  celebrated  controversy  to  which  they 
have  given  rise  in  nrodern  times,  we  have  already  spoken  at 
length  :  *  it  therefore  only  remains  to  say  a  few  words  Upon 
those  ascribed  to  Hesiod. 

^  3.  Three  works  have  come  down  to  us  bearing  the  name  of 
Hesiod — the  "Works  and  Days,"  the  "  Theogony,"  and  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  "  Shield  of  Hercules."  The  first  two  were  generally, 
considered  in  antiquity  as  the  genuine  productions  of  Hesiod ; 
but  the  "  Shield  oi"  Hercules"  and  the  other  Hesiodic  poems 
were  admitted  to  be  the  compositions  of  other  poets  of  his 
school.  Many  ancient  critics  indeed  believed  the  "  Works  and 
Days"  to  be  the  only  genuine  work  of  Hesiod,  and  their  opinion 
has  been  adopted  by  most  modern  scholars.  Of  Hesiod  himself 
there  are  various  legends  related  by  later  writers ;  but  we 
learn  from  his  own  poem  that  he  was  a  native  of  Ascra,  a 
village  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Helicon,  to  which  his  father  had 
migrated  from  the  iEolian  Cyme  in  Asia  Minor.  He  further  tells 
us  that  he  gained  the  prize  at  Chalcis  in  a  poetical  contest ;  and 
that  he  was  robbed  of  a  fair  share  of  his  heritage  by  the  lui- 
*  See  Chap.  V. 


12«  HISTORY  OF  fJUEKCE.  Ciui-.  XIIL 

ri^litcoiirt  ilccisioii  of  jiulp^os  who  had  b«v;ii  bnlK?*!  by  hi«  brother 
PiTstvH.  Thi!  liiltirr  lii'fiiiiic  ii(t<;rw!irrl«  reduced  in  circuinstaiir-i'ji, 
and  ii|>j)lit'il  to  his  brolhr-r  f<>r  ndii-f;  and  it  is  to  him  that 
llcsiod  a<ldr<>.-i<M  hi.s  didartic  |km'iii  ol'tho  "  VVorkH  and  l)iiyn,'  in 
which  ho  lays  down  varioux  moral  and  wicial  rnaxims  for  ilio 
rc-<rnlation  ol*  hiu  condu<-t  and  hirf  lite.  It  contains  an  interesting 
rciprcscntation  of  the  feelings,  habits,  and  sujK'rstitions  of  the 
rural  jiopulation  of  Greece  in  the  earlier  ages,  and  hence  enjoyed 
at  all  periods  great  popularity  among  this  class.  At  Sparta,  on 
tho  contrary,  where  war  w;ls  deemed  the  only  occupation  worthy 
of  a  freeman,  the  poems  of  Hesiod  were  held  in  ajntempt. 
Cleomenes  called  him  the  bard  of  the  Helots,  in  contrast  with 
Ifomer,  the  delight  of  the  warrior.  Ke.^pecting  the  date  of  Hesiod 
nothing  certain  can  be  alhrmed.  Most  ancient  authorities  make 
him  a  coutemjMjrary  of  Homer  ;  but  modern  writers  usually  sup- 
pose him  to  have  llourished  two  or  three  generations  later  than 
the  pout  of  the  Iliad  and  the  Odys.sey. 

^  1.  Tho  commencement  of  (rreek  lyric  poetry  as  a  cultivated 
spacies  of  composition  dates  from  the  middle  of  the  seventh 
century  before  the  Christian  era.  In  the  Ionic  and  iEolic  colo- 
nics ot"  Asia  Minor,  and  in  the  Doric  cities  of  Peloponnesus,  an 
advancing  civilization  and  an  enlarged  experience  had  called  into 
existence  new  thoughts  and  feelings,  and  supplied  new  subjects 
for  the  muse.  At  the  same  time  epic  p<jctry,  after  reaching  its 
climax  of  excellence  in  the  Iliad  and  in  the  Odyssey,  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  inferior  bards.  Tho  national  genius,  however, 
Avas  still  in  all  the  bloom  and  vigour  of  its  youth  ;  and  the  decay 
of  epic  minstrelsy  only  stimulated  it  more  vigorously  to  present 
in  a  new  style  of  poetry  the  new  circumstances  and  feelings  of 
the  age.  The  same  desire  of  change,  and  of  adapting  the  sub- 
jects of  poetry  to  the  altered  condition  of  society,  was  of  itself 
sufficient  to  induce  poets  to  vary  the  metre  ;  but  the  more  im- 
mediate cause  of  this  alteration  was  the  improvement  of  the  art 
of  music  by  the  Lesbian  Terpander  and  others  in  the  beginning 
of  the  seventh  century  u.  c.  The  lyric  poems  of  the  Li  reeks  were 
composed,  not  for  a  solitary  reader  in  his  chamber,  but  to  be 
sung  on  festive  occasions,  either  public  or  private,  with  the 
accompaniment  of  a  musical  instrument.  Hence  there  was  a 
necessary  connexion  between  the  arts  of  music  and  of  jioetry ; 
and  an  im})rovement  in  the  one  led  to  a  corres])onding  improve- 
ment in  the  other. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  pass  under  review  the  numerous 
varieties  of  Grecian  lyric  song,  and  to  point  out  all  the  occasions 
which  called  into  requisition  the  aid  of  the  jxxH.  It  is  sulScient 
to  state  in  general  that  no  important  event  either  in  the  pubhc 


B.C.  700.  ARCHILOCHUS.  129 

or  private  life  of  a  G-reek  could  dispense  with  this  accompani- 
ment ;  and  "that  the  song  was  equally  needed  to  solemnize  the 
worship  of  the  gods,  to  cheer  the  march  to  battle,  or  to  enliven 
the  festive  board.  The  lyric  poetry  belonging  to  the  brilliant 
period  of  Greek  literature  treated  in  this  book  has  almost  en- 
tirely perished,  and  all  that  we  possess  of  it  consists  of  a  few 
songs  and  isolated  fragments.  Sufficient,  however,  remains  to 
enable  us  to  form  an  opinion  of  its  surpassing  excellence,  and 
to  regret  the  more  bitterly  the  irreparable  loss  we  have  sus- 
tained. It  is  only  necessary  in  this  work  to  call  attention  to 
the  most  distinguished  masters  of  lyric  song,  and  to  illustrate 
their  genius  by  a  few  specimens  of  their  remains. 

§  5.  The  great  satirist  Archilochus  was  one  of  the  earliest  and 
most  celebrated  of  all  the  lyric  poets.  He  flourished  about  the 
year  700  B.C.  His  extraordinary  poetical  genius  is  attested  by 
the  unanimous  voice  of  antiquity,  which  placed  him  on  a  level 
with  Homer.  He  was  the  first  Greek  poet  who  composed  Iambic 
verses  according  to  fixed  rules  ;  the  invention  of  the  elegy  is 
ascribed  to  him  as  well  as  to  Callinus  ;  and  he  also  struck  out 
many  other  new  paths  in  poetry.  His  fame,  however,  rests 
chiefly  on  his  terrible  satires,  composed  in  the  Iambic  metre,* 
in  which  he  gave  vent  to  the  bitterness  of  a  disappointed  man. 
He  was  poor,  the  son  of  a  slave-mother,  and  therefore  held  in 
contempt  in  his  native  land.  He  had  been  suitor  to  Neobule, 
one  of  the  daughters  of  Lycambes,  who  first  promised  and  after- 
wards refused  to  give  his  daughter  to  the  poet.  Enraged  at  this 
treatment  he  held  up  the  family  to  public  scorn,  in  an  iambic 
poem,  accusing  Lycambes  of  perjury  and  his  daughters  of  the 
most  abandoned  profligacy.  His  lampoons  produced  such  an 
effect  that  the  daughters  of  Lycambes  are  said  to  have  hanged 
themselves  through  shame.  Discontented  at  home,  the  poet 
accompanied  a  colony  to  Thasos  ;  but  he  was  not  more  happy 
in  his  adopted  country,  which  he  frequently  attacks  in  his  satires. 
He  passed  a  great  part  of  his  life  in  wandering  in  other  countries, 
and  at  length  fell  in  a  battle  between  the  Parians  and  Naxians. 
The  following  lines  of  Archilochus,  addressed  to  his  own  soul, 
exhibit  at  the  same  time  the  higher  attributes  of  his  style,  and 
his  own  morbid  philosophy  : — 

"My  soul,  my  soul,  care-worn,  bereft  of  rest. 
Arise !   and  front  the  foe  with  dauntless  breast ; 
Take  thy  firm  stand  amidst  his  fierce  alarms ; 
Secure,  with  inborn  valour  meet  liis  arms, 


"  Archllochum  proprio  rabies  armavit  iambo." — Hor.  Ars  Poet.  19. 


180  IIIHTUliY  OF  GUEECE  Chap.  XllL 

Nor,  Odnqnciintf,  tnonnt  vnin-Klory'"  plittorinff  ntccp; 
Nor,  coiiijiiri-'il,  yi<*l<l,  fall  <l<>\vn  nl  lioinc,  and  wccp. 
Awail  tli<;  tiiniii  of  UU:  witli  tliU<;<>uri  awe; 
Know,  Jlevolution  is  grcut  Nature'*  low."* 

t  G.  Siriioiii<l<'H  of  Aiiiorpos,  who  nuiHt  not  lu;  foiif<iim<l<-(l  with 
his  inori^  cclohri'itcd  n.'iiiicsaki!  of  Ccoh,  wa.s  a  roiitciiijKjrar)'  of 
Arcliilocliiis,  with  whom  ho  shares  thi;  honour  of  iiivcntinrr  tho 
ianihicr  niclro.  Ho  was  ])orn  in  Sanios,  hut  led  a  colony  to  the 
nriffhhourinf;  island  oi"  Ainor<ros,  where  ho  sjii-nt  tho  prcatc-r  part 
of  his  hie.  He  is  tho  oarliost  of  tho  gnomic  ]Kx;t8,  or  moralists 
in  verse.  The  most  important  of  his  extant  works  is  a  satirical 
poem  "  On  Women,"  in  which  he  dcscrihes  their  various  cha- 
racters, lu  order  to  give  a  livelier  image  of  the  female  cha- 
racter, he  derives  their  diilcrent  qualities  from  the  variety  of 
their  origin  ;  the  cunning  woman  hoing  fonnod  from  the  fox, 
the  talkative  woman  from  tho  dog,  tho  uncleanly  woman  from 
the  swine,  and  so  on.  Tho  following  is  a  epocimcn  of  the 
p(>em  : — 

"Next  in  the  lot  a  gallant  damo  •we  see, 
yprunt?  from  a  mare  of  ik>Ij1o  ])eilitrrfo. 
No  servile  work  her  spirit  j)rou<l  can  brook; 
Her  liaiuls  were  never  taugiit  to  bake  or  eook  ; 
Tlio  vapour  of  the  oven  makes  licr  ill ; 
She  scorns  to  empty  slops  or  turn  the  mill. 
No  lionseliold  washings  her  fair  skin  defaee, 
Her  own  ablutions  are  her  chief  solace. 
Three  baths  a  daj",  with  balms  and  perfumes  rare, 
•Refresh  her  tender  limbi:  her  long  rich  hair 
Each  time  she  combs,  an<l  decks  with  blooming  flowers. 
No  spouse  more  fit  than  she  the  idle  hours 
Of  wealthy  lords  or  kings  to  recreate. 
And  grace  the  splendour  of  their  courtly  state. 
For  men  of  humbler  sort,  no  better  guide 
IIeaven.,»in  its  wrath,  to  ruin  can  provide."! 

^  7.  Tyrttous  and  Alcmiin  Avore  the  two  great  lyric  poets  of 
Sparta,  though  neither  of  thom  was  a  native  of  Lacedaemon. 
Tho  personal  history  of  Tyrta'us,  and  his  warlike  songs,  which 
roused  the  fainting  courage  of  the  Spartans  during  the  second 
Mosseuian  war,  have  already  occupied  our  attention. J  Alcman 
was  originally  a  Lydian  slave  in  a  Spartan  family,  and  was  eman- 
cipated hy  his  master.  He  lived  from  about  r..c.  G70  to  Gil  ; 
and  most  of  his  poems  were  compo.sed  in  the  period  which  fol- 
lowed tho  conclusion  of  the  second  Messenian  war.      They  par- 

*  Translated  by  the  Marquis  Wellesley. 

f  Translated  by  Colonel  Mure.  J  See  above,  pt  75. 


B.C.  625.  SIMONIDES.     ALCMAK     aRION.  J  SI 

take  of  the  character  of  this  period,  which  was  one  of  repose 
and  enjoyment  after  the  fatigues  and  perils  of  war.  Many  oi'his 
songs  celebrate  the  pleasures  of  good  eating  and  drinking  ;  but 
the  more  important  were  intended  to  be  sung  by  a  chorus  at  the 
pubhc  festivals  of  Sparta.  His  description  of  Night  is  one  of  the 
most  striking  remains  of  Jiis  genius  : — 

"  Now  o'er  the  drowsy  earth  still  Night  prevails. 
Calm  sleep  the  mountain  tops  and  shady  vales. 
The  rugged  cliffs  and  hollow  glens; 
The  wild  beasts  slumber  in  their  dens ; 
The  cattle  on  the  hill.     Deep  in  the  sea 
The  countless  finny  race  and  monster  brood 
Tranquil  repose.     Even  the  busy  bee 
Forgets  her  daily  toil.     The  silent  wood 
No  more  with  noisy  hum  of  insect  rings  ; 
And  all  the  feather'd  tribes,  by  gentle  sleep  subdued, 
Roost  in  the  glade,  and  hang  their  drooping  wings."* 

§  8.  Although  choral  poetry  was  successfully  cultivated  by 
Alcman,  it  received  its  chief  improvements  irom  Arion  and 
Stesichorus.  Both  of  these  poets  composed  for  a  trained  body 
t)f  men  ;  while  the  poems  of  Alcman  were  sung  by  the  popular 
chorus. 

Arion  was  a  native  of  Methymna  in  Lesbos,  and  spent  a  great 
part  of  his  life  at  the  court  of  Periander,  tyrant  of  Corinth,  who 
began  to  reign  e.g.  625.  Nothing  is  known  of  his  lile  beyond 
the  beautiful  story  of  his  escape  from  the  sailors  with  whom  he 
sailed  from  Sicily  to  Corinth.  On  one  occasion,  thus  runs  the 
story,  Arion  went  to  Sicily  to  take  part  in  a  musical  contest. 
He  won  the  prize,  and,  laden  with  presents,  he  embarked  in  a 
Corinthian  ship  to  return  to  his  friend  Periander.  The  rude 
sailors  coveted  his  treasures,  and  meditated  his  murder.  After 
imploring  them  in  vain  to  spare  his  life,  he  obtained  permission 
to  play  for  the  last  time  on  his  beloved  lyre.  In  festal  attire  he 
placed  himself  on  the  prow  of  the  vessel,  invoked  the  gods  in 
inspired  strains,  and  then  threw  himself  into  the  sea.  But  many 
song-loving  dolphins  had  assembled  round  the  vessel,  and  one 
of  them  now  took  the  bard  on  its  back,  and  carried  him  to 
Tainarum,  from  whence  he  returned  to  Corinth  in  safety,  and 
related  his  adventure  to  Periander.  Upon  the  arrival  of  the 
Corinthian  vessel,  Periander  inquired  of  the  sailors  after  Arion, 
who  replied  that  he  had  remained  behind  at  Tarentum  ;  but 
when  Arion,  at  the  bidding  of  Periander,  came  forward,  the 
sailors  owned  their  guilt,  and  were  punished  according  to  thei* 

*  Translated  by  Colonel  Mure, 


lH'i  IIFSTOIIY  OF  GREECE.  Ciup.  Xllt 

(Uwrf.  Ill  hilff  tiiiirs  llirrc^  (.-xiHtrd  at  Tjfiiarnin  a  liroii/o  rnonu- 
tiiiMil  n'|)rL'st'iitiii<,'  Ariim  riiliiij.'  nu  a  (lolphiii.  Th<?  (.'real  im- 
l)rnvi'iin'nt  ill  lyric,  poetry  as<*rilM;«l  to  Arn<M  in  tliu  iiiviMitiuu  of 
till"  Ditliyraiiib.  Tliia  woa  a  choral  nont.'  and  dance  in  honour 
of  the  god  Dioiiyniis,  atul  cxirttcd  in  a  riule  fonn  even  at  an 
earlier  lime.  Arioii,  however,  coiivtyted  it  into  an  elalwrate 
coin]w)sitioii,  siuij^  and  danc(,'d  Ity  a  choniH  of  fifty  [K-rwrns  bjjc- 
cially  trained  for  the  ])ur|K)se.  The  Dithyramb  i«  of  prcat  in- 
Ljrost  in  the  history  of  jioetry,  since  it  was  the  trenn  from  which 
Kj)rung  at  a  later  time  the  ina<(iiificent  j)ro(luctif)n.s  of  the  tragic 
Muso  at  Athens. 

Stesielioriis  was  a  native  of  Jlirncra  in  Sicily.  He  is  said  to 
liavi!  been  bnrn  in  i;.c.  (532,  to  have  flouri.shed  alx)nt  i;.c.  G08, 
and  to  have  died  in  n.c.  5G0.  He  travelled  in  many  parts  of 
(ireoce,  and  was  buried  in  Catana,  where  liis  fp'ave  was  showTi 
near  a  gate  of  the  city  in  later  times.  He  intnMluced  such  great 
iiiiproveincnts  into  the  Greek  chorus,  that  he  is  frequently  de- 
scribed a.s  the  inventor  of  choral  poetry.  He  was  the  first  to 
break  the  monotony  of  the  choral  song,  which  liad  consisted  pre- 
viously of  nothing  more  than  one  unilbrm  stanza,  by  dividing  it 
into  the  Stro])he,  the  Antistrophe,  and  the  Epodns — the  turn, 
the  return,  and  the  rest. 

^  9.  Alcaius  and  Sappho  were  both  natives  of  Mytilene,  in  the 
island  of  Lesbos,  and  flourished  about  e.c.  610— 5S0.  Their 
songs  were  composed  for  a  single  voice,  and  not  for  the  chorus, 
and  they  were  each  tlic  inventor  of  a  new  metre,  which  bears 
tlieir  name,  and  is  familiar  to  us  by  the  well  known  odes  of  Ho- 
race. Their  poetry  was  the  warm  outpouring  of  the  writers' 
inmost  feelings,  and  presents  the  lyric  poetry  of  the  ^Eolians  at 
its  highest  point. 

Of  the  liie  of  Alcajuswehave  several  mteresting  particulars.  He 
fought  in  the  war  between  the  Athenians  and  Mytilena-ans  for 
the  j)ossession  of  Sigeum  (n.c.  GOG),  and  incurred  the  di.^irrace 
of  leaving  his  arms  behind  him  on  the  lleld  of  battle.  He  en- 
joyed, notwithstanding,  the  rej)utation  of  a  brave  and  skilful 
warrior,  and  his  house  is  described  by  himself  as  furnished  with 
the  weapons  of  war  rather  than  with  the  instrimientsof  hisart.  He 
took  an  active  part  in  the  civil  dissensions  of  his  native  state, 
and  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  the  aristocrat ical  party,  to 
which  he  belonged  by  birth.  When  the  nobles  were  driven  uito 
exile,  he  endeavoured  to  cheer  their  spirits  by  a  number  of  most 
animated  odes,  full  of  invectives  against  the  popular  party  and 
its  leaders.  In  order  to  oppose  the  attempts  of  the  exiled  nobles, 
Pittacus  was  inumimously  chosen  by  the  people  as  .^symuetes 
or  Dictator.     He  held  his  office  for  ten  years  (b.c.  589 — 579), 


B.C.  600.  STESICHORUS.     ALGOUS.     SAPPHO.  133 

and  during  that  time  he  defeated  all  the  efforts  of  the  exiles, 
and  established  the  constitution  on  a  popular  basis.  "When 
Alcajus  perceived  that  all  hope  of  restoration  to  his  native 
country  was  gone,  he  traveled  into  Egypt  and  other  lands. 
The  fragments  of  his  poems  which  remain,  and  the  excellent 
imitations  of  Horace,  enable  us  to  understand  something  of 
their  character.  Those  which  have  received  the  highest  praise 
are  his  warlike  odes,*  of  which  we  have  a  specimen  in  the  fol- 
lowing description  of  his  palace  halls  : — • 

"  From  floor  to  roof  the  spacious  palace  halls 

Ghtter  with  war's  array ; 
With  burnish'd  metal  clad,  the  lofty  walls 

Beam  like  the  bright  noon  da}\ 
There  white-phimed  helmets  hang  from  many  a  nail. 

Above  in  threatening  row ; 
Steel-garnish' d  tunics,  and  broad  coats  of  mail, 

Spread  o'er  the  space  below. 
Chalcidian  blades  enow,  and  belts  are  here, 

Greaves  and  emblazon'd  shields; 
Well-tried  protectors  from  the  hostile  spear 

On  other  battle-fields. 
With  these  good  helps  our  work  of  war's  begun; 
With  these  our  victory  must  be  won."  f 

In  some  of  his  poems  Alcseus  described  the  hardships  of  exile, 
and  the  perils  he  encountered  ui  his  wanderings  by  land  and  by 
sea ;  t  while  in  others  he  sang  of  the  pleasures  of  love  and  of 
wine. 

Sappho,  the  contemporary  of  Alcseus,  whom  he  addresses  as 
"  the  dark-haired,  spotless,  sweetly  smiling  Sappho,"  was  the 
greatest  of  all  the  Greek  poetesses.  The  ancient  writers  agree  in 
expressing  the  most  unbounded  admiration  for  her  poetry ;  Plato 
in  an  extant  epigram  calls  her  the  tenth  Muse  ;  and  it  is  related 
of  Solon,  that,  on  hearing  for  the  first  time  the  recital  of  one  of 
her  poems,  he  prayed  that  he  might  not  see  death  until  he  had 
committed  it  to  memory.  Of  the  events  of  her  life  we  have 
scarcely  any  information  ;  and  the  common  story  that,  being  in 
love  with  Phaon  and  finding  her  love  unrequited,  she  leaped 
down  from  the  Leucadian  rock,  seems  to  have  been  an  invention 
of  later  times.  At  Mytilene  Sappho  was  the  centre  of  a  female 
literary  society,  the  members  of  which  were  her  pupils  in  poe- 

*  "  Alcffii  minaces  Camenffi." — Hon.  Carm.  iv.  9,  7. 

{Translated  by  Colonel  Mure. 
"Et  te  sonantem  plenius  aureo, 
Alcffie,  plectro  dura  navis, 

Dura  fiiga3  mala,  dura  belli." — Hon.  Carm.  ii.  13,  26. 


IM  niSTORY  OF  fJREECE.  Chai-.  Xlll. 

try,  fashion,  aii'l  t'lill-intry.  Mo-li-rri  writcrH  have  iiulcod  at- 
tfinptfd  fo  ])n)vr  that  tin;  moral  rharacti-r  of  Sajnilio  wa«  free 
from  all  rcjjroadi,  and  that  lnrr  tnidiTinrss  waw  :in  jmn;  a«  it 
was  j^lovviiij,'  ;  hut  it  is  iiii|)OHriil)lt!  to  read  the  extant  iiufsin»m\» 
of  her  |M)('tiy  -without  hciiifj  l()rccd  to  come  to  the  conc-luHion 
that  a  fi'iiialo  who  could  write  such  vcrsoH  could  not  l>c  the 
pure  and  virtuous  woman  which  her  modem  ajKjlofrists  pretend. 
Her  ])oems  were  chiefly  aiiiatorj*,*  and  the  most  important  of 
the  i'ra<rment8  which  have  heeii  prest;rved  is  a  mafrnilicent  odo 
to  the  (to(hless  of  Love.  In  several  of  Sapj)ho's  Irafrinents  we 
perceive  the  exqui.site  ta.ste  with  which  she  emjdoyed  imajres 
drawn  from  nature,  of  which  we  have  an  exami)le  in  the  heau- 
tiful  line  imitated  hy  ]iyron — 

"O  Ilospenis!   tliou  bringcst  ull  things." 

HO.  Anacreon  is  the  last  Lyric  poet  of  this  jx;riod  who  claims 
our  attention.  He  was  a  native  of  the  h)nian  cityof  Teos.  He 
sj)ent  part  of  his  hie  at  Samns,  under  the  jiatronajre  of  I'(jly- 
crates,  in  whose  praise  he  wrote  many  songs.  After  the  death 
of  this  de.«pot  (u.c.  522),  he  went  to  Athens,  at  the  invitation  of 
Hipi)archus,  who  sent  a  galley  of  fifty  oars  to  fetch  him.  He 
remained  at  Athens  till  the  assassination  of  Hipparchus  (n.c. 
5 11),  when  he  is  supposed  to  have  returned  to  Teos.  The  uni- 
versal tradition  of  antiquity  represents  Anacreon  as  a  consimi- 
mate  voluptuary  ;  and  his  poems  prove  the  truth  of  the  tradition. 
He  sings  of  love  and  wiile  with  hearty  good  will,  and  we  see  in 
him  the  luxury  of  the  Ionian  inllamed  hy  the  fervour  of  the  jKx^t. 
His  death  was  worthy  of  his  life,  if  we  may  helieve  the  account 
that  he  was  choked  hy  a  grape-stone.  Only  a  few  genuine  frag- 
ments of  his  poems  have  come  down  to  us,  for  the  odes  ascribwl 
to  liim  are  now  luiiversally  admitted  to  he  spurious. 

Ml.  Down  to  the  end  of  the  seventh  century'  before  Christ 
literar)'  celebrity  in  Greece  was  exclusively  conlined  to  the  jnx'ts ; 
but  at  the  conunencement  of  the  following  centur)'  there  sprang 
up  in  dilierent  parts  of  Greece  a  number  of  men  who,  under  the 
name  of  the  Seven  Sages,  became  distinguished  for  their  practi 
cal  sagacity  and  wise  sayings  or  maxims.  Their  names  arc 
dill'erently  given  in  the  various  po})ular  catalogues  ;  but  those 
most  generally  admitted  to  the  honour  are  Solon,  Thales,  Pitta- 
cus,  Periander,  Cleobulus,  Chilo,  and  Bias.  Most  of  these  per- 
aonages  were  actively  engaged  in  the  atliiirs  of  pubUc  life,  and 

*  "spirat  nilluic  amor 

Viviintquo  c'oniiiiissi  oaloros 

.^]olia;  fidihus  puell.i\" — Hon.  Cann.  iv.  9.  10. 


tJ.C.  600.  THE  SE^^:N  SAGES.  135 

exercised  great  influence  upon  their  contemporaries.  They  were 
the  authors  of  the  celebrated  mottoes  inscribed  in  later  days  in 
the  Delphian  temple — "  Know  thyself," — "  Nothing  too  much," 
— "  Know  thy  opportunity," — "  Suretyship  is  the  precursor  of 
ruin." 

Of  Solon,  the  legislator  of  Athens,  and  of  Periander,  the 
despot  of  Corinth,  we  have  already  spoken  at  length  ;  and 
Thales  will  presently  claim  our  notice  as  the  foimder  of  Grecian 
philosophy. 

Pittacus  has  been  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  life  of 
AlcsBus,  as  the  wise  and  virtuous  ruler  of  Mitylene,  who  re- 
signed the  sovereign  power  which  his  fellow-citizens  had  volun- 
tarily conferred  upon  him,  after  establishing  political  order  in 
the  state.  The  maxims  attributed  to  him  illustrate  the  amiable 
features  of  his  character.  He  pronounced  "  the  greatest  bless- 
ing which  a  man  can  enjoy  to  be  the  power  of  doing  good;" 
that  "  the  most  sagacious  man  was  he  who  foresaw  the  approach 
of  n'lisfortune  ;"  "  the  bravest  man  he  who  knew  how  to  bear 
it ;"  that  "  victory  should  never  be  stained  by  blood  ;"  and  that 
''  pardon  was  often  a  more  effectual  check  on  crime  than  pun- 
ishment." 

Cleobulus  was  despot  of  Lindus,  in  the  island  of  Rhodes,  and 
is  only  luiown  by  his  pithy  sayings.  He  taught  that  '•  a  man 
should  never  leave  his  dwelling  without  considering  well  what 
he  was  about  to  do,  or  re-enter  it  without  reflecting  on  what  he 
had  done  ;"  and  that  "  it  was  folly  in  a  husband  either  to  fondle 
or  reprove  his  ^vife  in  company." 

Chilo,  of  Sparta,  had  filled  the  office  of  Ephor  in  his  native 
city,  and  his  daughter  was  married  to  the  Spartan  king  Demara- 
tus.  "When  asked  what  were  the  three  most  difficult  things  in 
a  man's  life,  he  replied  :  "To  keep  a  secret,  to  forgive  injuries, 
and  to  make  a  profitable  use  of  leisure  time." 

Bias,  of  Prienc  in  Ionia,  appears  to  have  been  the  latest  of  the 
Seven  Sages,  since  he  was  alive  at  the  Persian  conquest  of  the 
Ionian  cities.  The  following  are  specimens  of  his  maxims  :  he 
declared  "  the  most  unfortunate  of  all  men  to  be  the  man  who 
knows  not  how  to  bear  misfortune  ;"  that  "  a  man  should  be 
slow  in  making  up  his  mind,  but  swift  in  executing  his  de- 
cisions ;"  that  "  a  man  should  temper  his  love  for  his  friends  by 
the  reflection  that  they  might  some  day  become  his  enemies,  and 
moderate  his  hatred  of  his  enemies  by  the  reflection  that  they 
might  some  day  become  his  friends."  AMien  overtaken  by  a 
storm  on  a  voyage  with  a  dissolute  crew,  and  hearing  them  oflbr 
up  prayers  for  their  safety,  he  advised  them  rather  "  to  be  silent, 
iest  the  gods  should  discover  that  they  were  at  sea." 


130  IIISTOIIY  OF  GREECH  Ciui-.  XIIL 

^  112.  Th(!  liihlory  oflirc'l.  )))iiloi*oi)}iy  LcpnH  with  Thalei 
ol'  MilctiiH,  -wlio  wiiH  boni  iihoul  ii.c.  010,  and  difd  in  5-30,  at 
till'  iifie  of  W.  ll<!  •W!i8  Iho  louiidcr  ol'  ihc  Ionic  tscliool  of  jihi- 
]o8()i)liy,  and  lo  him  \v(rri;  traced  the  first  hr^'inninpi  of  pcoinelry 
and  iistniimiiiy.  Th(!  iii.'iin  doclrine  of  liis  j)hih)M)]))iical  t^ya- 
tcm  van,  tliat  walcr,  or  ihinl  mlislaiicc,  waH  iJic  Jiinjrle  original 
rlciiiciit  IVoin  which  eviry  ihiri}.'  came  and  into  whicli  every 
Ihiii^f  rclurui'd 

Anaximander,  the  Kiicressf)r  of  Thalcs  in  tlie  Ionic  Fchool, 
]ivcd  from  ii.c.  010  to  517.  He  was  ditstingui.shcd  for  hm  know- 
\i-<\i:r  of  a.'^troiiomy  and  geofrrajihy,  and  is  .said  to  liavc  been  the 
lir.<t  lo  introduce  i\w  use  of  tlic  Hiui-(hal  into  (rreecc.  He  waa  also 
one  of  tlu^  earliest  Greek  writers  in  j»rose,  in  which  he  comjjoged 
a  pcofrraidiical  treatise.  He  is  lurtlier  .«aid  to  have  conHtructed 
a  cliart  or  map  to  accompany  this  work  ;  and  to  this  account 
we  may  give  the  more  credence,  since  in  the  centur)'  after  his 
death,  at  the  time  of  the  Ionic  revolt,  the  Ionian  Aristagoraa 
showed  to  the  Spartan  Cleomenes  "  a  tablet  of  copper,  upon 
which  was  inscribed  every  known  part  of  the  habitable  world, 
the  seas,  and  the  rivers." 

Anaximenes,  the  third  in  the  series  of  the  Ionian  philosophers, 
lived  a  little  later  than  Anaximander.  He  endeavoured,  like 
Thales,  to  derive  the  origin  of  all  material  things  from  a  single 
element ;  and,  according  to  his  theory,  air  was  the  source  of  Ufe. 
In  like  manner,  HeracHtus  of  Ei)hesus,  v\lio  ilourished  about 
B.C.  513,  regarded  lire  or  heat  as  the  ])riniaiy  form  of  all  mat- 
ter ;  and  tlieories  of  a  similar  nature  were  held  by  other  phi- 
losophers cf  this  school. 

A  new  ])ath  was  stnick  out  ]iy  Anaxagoras  of  Clazomena>,  the 
most  illustrious  of  the  Ionic  philosophers.  Anaxagoras  was  bom 
in  B.C.  499,  and  consequently  his  life,  strictly  si)eaking.  belongs 
to  the  next  period  of  Grecian  histor}',  but  we  mention  him  here 
in  order  to  complete  our  account  of  tlie  Ionic  School.  He  came 
to  Athens  in  4b0  B.C.,  being  then  only  in  his  twentieth  year. 
Though  he  inherited  a  considerable  property  from  liis  father, 
he  resigned  it  all  to  his  relatives,  in  order  to  devote  himself 
entirely  to  philosophy.  He  continued  to  teach  at  Athens  for 
thirty  years,  and  numbered  among  his  hearers  Pericles,  Socrates, 
and  Eurijjides.  He  abandoned  the  system  of  his  predecessors, 
and,  instead  of  regarding  some  elementary  form  of  matter  as  the 
origin  of  all  things,  he  conceived  a  supreme  mind  or  iiitilligence,* 
distinct  from  the  visible  world,  to  have  imparted  form  and  order 
to  the  cliaos  of  nature.  These  innovations  atlorded  the  Athe- 
nians a  pretext  lor  indicting  Anaxagoras  of  impiety,  though  it  is 
*  Notif. 


B.C.  600.  SCHOOLS  OF  PHILOSOPHY.  137 

probable  that  his  connexion  with  Pericles  was  the  real  cause  of 
that  proceeding.  It  was  only  through  the  influence  and  elo- 
quence of  Pericles  that  he  was  not  put  to  death  ;  but  he  was  sen- 
tenced to  pay  a  fine  of  five  talents  and  quit  Athens.  The  phi- 
losopher retired  to  Lampsacus,  where  he  died  at  the  age  of  72. 

^  13.  The  second  school  of  Greek  philosophy  was  the  Eleatic, 
which  derived  its  name  from  Elea  or  Velia,  a  Greek  colony  on 
the  western  coast  of  Southern  Italy.  It  was  founded  by  Xeno- 
phanes  of  Colophon,  who  fled  to  Elea  on  the  conquest  of  his 
native  land  by  the  Persians.  He  conceived  the  whole  of  nature 
to  be  God,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  denounce  as  abominable  the 
Homeric  descriptions  of  the  gods.  His  philosophical  system 
was  developed  in  the  succeeding  century  by  his  successors,  Par- 
menides  and  Zeno,  who  exercised  great  influence  upon  Greek 
speculation  by  the  acuteness  of  their  dialectics. 

§  14.  The  third  school  of  philosophy  was  fomrded  by  Pytha- 
goras. The  history  of  this  celebrated  man  has  been  obscured  by 
the  legends  of  later  writers  ;  but  there  are  a  few  important  facts 
respecting  him  which  are  sufliciently  well  ascertained.  He  was 
a  native  of  Samos,  and  was  bom  about  b.c.  5S0.  His  father  was 
an  opulent  merchant,  and  Pythagoras  himself  travelled  exten- 
sively in  the  East.  His  travels  were  greatly  magnified  by  the 
credulity  of  a  later  age,  but  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt 
that  he  visited  Egypt,  and  perhaps  also  Phojuicia  and  Babylon. 
He  is  said  to  have  received  instruction  fi'om  Thales,  Anaxi- 
mander,  and  other  of  the  early  Greek  philosophers.  Of  his  own 
philosophical  views  our  knowledge  is  very  limited  ;  since  he  left 
nothing  behind  him  in  writing,  and  the  later  doctrines  of  the 
Pythagoreans  were  naturally  attributed  to  the  founder  of  the 
school.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  he  believed  in  the  transmi- 
gration of  souls  ;  and  his  contemporary  Xenophanes  related 
that  Pythagoras  seeing  a  dog  beaten  interceded  in  its  behalf, 
saying — "  It  is  the  soul  of  a  friend  of  mine,  whom  I  recognize 
by  its  voice."  Later  writers  added  that  Pythagoras  asserted 
that  his  own  soul  had  formerly  dwelt  in  the  body  of  the  Trojan 
Euphorbus,  the  son  of  Panthous,  who  was  slain  by  Menelaus, 
and  that  in  proof  of  his  assertion  he  took  down,  at  first  sight, 
the  shield  of  Euphorbus  froin  the  temple  of  Hera  (Juno)  at 
Argos,  where  it  had  been  dedicated  by  Menelaus.*    Pythagoras 

*  "habentque 

Tartara  Panthoiden,  iterum  Oreo 
Demissum,  qiiamvis  clipeo  Trojana  refixo 

Tcmpora  testatus,  nihil  laltra 
KervQS  utque  cutem  morti  concesserat  atra;." 

IIoR.  Carm.  i.  28,  10. 


188  IIISTOUV  or  GUEECE.  ("nAr.  XIIL 

was  (lislinpnislifd  l)y  liis  knowledge  of  pconu'tr)'  and  aritlirnetic; 
niid  it  WHS  jimli.ilily  i'mm  }iiH  leaching  that  Uic  PylhafrorcariH 
were  Ird  to  rc^'ard  iiiiirdtcrH  in  w»inc  iny.'*t<TionH  manner  an  the 
basis  au<l  cHsciicctil' all  things.  We  Hliall,  liowcvfr,  fonn  an  er- 
roneous oj)ininii  ()('  the  cliaraeler  of  I'ythafroras,  if  we  re^rard  him 
minply  as  a  |)liilosfj])her,  attaeliiri^r  to  the  word  the  Buiiie  mean- 
inp;  ■which  it  hore  ainon<(  the  Atlienians  of  a  later  afre.  He  'ua.s  in 
fart  more  of  the  relij^iouH  teaeher  than  of  the  j)hil<»soj»lH'r  ;  and  he 
looked  upon  himseli  as  a  hein^'  destined  hy  the  {.'(xls  to  reveal  to 
liis  disciples  a  new  and  a  ]»nrer  mode  ol  life.  The  relipiouH 
element  in  his  character  mad(!  a  j)rofonnd  imprtrssion  njHjn  his 
contemi)oraries,  and  they  believed  him  to  stand  in  a  close  con- 
nexion with  the  frods. 

Pytha<roras  is  said  to  have  retnrned  to  Sarnos  alwut  the  age  of 
forty,  with  a  mind  deeply  imjiressed  with  his  divine  mission. 
Findin<r  tlie  condition  of  his  native  conntry,  which  was  then 
under  the  despotism  of  I'olycrates,  iinfavonrable  to  the  dis- 
semination of  his  doctrines,  he  mifrrated  to  Croton  in  Italy. 
Here  ho  met  Avith  the  most  wonderiul  snccess.  His  public 
exhortations  induced  rnmibers  to  enrf)l  themselves  as  mem- 
bers of  the  new  society  which  he  son<rht  to  establish.  This 
society  was  a  kind  of  religious  brotherhood,  the  members  of 
which  were  bound  topether  by  peculiar  rites  and  observances. 
There  were  various  cfradations  among  the  members,  and  no  can- 
didates were  admitted  without  passing  through  a  j)eriod  of  prc- 
bation,  in  which  their  intellectual  faculties  and  general  character 
were  tested.  Eventhing  done  and  taught  iji  the  fratcmitv  was 
kept  a  ])rofound  secret  from  all  without  its  pale.  It  appears 
that  the  members  had  some  private  signs,  like  Freemasons,  by 
which  they  could  recognize  each  other,  even  if  they  had  never 
met  bel'ore.  From  the  secrecy  in  which  their  ])roceediiigB  were 
cuvclo})ed,  we  do  not  know  the  nature  of  their  religious  rites, 
nor  the  peculiar  diet  to  which  they  are  said  to  have  been  sub- 
jected. iSomc  writers  represent  Pythagoras  as  Ibrbidding  all 
animal  food  ;  but  all  the  members  cannot  Ixive  been  subjected  to 
this  prohibition,  since  we  know  that  the  celebrated  athlete  Milo 
was  a  Pythagorean,  and  it  would  not  have  been  possible  for  him 
to  have  dispensed  with  aninuil  iiiod.  But  temperance  was  strictly 
enjoined  ;  and  their  whole  training  tended  to  produce  great  self- 
possession  and  mastery  over  the  passions.  Most  of  the  converts 
oi"  Pythagoras  belonged  to  the  noble  and  wealthy  classes.  Three 
hundred  of  them,  most  attached  to  their  teacher,  fomied  the 
nucleus  of  the  society,  and  were  closely  united  to  Pythagoras 
and  each  other  by  a  sacred  vow.  His  doctrines  spread  rapidly 
over  Mniina  Gravia.  and  clubs   of  a   similar  character  were 


B.C.  530.  PYTHAGORAS.  139 

established  at  Sybaris,  Metapontum,  Tarcntum,  and  other 
cities. 

It  does  not  apjiear  that  Pythagoras  had  originally  any  political 
designs  in  the  Ibundation  of  the  brotherhood  ;  but  it  was  only 
natural  that  a  club  like  that  of  the  Three  Hundred  at  Croton 
should  speedily  acquire  great  influence  in  the  conduct  of  public 
aii'airs,  which  it  uniformly  exerted  in  favor  of  the  oligarchical 
party.  Pythagoras  himself  also  obtained  great  political  power. 
He  did  not,  it  is  true,  hold  any  public  office,  eitlier  at  Croton 
or  elsewhere  ;  but  he  was  the  general  of  a  powerful  and  well- 
disciplined  order,  which  appears  to  have  paid  implicit  obedience 
to  his  commands,  and  which  bore  in  many  respects  a  striking 
resemblance  to  the  one  founded  in  modern  times  by  Ignatius 
Loyola.  The  influence,  however,  exercised  by  the  brotherhood 
upon  pubhc  affairs  proved  its  ruin.  The  support  which  it  lent 
to  the  oligarchical  party  in  the  various  cities,  the  secrecy  of  its 
proceedings,  and  the  exclusiveness  of  its  spirit  produced  against 
the  whole  system  a  wide-spread  feeling  of  hatred. 

The  conquest  of  Sybaris  by  Croton  (b.  c.  510),  of  which  an 
account  has  been  already  given,  seems  to  have  elated  the  Pytha- 
goreans beyond  measure.  The  war  had  been  undertaken 
through  the  advice  of  Pythagoras  himself;  and  the  forces  of 
Croton  had  been  commanded  by  Milo,  a  member  of  the  brother- 
hood. Accordingly,  on  the  termination  of  the  w'ar,  the  Pytha- 
goreans opposed  more  actively  than  ever  the  attempts  of  the 
popular  party  to  obtain  a  share  in  the  government  of  Croton, 
and  refused  to  divide  among  the  people  the  territory  of  the 
conquered  city.  A  revolution  was  the  consequence.  A  demo- 
cratical  form  of  government  was  established  at  Croton  ;  and  the 
people  now  took  revenge  upon  their  powerful  opponents.  In  an 
outbreak  of  popular  fury  an  attack  was  made  upon  the  house  in 
which  the  leading  Pythagoreans  were  assembled ;  the  house  was 
set  on  fire ;  and  many  of  the  members  perished.  Similar  riots 
took  place  in  the  other  cities  of  Magna  Grajcia,  in  which  Pytha- 
gorean clubs  had  been  formed  ;  and  civil  dissensions  ensued 
which,  after  lasting  many  years,  were  at  length  pacified  by  the 
friendly  mediation  of  the  Achajans  of  the  mother-country.  The 
Pythagorean  order,  as  an  active  and  organised  brotherhood,  w^as 
thus  suppressed  ;  but  the  Pythagoreans  continued  to  exist  as  a 
philosophical  sect,  and  after  some  interval  were  again  admitted 
into  the  cities  from  which  they  had  been  expelled.  There  were 
difierent  accouirts  of  the  fate  of  Pythagoras  himself;  but  he  is 
generally  stated  to  have  died  at  Metapontum,  where  his  tomb 
was  shown  in  the  time  of  Cicero. 


Temple  of  ^Cgina,  restored. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


HISTORY    OF    ART. 


§  1.  Perfection  of  Grecian  art.  §  2.  Origin  of  nrcliiteoturc.  §  3.  Cyclopean 
walls.  Trfa.<ury  of  Atroiis.  ^  4.  Architecttiro  of  temples.  ^  5.  Three 
orders  of  areliitcctvire.  tlie  Doric.  Ionic,  and  Corinthian.  ^  6.  Teni[>le9 
of  Artciiii.s  (Piana)  at  Ephesus!,  of  Ilera  (.hino)  at  Sanios,  of  Apollo  at 
Delphi,  and  Mf, Jove  at  Athens.  Reniainsof  temples  at  Posidonia(Pa;»- 
tum),  Selii'us,  and  J'^gina.  §7.  Origin  of  Sculpture.  Wooden  images 
of  the  go'ls.  Sculptured  figures  on  architectural  monuments.  Lions 
over  the  gat-c  at  ^lycenaj.  §  8.  Improvements  in  sculpture  in  the  sixth 
and  fifth  centuries  ii.c.  §  0.  Extant  specimens  of  Grecian  sculpture. 
The  Selinuntine,  ..Eginetan,  and  Lycian  marbles,  g  li>.  Historj-  of 
painting. 

§  1.  The  perfection  of  Greek  art  is  still  more  wonderful  than 
the  perfection  of  Greek  literature.  In  poetrj-,  history,  and 
oratory,  other  languages  have  produced  works  which  may  stand 
comparison  with  the  master-pieces  of  Greek  literature  ;  but  in 
arcliitecture  and  sculpture  the  pre-eminence  of  the  Hellenic  race 
is  acknowledged  by  tiic  whole  civilized  ^^■orld.  and  the  nust  suc- 
cessful artist  of  modern  times  oulv  hopes  to  approach,  and 
dreams  not  of  pnrpassing  the  glorious  creations  of  Grecian  art. 
The  art  of  a  people  is  not  only  a  most  interesting  branch  of  its 
antiquities,  but  also  an  important  part  of  its  history.     It  forms 


Chap.  XIV.  ARCHITECTUEE  141 

one  of  the  most  durable  evidences  of  a  nation's  gTo\Ai;h  in  civi- 
lization and  social  progress.  The  remains  of  the  Parthenon 
alone  would  have  borne  the  most  unerring  testimony  to  the  in- 
tellectual and  social  gi-eatness  of  Athens,  if  the  histcry  of  Greece 
had  been  a  blank,  and  the  names  of  Pericles  and  Phidias  un- 
known. 

^  2.  Architecture  first  claims  our  attention  in  tracing  the  his- 
tory of  G  recian  art,  since  it  attained  a  high  degree  of  excellence 
at  a  much  earlier  period  than  either  sculpture  or  painting. 
Architecture  has  its  origin  in  nature  and  in  religion.  The  neces- 
sity of  a  habitation  for  man,  and  the  attempt  to  erect  habita- 
tions suitable  for  the  gods,  are  the  two  causes  from  which  the 
art  derives  its  existence.  In  Greece,  however,  as  in  most  other 
countries,  architecture  was  chiefly  indebted  to  religion  for  its 
development ;  and  hence  its  histoiy,  as  a  fine  art,  is  closely  con- 
nected with  that  of  the  temple.  But  before  speaking  of  the 
Grecian  temples,  it  is  necessary  to  say  a  few  words  respecting 
the  earlier  buildings  of  the  Greeks. 

§  3.  The  oldest  works  erected  by  Grecian  hands  are  those 
gigantic  walls  which  are  still  found  at  Tiiyus  and  Mycenee,  and 
other  cities  of  Greece.  They  consist  of  enormous  blocks  of  stone 
put  together  without  cement  of  any  kind,  though  they  differ 
from  one  another  in  the  mode  of  their  construction.  In  the  most 
ancient  specimens,  the  stones  are  of  irregular  polygonal  shapes, 
and  no  attempt  is  made  to  fit  them  into  one  another,  the  gaps 
being  filled  up  with  smaller  stones  :  of  this  w^e  have  an  example 
in  the  walls  of  the  citadel  of  Tiryns. 


Wall  at  Tiryns. 

In  other  cases  the  stones,  thougli  they  are  still  of  irregular 
polygonal  shapes,  are  skilfully  hewn  and  fitted  to  one  another, 
and  their  faces  are  cut  so  as  to  give  the  whole  wall  a  smooth 


It2  JIIS'KiIlV  OF  GUKLCi:  CiiAf.  XIV. 

upiM'uranri!.      v\  ^•|)(•(•|IIl(.•ll  of  this  kind  in  hccu  in  the  walln  ol 
Lurisaa,  tlic  citadel  ol'  Argon.     In  the  third  Bpecieu  the  Bloiies 


Wall  ofthe  Ciladcl  of  ArgM. 

arc  more  or  less  rc<rular,  and  are  laid  iti  horizontal  courses. 
The  walls  of  Mycena;  present  one  of  the  best  examples  of  this 
strueturc.  (Sec  drawiufj  on  p.  25.)  The.se  f^igantic  walls  are 
generally  known  hy  the  name  of  Cyclof)ean,  because  jiosterity 
could  not  believe  them  to  be  the  works  of  rnan.  Motleni 
writers  assign  them  to  the  Pelasgians  ;  but  we  know  nothing 
of  their  origin,  though  we  may  safely  believe  them  to  In-long 
to  the  earliest  periods  of  Greek  histor}-.  In  the  Homeric 
poems  we  find  the  cities  of  Greece  surrounded  with  massive 
walls ;  and  the  poet  speaks  of  the  chief  cities  of  the  Argive 
kingdom  as  "  the  walled  Tiryns,"  and  "  Mycenaj,  the  well-built 
city." 

The  only  other  remains  which  can  be  regarded  as  con- 
temporary with  these  massive  walls  are  those  subterraneous 
dome-shaped  edifices  usually  supposed  to  have  been  the  trea- 
suries of  the  heroic  kings.  This,  however,  seems  doubtful,  and 
many  modern  writers  maintain  them  to  have  been  the  family- 
vaults  ofthe  ancient  heroes  by  whom  they  were  erected.  ^Tlie 
best  preserved  monument  of  this  kind  is  the  one  at  Mycena', 
where  we  find  so  many  remains  of  the  earliest  Grecian  art.  This 
building,  generally  called  the  Treasury  of  Atreus,  is  entirely  under 
ground.  It  contains  two  chambers,  the  one  upon  entrance  be- 
ing a  large  vault  about  fifty  leet  in  width,  and  forty  in  height, 
giving  access  to  a  small  chamber  excavated  in  the  solid  rock. 
The  building  is  constnicted  of  horizontal  courses  of  masonry, 
which  gradually  approach  and  unite  in  the  top  in  a  closing  stone 
Its  principle  is  that  of  a  wall  resisting  a  superincumbent  weight, 
and  deriving  strength  and  coherence  from  the  weight  itself, 
which  is  in  reality  the  principle  of  the  arch.  The  doorway  of 
the  monument  was  formerly  adorned  with  pilasters  and  other 
ornaments  in  marble  of  difl'erent  colours.  It  appears  to  have 
been  lined  in  the  interior  with  bronze  plates,  the  holes  for  the 
nails  of  which  are  still  visible  in  liorizonta\  rows. 


Chat.  XIV. 


TEMPLES. 


143 


^  4.  The  temples  of  the  gods  were  originally  small  in  size  and 
mean  in  appearance.  The  most  ancient  were  nothing  but  hollow 
trees,  in  which  the  images  of  the  gods  were  placed,  since  the 
temple  in  early  times  was  simply  the  habitation  of  the  deity,  and 
not  a  place  for  the  worshippers.  As  the  nation  grew  in  know- 
ledge and  in  civilisation,  the  desire  naturally  arose  of  improving 
and  embellishing  the  habitations  of  their  deities.  The  tree  was 
first  exchanged  for  a  wooden  house.  The  form  of  the  temple 
was  undoubtedly  borrowed  from  the  common  dwellings  of  men. 
Among  the  Greeks  of  Asia  Minor,  we  still  find  an  exact  con- 
formity of  style  and  arrangement  between  the  wooden  huts  now 
i)ccupied  by  the  peasantry,  and  the  splendid  temples  of  antiquity. 


Wooden  hut  in  Asia  Minor. 

The  wooden  habitation  of  the  god  gave  way  in  turn  to  a  temple 
of  stone.  In  the  erection  of  these  sacred  edifices,  architecture 
made  great  and  rapid  progress  ;  and  even  as  early  as  the  sixth 
century  there  w^ere  many  magnificent  temples  erected  in  va- 
rious parts  of  Hellas.  Most  of  the  larger  temples  received  their 
light  from  an  opening  in  the  centre  of  the  building,  and  were 
for  this  reason  called  Ibypccthral,^  or  under  the  sky.  They  usually 
consisted  of  three  parts,  the  pro??rtos,t  or  vestibule  ;  the  naos,X  or 
cclla,  which  contained  the  statue  of  the  deity,  and  the  ojyistlio- 
d(mius,k  or  back-building,  in  which  the  treasures  of  the  temple 
were  frequently  kept.  The  form  of  the  temples  was  very  simple, 
being  either  oblong  or  round  ;  and  their  grandeur  was  owing  to 
the  beautiful  combination  of  columns  which  adorned  the  interior 
as  well  as  the  outside.  These  columns  either  svuTounded  the 
building  entirely,  or  were  arranged  in  porticoes  on  one  or  more 
of  its  fronts  ;  and  according  to  their  number  and  distribution 
temples  have  been  classified  both  by  ancient  and  modern  writers 
on  architecture.  Columns  were  originally  used  simply  to  sup- 
port the  roof  of  the  building  ;  and,  amidst  all  the  elaborations  of 
*  vnatOgor.       ■}•  TTQuvao^.       j^  vaoi;,  also  called  arjKug.       §  6mo06i)oixoc. 


144 


HISTORY  OF  OREECH 


a  laliT  ujje,  iIuh  oltjccl  w.-ih  alwavH  kept  in  view.     Heii< .    v 
tliu  culuiiui  KU])|)()rtiii<r  n  liori/oiital  iiiax.s,  technically  (';i,i 


Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corinthian  Columns. 

entablature.  Both  the  column  and  the  entablature  are  arraiii 
divided  into  three  distinct  parts.  The  former  consists  of  the 
base,  the  shaft,  and  the  capital  ;  the  latter  of  the  architrave,  the 
frieze,  and  the  cornice.  The  architrave  is  the  chief  beam,*  rest- 
inrr  on  the  summit  of  the  rovv^  of  columns  ;  the  frieze  rises  above 
ihc  architrave,  and  is  frequently  adorned  by  fifrures  in  relief, 
whence  its  Greek  name  ;t  and  above  the  frieze  projects  the  cor- 
nice,J  formina:  a  handsome  finish  to  the  entablature.  According 
to  certain  dilferences  in  the  proportions  and  cmbeUishments  of 
the  columns  and  entablature  Grecian  architecture  was  divided 
into  three  orders,  called  respectively  the  Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corin- 
thian. 

^5.  The  Doric  order  is  the  most  ancient,  and  is  marked  by 
the  characteristics  of  the  jieople  from  whom  it  derives  its  name. 
It  is  simple,  massive,  and  majestic.  The  column  is  characterised 
by  the  absence  of  a  base,  by  the  tliickness  and  rapid  diminution 
of  the  shaft,  and  by  the  simplicity  and  massiveness  of  the 
capital.  In  the  entablature,  the  arcliilrave  is  in  one  surface  and 
quite  plain.  The  frieze  is  ornamented  by  triglypbs.  so  called 
from  the  three  Hat  bands  into  wliich  they  are  divided  by  the 
interveninj;  channels  ;  while  the  metopes,  or  the  vacant  spaces 
between  the  triglyphs,  are  also  adonied  with  sculptures  in  high 

*  Called  by  the  Greeks  'ET/trrr^/or  eplsfi/lium.     f  Zw^opof,  zophonu. 
\  Ko^t'tf,  corviiit. 


Chap.  XIV. 


TEMPLES. 


145 


relief.     The  cornice  projects  far,  and  on  its  under  side  are  cut 
several  sets  of  drops,  called  mutules. 

The  Ionic  order  is  distinguished  by  simple  gracefulness,  and 
by  a  much  richer  style  of  ornament  than  the  Doric.  The  shaft 
of  the  column  is  much  more  slender,  and  rests  upon  a  base  ; 
while  the  capital  is  adorned  by  spiral  volutes.  The  architrave 
is  in  three  faces,  the  one  slightly  projecting  beyond  the  other ; 
there  is  a  small  cornice  between  the  architrave  and  the  frieze, 
and  all  three  members  of  the  entablature  are  more  or  less  orna- 
mented with  mouldings. 


Doric  Architecture. 
From  Temple  at  Phigalia. 


Ionic  Arcliitecture. 
From  the  Erechtheum. 


The  Corinthian  order  is  only  a  later  form  of  the  Ionic,  and  be- 
longs to  a  period  subsequent  to  the  one  treated  in  the  present 
book.  It  is  especially  characterized  by  its  beautiful  capital,  Avhich 
is  said  to  have  been  suggested  to  the  mind  of  the  celebrated  sculp- 
tor Calhmachus  by  the  sight  of  a  basket,  covered  by  a  tile,  and 
overgrown  by  the  leaves  of  an  acanthus,  on  which  it  had  accident- 
ally been  placed.    The  earliest  known  example  of  its  use  through- 

H 


146 


1II>T()IIV  OF  GUKKCH 


ClJAT.  XIV. 


out  a  liuildiii^'  is  in  tlit;  inomuiu-nl  of  LyHJcrateH,  commonly  called 
llie  Lunlcni  of  Dcinogthcncs,  which  M'a«  built  in  B.C.  335. 


rorinthian  Arrhiiccture.     From  Monument  ofLysicrates. 


^  G.  Passing  over  tlie  earlier  Greek  temples,  we  find  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  sixth  ccntiuy  b.c.  several  magnificent  buildings 
of  this  kind  mentioned  by  the  ancient  writers.  Of  these  two  of 
the  most  celebrated  were  the  temple  of  Artemis  (Diana)  at 
Ephesus,  and  the  temple  of  Hera  (Juno)  at  Samos.  The  former 
was  erected  on  a  gigantic  scale,  and  from  its  size  and  magni- 
ficence was  regarded  as  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world.  It 
was  commenced  about  B.C.  600.  under  the  superintendence  of 
the  architects  Chersiphron  and  his  son  Metagenes.  of  Cnossu.- 
in  Crete,  but  it  occupied  many  years  in  building.  The  material 
employed  was  white  marble,  and  the  order  of  architecture 
adopted  was  the  Ionic.     Its  length  was  42o  feet,  its  breadth 


CHAP.  XIV.  TEMPLES.  147 

220  feet  ;  the  columns  were  60  feet  in  height,  and  127  in 
number ;  and  the  blocks  of  marble  composing  the  architrave 
were  30  feet  in  length.  This  wonder  oi'  the  world  was  burnt 
down  by  Herostratus,  in  order  to  immortahse  himself,  on  the 
same  night  that  Alexander  the  Great  was  born  (b.c.  356) ;  but 
it  was  afterwards  rebuilt  with  still  greater  magnificence  by  the 
contributions  of  all  the  states  of  Asia  Minor. 

The  temple  of  Hera  (Juno)  at  Samos  was  begun  about  the 
same  time  as  the  one  at  Ephesus ;  but  it  appears  to  have  been 
finished  much  earlier,  since  it  was  the  largest  temple  with  which 
Herodotus  was  acquainted.  It  was  346  ieet  in  length,  and  189 
in  breadth,  and  was  originally  built  in  the  Doric  style,  but  the 
existing  remains  belong  to  the  Ionic  order.  The  arcliitects  were 
E-hoecus,  and  his  son  Theodorus,  both  natives  of  Samos. 

In  the  latter  half  of  the  same  century  the  temple  of  Delphi 
was  rebuilt  after  its  destruction  by  fire  in  B.C.  548.  The  sum 
required  for  the  erection  of  this  temple  was  300  talents,  or  about 
115,000/.,  which  had  to  be  collected  from  the  various  cities  in 
the  Hellenic  world.  The  contract  for  the  building  was  taken 
by  the  Alcmeeonidse,  and  the' magnificent  manner  in  which  they 
executed  the  work  has  been  already  mentioned.  It  was  in  the 
Doric  style,  and  the  front  was  cased  with  Parian  marble. 

About  the  same  time  Pisistratus  and  his  sons  commenced  the 
temple  of  the  Olympian  Jove  at  Athens.  It  was  a  colossal  fabric  in 
the  Doric  style,  359  feet  in  length  by  173  in  breadth,  and  was  only 
completed  by  the  emperor  Hadrian,  650  years  after  its  foundation. 

The  temples  mentioned  above  have  entirely  disappeared,  with 
the  exception  of  a  few  columns ;  but  others  erected  in  the  sixth 
and  fifth  centuries  B.C.  have  withstood  more  successfully  the 
ravages  of  time.  Of  these  the  most  perfect  and  the  most  striking 
are  the  two  temples  at  Posidonia,  or  Paestum,  the  colony  of  Sy- 
baris  in  southern  Italy,  the  remains  of  which  still  fill  the  beholder 
with  admiration  and  astonishment.  The  larger  of  the  two,  which 
is  the  more  ancient,  is  characterised  by  the  massive  simplicity 
of  the  ancient  Doric  style.  It  is  195  feet  long  by  75  feet  wide. 
There  are  likewise  considerable  remains  of  three  ancient  temples 
at  Sehnus  in  Sicily,  built  in  the  Doric  style.  The  temple  of  Jove 
Panhellenius,  in  the  island  of  ^gina,  of  which  many  columns 
are  still  standing,  was  probably  erected  in  the  sixth  century 
B.C.,  and  not  after  the  Persian  wars,  as  is  stated  by  many 
modem  writers.  It  stands  in  a  sequestered  and  lonely  spot  in 
the  north-east  corner  of  the  island,  overlooking  the  sea  and  com- 
manding a  view  of  the  opposite  coast  of  Attica.  It  is  in  the 
Doric  style  ;  and  the  front  elevation,  as  restored,  is  exhibited  in 
the  engraving  at  the  head  of  this  chapter. 


J48  HISTORY  OF  GREECE  Ciiap.  XIV. 

<!  7.  Sculpture,  or  to  hhc  a  more  corrcrt  fxjtn-iwion,  Stutuar)', 
ovvfd  il«  orif^'iii,  Wh:  arcliil<;rtiir<!,  to  ri'lit:ioii.  Tlie  only  ftatue* 
ill  (iri'cco  were  for  n  ioiirr  timo  tliow;  ol'lln;  f^fKl.s;  find  it  wa«  not 
till  iilioiit  u.c.  •')'>0  that  HtatUf.s  hi-i^nn  to  l»c  cructcd  in  liononrof 
moil.  Tlio  most  iiiiciciit  rcprcsoiitatioiirt  of  tli«!  f.nKJ.H  did  not  even 
|irotcu(l  to  bo  ima<,'o.s,  but  wen;  only  symbolical  HijriiK  of  their 
|)ioson(ro,  and  were  often  nolhiiij(  more  than  unhewn  blrK;k»  of 
sfono  or  simple  pieces  of  wood.  Soini'timerf  there  wa.s  a  real  statue 
of  the  god,  carved  in  wood,  of  which  material  the  uimt  ancient 
statues  were  exclusively  made.*  The  art  of  carving  in  wo«Ki  was 
conlined  to  certain  families,  and  wa.s  handed  d<Avn  from  father 
to  son.  Such  families  are  n^presonted  in  Attica  by  the  mythical 
name  of  I);i-dalus,  and  in  yEgina  by  the  erjually  mythical  name 
of  Smili.s,  from  both  of  whom  many  arfi.sts  of  a  later  age  traced 
their  derfcent.  Tiie  hereditary  cultivalion  of  the  art  tended  to 
repress  its  improvement  and  development;  and  the  carvers  long 
continued  to  cojjy  iVom  generation  to  generation  the  exact  tyjn; 
of  each  particular  god.  Tliese  wooden  figures  were  frofjuently 
painted  audclotlied,  and  were  decorated  with  diadems,  ear-rin£r.s, 
and  necklaces,  and  in  course  of  time  were  partly  covere<l  with 
gold  or  ivory.  Statues  in  marble  or  metal  did  not  Ijegin  to  be 
made  till  the  sixth  century  B.C. 

Tliough  statuary  proper,  or  the  constniction  of  a  round 
figure  standing  by  itself,  continued  in  a  rude  state  {(^i  a  long 
time  in  Greece,  yet  sculptured  figures  on  architectural  monu- 
ments were  executed  at  an  early  period  in  a  superior  style  of  art. 
One  of  the  earliest  specimens  of  sculpture  still  extant  is  the 
work  in  relief  above  the  ancient  gate  at  Mycena*,  representing 
two  lions  standing  on  their  hind  legs  Avith  a  kind  of  pillar  be- 
tween them.      They  are  figured  on  i>.  2o. 

^  8.  About  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  B.C.  a  fresh 
impulse  was  given  to  statuary,  as  well  as  to  the  other  arts,  ]>y 
the  discovery  of  certain  mechanical  processes  in  the  u.se  and 
application  of  the  metals.  Glaueus  of  Chios  is  mentione<l  as 
the  inventor  of  the  art  of  soldering  metal  :t  and  Ilhcrcus  and 
Theodorus  of  Samos,  who  have  been  already  spoken  of  as  archi- 
tects, invented  tlie  art  of  casting  figures  of  bronze  in  a  mould. 
The  maguilicent  temples,  which  began  to  be  built  about  the  same 
period,  called  into  exercise  the  art  of  the  sculptor,  since  the 
friezes  and  pediments  were  usually  adorned  with  figures  in  relief 
Dipanms  and  Styllis  of  Crete,  who  practised  their  art  at  Sicyon 
about  B.C.  580,  were  the  fii-st  sculptors  who  obtained  renown  for 
their  statues  in  marble.    They  founded  a  schotil  of  art  in  Sicyon, 

*  A  ■wooden  statue  was  Oiilled  ^oavov,  from  ^eu,  "  polish"  or  "  carve." 
\  atdi'/gov  K6?.?.iiai^.  Herod,  i.  '25. 


Chap.  XIV.  STATUARY.  149 

which  long  enjoyed  great  celebrity.  The  other  most  distin- 
guished schools  of  art  were  at  Samos,  Chios,  jEgina,  and  Argos. 
The  practice  of  erecting  statues  of  the  victors  in  the  great  public 
games,  which  commenced  about  b.c.  550,  was  like^vise  of  great 
service  in  the  development  of  the  art.  In  forming  these  statues 
the  sculptor  was  not  tied  down  by  a  fixed  type,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  images  of  the  gods,  and  consequently  gave  greater  play  to 
his  inventive  powers.  The  improvement  thus  produced  in  the 
statues  of  men  was  gradually  extended  to  the  images  of  the 
gods ;  and  the  artist  was  emboldened  to  depart  from  the  ancient 
models,  and  to  represent  the  gods  under  new  forms  of  beauty 
and  grandeur.  Nevertheless  even  the  sculptui-es  which  belong 
to  the  close  of  the  present  j^eriod  still  bear  traces  of  the  religious 
restraints  of  an  earlier  age,  and  form  a  transition  from  the 
hardness  and  stiflne.?s  of  the  archaic  style  to  that  ideal  beauty 
which  was  shortly  afterwards  developed  in  the  sublime  works 
of  Phidias 

§  9.  Among  the  remanis  of  the  sculpture  of  this  period  still 
extant,  those  most  worthy  of  notice  are  the  reliefs  in  the 
metopes  of  the  temple  of  Selinus,  the  statues  on  the  pediments 
of  the  temple  of  vEgina,  and  the  reliefs  on  the  great  monument 
recently  discovered  at  Xanthus  in  Lycia.  The  two  reliefs  given 
on  p.  114  are  taken  from  the  metopes  of  two  temples  at  Selinus. 
The  first,  belonging  to  the  more  ancient  of  the  temples,  which 
was  probably  built  about  B.C.  600,  represents  Perseus  cutting  oif 
the  head  of  Medusa,  with  the  assistance  of  Pallas.  The  work  is 
very  rude  and  very  inferior,  both  in  style  and  execution,  to  the 
lions  over  the  gate  at  Mycena?.  The  second,  belonging  to  the 
more  recent  of  the  temples,  probably  erected  in  the  latter  half 
of  the  fifth  century,  exhibits  a  marked  improvement.  It  repre- 
sents Actffion  metamorphosed  into  a  stag  by  Artemis  (Diana), 
and  torn  to  pieces  by  his  own  dogs. 

Two  of  the  statues  on  one  of  the  pediments  of  the  temple  at 
^Egina  are  represented  on  pp.  16,  17.  These  statues  were  dis- 
covered in  1812,  and  are  at  present  in  the  collection  at  Munich. 
They  have  been  restored  by  Thorwaldsen.  The  subject  is  Athena 
(Minerva)  leading  the  iEacids  or  ^'Eginetan  heroes  in  the  wax 
against  the  Trojans.  There  are  traces  of  colour  on  the  clothes, 
arms,  eye-balls,  and  lips,  but  not  on  the  flesh  ;  and  it  appears, 
from  the  many  small  holes  found  in  the  marble,  that  bronze 
armour  was  fixed  to  the  statues  by  means  of  nails.  There  is 
great  animation  in  the  figures,  but  their  gestures  are  too  violent 
and  abrupt ;  and  one  may  still  perceive  evident  traces  of  the 
archaic  style.      The  close  imitation  of  nature  is  very  striking. 

The  reliefs  on  the  monument  at  Xanthus  in  Lycia  were  evi- 


160  HISTORY  OF  GRKi:CE.  CiiAf.  XIV 

ilcnlly  cxoculcd  liy  (In-ck  .'irtintH,  and  prolialdy  alH)iit  tin-  hariie 
tiini-  as  tlic  yl'I^'iiictaii  t^taliioM.  'J'iic  iiioiiiiinciit  coiitsistM  ui  a 
(|iia(lraii<riilar  tiiwi-r  of  liiiiestoiiu  on  u  \iH)'(',  and  waH  Mirroundcd 
on  limr  sides  l)y  marble  IrifzcH  at  llie  lifi^lit  ot  UU  l<M't  from  the 
^^ronnd.  On  tlicsc  i'ri('7.es,  wliich  art;  now  in  the  Jiritifli  MuM'Uin, 
then;  are  sculjitures  repreKcntiiip  various  iiiythfilofrieal  huhje«;tH  ; 
and,  IVoin  ihc  ends  of"  the  narrower  sides  eontainin^  lour  beau- 
liful  Harpies  c:arryin<^  oil"  maidens,  the  liuildin^^  is  frequently 
railed  the  Harpy  Moninnent.  The  peneral  eharaeter  of  these 
wulptures  is  an  anli<pic  t-iiiiplicity  of  style,  united  with  grace 
and  ele<rance  of  exeeulion. 

^  10.  Painting  is  not  mentioned  as  an  imitative  art  in  the 
earliest  reeords  of  Greeian  literature.  Homer  does  not  speak 
of  any  kind  of  j)aintin<:,  although  he  frequently  deserilx-s  gar- 
ments inwoven  with  ligures.  The  fine  arts  in  all  countries 
a])j)ear  to  have  been  indebted  to  religion  for  their  develoj»ment ; 
and  i-ince  painting  was  not  connected  in  early  times  with  the 
worr^hip  of  the  gods,  it  long  remained  behind  the  sister  arts  of 
architecture  and  sculpture.  For  a  considerable  period  all  paint- 
ing consisted  in  coloring  statues  and  architectural  monuments, 
of  which  we  find  traces  in  the  ruins  of  the  temjiles  already 
described.  The  first  improvements  in  painting  were  made  in 
the  schools  of  Corinth  and  Sicyon  ;  and  the  most  ancient  speci- 
mens of  the  art  which  have  come  down  to  us  are  found  on  the 
oldest  Corinthian  vases,  which  may  be  assigned  to  the  beginning 
of  the  .sixth  century  K.c.  About  the  same  time  painting  began 
to  he  cultivated  in  Asia  Minor,  along  with  architecture  and 
sculpture.  The  paintings  of  the  town  of  Phociea  are  mentioned 
on  the  capture  of  that  city  by  Harpagus  in  n.c.  514  ;  and  a  few 
years  al'terAvards  (b.c.  oUb)  Mandrocles,  who  constructed  for 
Darius  the  bridge  of  boats  across  the  Bosporus,  had  a  picture 
painted  representing  the  passage  of  the  anuy  and  the  king  him- 
self seated  on  a  throne  reviewing  the  troops  as  they  passed. 
The  only  great  })ainter,  however,  of  this  period,  whose  name  has 
been  preserved,  is  Cimon  ol"  Cleona',  whose  date  is  uncertain, 
but  who  probably  must  not  be  placed  later  than  the  time  of 
Pisistratus  and  his  sons  (n.c.  5(")0-510).  He  introduced  great 
improvements  into  the  art,  and  thus  prepared  the  way  for  the 
perfection  in  wliich  it  appears  at  the  begiiuiing  of  the  following 
jieriod.  His  works  probably  held  the  same  place  in  the  liistor)* 
of  painting  which  the  ..l^ginetan  marbles  occupy  in  the  history 
of  sculpture,  forming  a  transition  from  the  archaic  stifiiiess  of 
the  old  school  to  the  ideal  beauty  of  the  paintings  of  Polyguotua 
of  Thasos. 


Cyrus,  from  a  bas-relief  at  Pasargadse . 

BOOK   III. 

THE  PERSIAX  AVARS. 

B.C.  500—478. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


THE    RISE    AND    GROWTH    OF    THE    PERSIAN    EMPIRE, 

§  1.  Introduction.  §  2.  Tlie  Assyrian  Empire.  §  3.  The  Median  Empire. 
§  4.  Tlie  Babylonian  Empire.  §  5.  The  Lydian  Monarchy,  and  its  in- 
fluence upon  the  Asiatic  Greeks.  §  6.  Conquest  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks 
by  Croesus,  king  of  Lydia.  §  7.  Foundation  of  the  Persian  Empire  by 
Cyrus,  and  overthrow  of  tlie  Median  Empire  by  the  latter.  §  8.  Con- 
quest of  the  Lydian  ilonarohy  by  Cyrus.  §  9.  Conquest  of  the  Asiatic 
Greeks  by  Harpagus,  the  general  of  Cyrus.  Death  of  Cyrus.  §  10. 
Reigns  of  Cambyses  and  of  the  false  Smerdis.  §  11.  History  of  Pol}-- 
crates,  despot  of  Samos.    §  12.  Accession  of  Darius,  son  of  Hystaspcs. 


182  iiisToicv  oi"  (;ui:j;ch  chap.  xv. 

llis  orffnni/tttion  of  iho  I'cniian  Krnpiro.  g  ]'.',.  Iiivonion  of  Scythia 
by  l)ni-iti8.  ^  It.  Siilgi-ction  of  Tlirucc  aiiil  Macedonia  to  the-  I'er- 
Hinn  Kiiii)irc'. 

k  1.  Tin:  jH'riod  ;ij>oii  which  we  arc  now  fnlcririp  in  ihc  mout 
brilliant  in  \\w  liistory  ot'Grecce.  The  nuhjfct  lifm  hitherto  liceri 
ronfincd  to  thu  history  of"  m-puratc  and  iwolatcd  ritir-jj,  wliich 
wen;  hnt  little  alli-eted  hy  eacli  (jthepK  j)roh|K'rity  or  adverHity. 
But  the  Persian  invasion  jjfodneed  an  iin|>ortant  chaiipe  in  the 
relations  ol"  tlie  (ireek  cities.  A  eoininon  danffr  drew  theru 
closer  tojrether  and  eoinjielled  thern  to  act  in  concert.  ThuH 
Grecian  history  obtains  a  defrree  of  luiity,  and  eonscfjiiently  of 
interest.  The  rise  and  j)ropTeRS  of"  the  Persian  einjiire,  whicli 
produced  sudi  inijiorlant  results  upon  the  Grecian  states,  there- 
fore claim  our  attention  ;  but  in  order  to  understand  the  subject 
ari<rht,  it  is  necessary  to  go  a  little  further  back,  an<l  to  plance 
at  the  liistory  of  those  monarchies  which  were  overt lirowa  by 
the  Persians. 

§  2.  From  the  first  dawn  of  history  to  the  present  day  the 
East  has  been  the  seat  of  vast  and  mighty  empires.  Of  these 
the  earliest  and  the  most  extensive  was  founded  by  the  Assyrian 
kings,  who  resided  at  the  city  of  Nineveh  on  the  Tigris.  At  the 
time  of  its  greatest  pro.sperity  this  empire  appears  to  have  ex- 
tended over  the  south  of  Asia,  from  the  Indus  on  the  east  to 
the  Mediterranean  sea  on  the  west.  Of  its  hi.story  we  have 
hardly  any  particulars  ;  but  its  greatness  is  attested  by  the  una- 
nimous voice  of  sacred  and  profane  writers  ;  and  the  wonder- 
ful discoveries  which  have  been  made  within  the  last  few  years 
in  the  earthen  mounds  which  entomb  the  ancient  Isineveh 
aflord  unerring  testimony  of  the  progress  which  the  Assyrians 
had  made  in  architecture,  sculpture,  and  the  arts  of  civilized  life. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century  before  the  Christian  era 
the  power  of  this  vast  empire  was  broken  by  the  revolt  of  the 
Medes  and  Babylonians,  who  had  hitherto  been  its  subjects. 
The  city  of  Nineveh  still  continued  to  exist  as  the  seat  of  an 
independent  kingdom,  but  the  greater  part  of  its  dominions  was 
divided  between  the  Medes  and  Babylonians. 

^  3.  The  Medes  belonged  to  that  branch  of  the  Indo-Germanic 
family  inhabiting  the  vast  space  of  country  known  by  the  general 
name  of  Iran  or  Aria,  which  extends  south  of  the  Caspian  and 
the  Oxus,  from  the  Indus  on  the  east  to  Mount  Zagros  on  the 
west — a  range  of  mountains  numinir  parallel  to  the  Tigris  and 
eastward  of  that  river.  The  north-western  part  of  this  country- 
was  occupied  by  the  Medes.  and  their  capital  Ecbatana  was 
situated  in  a  mountainous  and  healthy  district,  which  was  cele- 
brated for  the  freshness  and  coobiess  of  its  climate  in  the  sum- 


Chap.  XV.     THE  ASSYRIAN  AND  MEDIAN  EMPIRES.  153 

mer  heats.  Their  language  was  a  dialect  of  the  Zend  ;  and  their 
religion  was  the  one  which  had  heen  founded  by  Zoroaster. 
They  worshipped  fire  as  the  symbol  of  the  Deity,  and  their 
priests  were  the  Magi,  who  formed  a  distinct  class  or  caste,  pos- 
sessing great  influence  and  power  in  the  state.  The  people  were 
brave  and  warlike,  and  under  their  successive  monarchs  they 
gradually  extended  their  dominion  from  the  Indus  on  the  east 
to  the  river  Halys  in  the  centre  of  Asia  Minor  on  the  west, 
Their  most  celebrated  conquest  was  the  capture  of  Nineveh, 
which  they  rased  to  the  ground  in  B.C.  606.* 

§  4.  The  Babylonians  were  a  Semitic  people.  Their  territory 
comprised  the  fertile  district  between  the  Tigi-is  and  the  Eu- 
phrates, and  their  capital,  Babylon,  situated  on  the  latter  river, 
was  one  of  the  greatest  cities  in  the  ancient  world.  Herodotus, 
who  vi&ited  it  in  its  decline,  describes  its  size  and  grandeur  in 
terms  which  would  exceed  belief,  it  the  truthfulness  of  the  his- 
torian was  not  above  all  suspicion.  It  was  built  in  the  form  of  a 
square,  of  which  each  side  was  15  miles  in  length,  and  it  was 
surrounded  by  walls  of  prodigious  size,  300  feet  high  and  7o  feet 
thick.  Under  Nebuchadnezzar  the  Babylonian  empire  reached 
its  height.  This  monarch  extended  his  dominions  as  far  as  the 
confines  of  Egypt.  He  took  Jerusalem,  and  carried  away  its  in- 
habitants into  captivity,  and  he  annexed  to  his  dominions  both 
Judea  and  Phosnicia.  ^n  his  death,  in  B.C.  562,  he  bequeathed 
to  his  son  Labynetus  (tIP  Belshazzar  of  Scripture)  a  kingdom 
which  extended  from  the  Tigris  to  the  frontiers  of  Egypt  and  tlie 
south  of  Phoenicia. 

§  5.  Tlie  Median  and  Ba^^^iian  empires  did  not  include  any 
countries  inhabited  by  the  l^^ks,  and  exercised  only  a  remote 
influence  upon  Grecian  civilization.  There  was,  hoM'ever,  a  third 
power,  which  rose  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Assyrian  empire,  with 
which  the  Greeks  were  brought  into  immediate  contact.  This 
was  the  Lydian  monarchy,  whose  territory  was  originally  confined 
to  the  fertile  district  eastwa.rd  of  Ionia,  watered  by  the  Cayster 
and  the  Hermus.  The  capital  of  the  monarchy  was  Sardis,  which 
was  situated  on  a  precipitous  rock  belonging  to  the  ridge  of 
Mount  Tmolus.  Here  three  dynasties  of  Lydian  kings  are  said 
to  have  reigned.  Of  the  two  first  m'c  have  no  account,  and  it  is 
probable  that,  down  to  the  commencement  of  the  third  of  these 
dynasties,  Lydia  formed  a  province  of  the  Assyrian  empire. 
However  this  may  be,  the  history  of  Lydia  begins  only  with  the 
accession  of  Gyges,  the  founder  of  the  third  dynasty;  and  it 

*  According  to  Herodotus,  there  were  four  Median  kings: — 1.  Deioces, 
the  founder  of  the  empire,  who  reigned  B.C.  710-657  ;  2.  Phraortes,  B.a 
657-035 ;  3.  Cyaxares,  c.c.  635-595 ;  4.  Astyages,  u.c.  595-559. 

H* 


151  III>'I(»ICV  OF  (JUEKCE.  CiiAr  XV. 

cuiiiiot  III-  n  iiuri'  iK-ciiliiit  that  the  ho^iiiiiiii^'  of  his  rcif^n  is 
iiciiily  ••(•iii«'i(l<-nl  «iili  the  dcThiu-  of  the  AHJ'jrian  ctniiire  and 
I  lie  totiiithttioii  lit  tla-  iii(li-(iciidc'iit  iiioiiurcliie.s  of  the  Hahyloniaiis 
and  Mrdi's  * 

I'lidtT  (iyL''!<  and  hi.s  nicfOHJ-nrB  Sanhn  hccarne  tlio  centre  of  a 
IKJWrii'ul  and  civih/cd  inoiiairhy  ;  and  the  exiHtencc  (jf  hiirli  a 
Ktatc  ill  tldsc  |)ruxiiiiity  to  the;  (ireck  cili«"H  in  Ionia  exercijied  an 
iiii|Hiilaiil  induence  upon  llic  latter.  The  Lydianswere  u  wealthy 
and  iiHlu.-triou.s  jic«»|»le,  carrying  on  an  exten.«ive  <-f;ininerce,  prac- 
li.><infj  iiiaiiulaetnics  and  ac(jiiaiiited  ■with  various  arts.  The 
Lydian.>*  are  said  to  have  been  the  first  jieople  to  coin  money  of 
pold  and  silver  :  and  of  the  former  metal  they  obtained  lar^e 
quantities  in  the  sands  of  the  river  I'aelolu.s,  vhieh  flowed  down 
from  Mount  Tmolus  towards  the  llermus.  From  them  the  Ionic 
Greeks  derived  various  imjirovements  in  the  useful  and  the 
ornamental  arts,  espeeially  in  the  weavinjj  and  dyeinp  of  fine 
fabrics,  in  the  processes  of  metallurfry,  and  in  the  style  of  their 
music.  The  growth  of  the  Lydian  monarchy  in  wealth  and 
civilization  was  attended  with  anotlier  advantage  to  the  Grecian 
cities  on  the  coast.  As  the  territory  of  the  Lydians  did  net 
originally  extend  to  the  sea,  the  whole  of  tlieir  commerce  with 
the  Mediterranean  passed  through  the  Grecian  cities,  and  was 
carried  on  in  Grecian  ships.  This  contributed  greatly  to  the 
prosperity  and  wealth  of  Miletus,  Phuj^^.  and  the  other  Ionian 
cities.  ^m 

k  6.  But  while  the  Asiatic  Greeks  were  indebted  for  so  much 
of  their  grandeur  and  opulence  to  the  Lydian  monarchy,  the 
increasing  power  of  the  latter  e^^^ally  deprived  them  of  their 
political  indej)endence.  Even  G^^^s  had  endeavoured  to  reduce 
them  to  subjection,  and  the  attempt  was  renewed  at  various 
times  by  liis  successors  ;  but  it  was  not  till  the  reign  of  Crtpsus, 
the  last  king  of  Lydia,  who  succeeded  to  the  throne  in  B.C.  560, 
that  the  Asiatic  Greeks  became  the  subjects  of  a  barbarian 
power.  This  monarch  succeeded  in  the  enterprise  in  which  liis 
predecessors  had  failed.  He  began  by  attacking  Ephesus,  and 
reduced  in  succession  all  the  other  Grecian  cities  on  the  coast. 
His  rule,  however,  was  not  oppressive  ;  he  appears  to  have  been 
content  with  the  payment  of  a  moderate  tribute,  and  to  have 
permitted  the  cities  to  regulate  their  own  affairs.  He  next 
turned  his  arms  towards  the  east,  and  subdued  all  the  nations 
in  Asia  Minor  west  of  the  river  Halys,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Lycians  and  Cilicians.     The  fame  of  Cnrsus  and  cf  his  countless 

•  Accoriling  to  Herodotus,  there  ■were  five  Lydinn  kincs  : — 1.  Gyees, 
■who  roigiied  n.c.  71G-G78;  '2.  Ardys,  B.C.  678-6'Jy;  W.  ^■adyattes",  B.O 
C29-G17;  4.  Alyattes.  u.c.  017-560;  "s.  Croesus,  cc  660-546.  " 


Chap.  XV.     THE  BABYLOXLVX  AXD  LYDIAJN  EMPIRES.       155 

treasures  now  resounded  through  Greece.  He  spoke  the  Greek 
language,  welcomed  Greek  guests,  and  reverenced  the  Greek 
oracles,  which  he  enriched  with  the  most  munificent  ofierings. 
The  wise  men  of  Greece  were  attracted  to  Sardis  by  the  fame 
of  his  power  and  of  his  wealth.  Among  his  other  visitors  he  is 
said  to  have  entertained  Solon  ;  hut  the  celebrated  story  of  the 
interview  between  the  Athenian  sage  and  the  Lydian  monarch, 
which  the  stern  laws  of  chronology  compel  us  to  reject,  has 
already  been  narrated  in  a  previous  part  of  this  Avork.* 

Crcesus  deemed  himself  secure  from  the  reach  of  calamities, 
and  his  kingdom  appeared  to  be  placed  upon  a  firm  and  last- 
ing foundation.  His  own  subjects  were  submissive  and  obe- 
dient ;  and  he  was  closely  comiected  with  the  powerful  monarelis 
of  Media,  Babylon,  and  Egypt.  Astyages,  the  king  of  Media, 
whose  territories  adjoined  his  own,  was  his  brother-in-law  ;  and 
he  had  formed  an  alliance  and  friendship  with  Labynetus,  king 
of  Babylon,  and  Amasis,  king  of  Egypt.  The  four  kings  seemed 
to  have  nothing  to  fear  either  from  internal  commotions  or  ex- 
ternal foes.  Yet  within  the  space  of  a  few  years  their  dynasties 
were  overthrown,  and  their  territories  absorbed  in  a  vast  empire, 
founded  by  an  adventurer  till  then  unknown  by  name. 

§  7.  The  rise  and  fall  of  the  great  Asiatic  monarchies  have  been 
characterized  by  the  same  features  in  ancient  and  modern  times. 
A  brave  and  hardy  race,  led  by  its  native  chief,  issues  either 
from  the  mountains  or  from  the  steppes  of  Asia,  overruns 
the  more  fertile  and  cultivated  parts  of  the  continent,  con- 
quers the  effeminate  subjects  of  the  existing  monarchies,  and 
places  its  leader  upon  the  throne  of  Asia.  But  the  descendants 
of  the  new  monarch  and  of  the  conquering  race  give  way  to 
sensuality  and  sloth,  and  fall  victims  in  their  turn  to  the  same 
bravery  in  another  people,  which  had  given  the  sovereignty  to 
their  ancestors.  The  history  of  Cyrus,  the  great  iiiunder  of  the 
Persian  empire,  is  an  illustration  of  these  remarks.  It  is  true 
that  the  earlier  portion  of  his  life  is  buried  under  a  heap  of 
fables,  and  that  it  is  impossible  to  determine  whether  he  wa* 
the  grandson  of  the  Median  king,  Astyages,  as  is  commonly 
stated  ;  but  it  does  not  admit  of  doubt,  that  he  led  the  warlike 
Persians  from  their  mountainous  homes  to  a  series  of  conquests, 
which  secured  him  an  empire  extending  from  the  iEgean  to  the 
Indus,  and  from  the  Caspian  and  the  Oxus,  to  the  Persian  Gulf 
and  the  Indian  Ocean. 

The  Persians  were  of  the  same  race  as  the  Medes,  spoke  a 
dialect  of  the  same  language,  and  were  adherents  of  the  same 
religion.  They  inhabited  the  mountainous  region  south  of  Media, 
*  Page  100. 


Iflfl  IIISTDIIY  OF  GUKEOl  Chap,  XV. 

wtiicli  alHMiiidii  ill  iteviTal  well- watered  vulle}'s,  ami  »lu[>c«  f^ror 
iliially  iliiwii  to  tlie  low  ^ri)iiiiilH  on  the  roa»<l  of  tli«.'  I'erHiaii  fiuW. 
Willie  the  MeileH  lircuiiie  enervated  )iy  the  eorni|ilin^'  inlluencctf 
to  whieli  till  V  were  exjiosed,  the  I'crhianis  j»re.-i<Tved  in  their 
native  iiioiiiilaiiiH  their  Hiiii|ile  and  warlike  hahitit.  They  were 
divided  into  neveral  trilM.-H,  partly  a^^rienltnral  and  partly  no- 
iiiadie  ;  fnil  they  were  all  hrave,  rude,  :ind  liardy,  clothed  iu 
nkiiis,  drinkin<r  only  water,  and  i^niorant  of  the  eoininonei't  lux- 
uries of  JilL'.  Cyrn.s  led  these  lierce  warriors  from  their  moun- 
tain fa.stnesH's,  defeated  the  Medea  in  battle,  to<jk  Astyapen 
jirisoner,  and  deprived  him  of  the  throne.  The  other  nutiuiiii, 
inelnded  in  the  Median  einj)ire,  submitted  to  the  conqueror; 
and  the  w)veri'i>rnty  of  I'pper  Asia  thus  jia.-sed  Irom  the  Medea 
to  the  I'ersians.  The  aecession  of  (.'yrus  to  the  empire  is  placed 
iu  ».(•.  5oi). 

I)  b.  This  important  revolution  exeited  alike  the  anpcr,  the 
fears  and  the  hopes  of  Cra;sus.  Anxious  to  avenge  lii«  brother- 
in-law,  to  arrest  the  alanninjT  prowth  of  the  Persian  jxiwer,  and 
to  enlarpe  liis  own  dominions,  he  resolved  to  attack  the  new 
monarch.  But  before  embarkin<r  ujion  so  perilous  an  cntcrprize 
he  eonsnlted  the  oracles  of  Amphiaraus,  and  of  Apollo  at  Delphi, 
in  whose  veracity  he  placed  the  most  unbounded  confidence. 
Tlu'  reply  of  lK)tli  oracles  was,  that  "  if  he  should  make  war  ujion 
the  IVrsians,  he  would  destroy  a  mi«rlity  monarchy,"  and  they 
both  advised  him  to  make  allies  of  the  most  jK>werlul  among  the 
(i  reeks.  Understanding  the  response  to  reler  to  the  Persian 
empire,  and  not,  as  the  priests  explained  it  after  the  event,  to 
his  own,  he  had  no  longer  any  hesitation  in  commencing  the 
•war.  In  obedience  to  the  oracles  he  first  sent  to  the  fSpartans 
to  solicit  their  alliance,  which  was  readily  granted,  but  no  troops 
were  sent  to  his  immediate  assistance.  He  then  crossed  the 
Haly.-i  at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  laid  waste  the  country  of  the 
Syrians  of  Cappadwia,  and  took  several  of  their  towns.  Cyrus 
lost  no  time  in  coming  to  the  help  of  his  distant  subjects.  The 
two  annies  met  near  the  Pterian  plain  iu  Cappadocia,  where  a 
bloody,  but  indecisive  battle  was  fiiught.  As  the  forces  of  Croe- 
sus were  inltTior  in  number  to  those  of  tlie  Persian  king,  he 
thought  it  more  pnideut  to  return  to  fc'archs,  and  collect  a  large 
aniiy  lor  the  next  campaign.  Accordingly  he  despatched  en- 
voys to  Labynetus,  Amasis.  and  the  Lacedirmonians.  requestuig 
them  to  send  auxiliaries  to  i>anlis  in  the  course  of  the  next  live 
months  ;  and  meantime  he  disbanded  the  mercenary  troops  who 
had  followed  him  into  Cappadocia. 

Cyrus  anticipated  his  enemy's  plan  :  he  waited  till  the  Lydian 
king  hail  re-entered  his  capital  and  dismissed  his  troops ;  and 


ac.  559.  CYRUS.  157 

he  then  marched  upon  Sardis  with  such  celerity  that  he  ap- 
peared under  the  walls  of  the  city  belbre  any  one  could  give 
notice  of  his  approach.  Croesus  was  thus  compelled  to  fight 
without  his  allies ;  but  he  did  not  despair  of  success ;  for  the 
Lydian  cavalry  was  distinguished  for  its  efficiency,  and  the 
open  plain  belbre  t^ardis  was  favourable  for  its  evolutions.  To 
render  this  force  useless,  Cyrus  placed  in  front  of  his  line  the 
baggage  camels,  which  the  Lydian  horses  could  not  endure  either 
to  see  or  to  smell.  The  Lydians,  however,  did  not  on  this  ac- 
count decline  the  contest ;  they  dismounted  from  their  horses, 
and  fought  bravely  on  toot ;  and  it  was  not  till  after  a  fierce 
combat  that  they  were  obliged  to  take  refuge  within  the  city. 
Here  they  considered  themselves  secure,  till  their  allies  should 
come  to  their  aid ;  for  the  fortifications  of  Sardis  were  deemed 
impregnable  to  assault.  There  was,  however,  one  side  of  the 
city  which  had  been  left  unfortified,  because  it  stood  upon  a 
rock  so  lofty  and  precipitous,  as  to  appear  quite  inaccessible. 
But  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  siege  a  Persian  soldier,  having 
seen  one  of  the  garrison  descend  this  rock  to  pick  up  his  helmet 
which  had  rolled  down,  climbed  up  the  same  way,  followed  by 
several  of  his  comrades.  Sardis  was  thus  taken,  and  Croesus 
with  all  his  treasures  fell  into  the  hands  of  Cyrus  (b.c.  o4G). 
The  Lychan  king  was  condenuied  to  be  burnt  alive  ;  but  his  lile 
was  afterwards  spared  by  the  conqueror;  and  he  became  the 
confidential  adviser  both  of  Cyrus  and  his  son  Cambyses. 

S^  9.  The  fall  of  Croesus  was  followed  by  the  subjection  of  the 
Greek  cities  in  Asia  to  the  Persian  yoke.  As  soon  as  Sardis  had 
been  taken,  the  lonians  and  .Slolians  sent  envoys  to  Cyrus,  ofler- 
ing  to  submit  to  him  on  the  same  terms  as  they  had  obtained 
from  Croesus.  But  the  Persian  conqueror,  who  had  in  vain  at- 
tempted to  induce  them  to  revolt  from  the  Lydian  king  at  the 
commencement  of  the  war,  sternly  refused  their  request,  except 
in  the  case  of  Miletus.  The  other  Greeks  now  began  to  prepare 
for  defence,  and  sent  deputies  to  Sparta  to  solicit  assistance. 
This  was  refused  by  the  Spartans  ;  but  they  despatched  some  of 
their  citizens  to  Ionia  to  investigate  the  state  of  aliairs.  One  of 
their  number,  exceeding  the  bounds  of  their  commission,  re- 
paired to  Cyrus  at  Sardis,  and  warned  him  "  not  to  injure  any 
city  in  Hellas,  for  the  Laceda;monians  would  not  permit  it." 
Astonished  at  such  a  message  from  a  people  of  whom  he  had 
never  heard,  the  conqueror  inquired  of  tlie  Greeks  who  steed 
near  him,  "  "Who  are  these  Lacedaemonians,  and  how  many  are 
they  in  number  that  they  venture  to  send  me  such  a  notice  .'" 
Having  received  an  answer  to  his  question,  he  said  to  the  Spar- 
tan, "  I  was  never  yet  afraid  of  men,  who  have  a  place  set  apai't 


.il.VIniiV  OF  OUPIECE.  Ciiai-.  XV. 

..niillr  (if  tluMr  c.hy,  whi;r<:  they  meet  to  rhcat  one  another 
,iii  I'orswe.'ir  thfrn.-w'lveH.  If  I  Uve,  th<ry  hhiiil  liavis  troiiblt-M  of 
thi'ir  own  to  talk  alwint  apart  from  thir  lonians."  Thirt  taunt 
of  OynM  wa.H  Icvijlleil  at  (in.'ciaii  halnts  (."iirTalty  :  for  to  ihe.- 
riitli;  l):irli:iri;iii,  buying  unil  Hellnif,'  mTined  ront<rin]»til>le  and  dw- 
graci'ful. 

CyruH  siMiu  atttTwrirdrt  quitted  SardiH  to  prfiwcutc  hi»  con- 
quests in  thi!  liast,  and  Ifll  thi-  rt-duction  of  the  Greek  c'ties, 
ami  of  the  other  (hs(riet,s  in  Asia  Mnior,  to  his  lieutenantH.  The 
It  reck  cities  oliered  a  hrave,  Init  ine(iectual  resi«tanee,  and 
were  taken  one  afl('r  tli(!  otlier  liy  llarpajrus,  the  Persian  peneral. 
The  inhahitants  of  Piioe;ra  and  Teos  preferre«l  exj)atrii>.tio:i  to 
slavery  ;  they  abandoned  tlieir  liotncs  to  the  conqueror ;  and 
sailed  away  in  search  of  new  settlements.  The  Phoc.-ean.s,  after 
experieneinj?  many  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  at  len«fth  settled  in 
the  south  of  Italy,  where  they  founded  Elea.  The  Teiaiw  took 
refiijie  oii  the  coast  of  Thrace,  wliere  they  built  the  city  of  Ab- 
dera.  All  the  other  Asiatic  Greeks  on  the  mainland  were  en- 
rolled among  the  vassals  of  Cyrus  :  and  even  the  inhabitant.s  of 
the  islands  of  L.^sbos  and  Chios  sent  in  their  submission  to  Har- 
puiius,  althou<;h  the  Persians  then  possessed  no  fleet  to  force 
them  to  obedience.  Samos,  on  the  other  hand,  maintained  its 
independence,  and  appears  soon  afterwards  as  one  of  the  most 
powerful  of  the  Grecian  states.  After  the  reduction  of  the 
Asiatic  Greeks,  Harpajrus  marched  ajrainst  the  other  districts  of 
Asia  .Minor,  which  still  refused  to  own  the  authority  of  Cyrus. 
They  were  all  conquered  without  any  serious  resistance,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Lyciaus,  who,  lindiu'r  it  impossible  to  maintain 
their  freedom,  set  tire  to  their  chief  town,  Xanthus  ;  and  while 
the  women  and  children  perished  in  the  flames,  the  men  sallied 
forth  against  the  enemy  and  died  sword  in  hand. 

While  HarpajTus  was  thus  employed,  C\tus  was  making  still 
more  extensive  conquests  in  UpjX'r  Asia  and  Assyria.  The  most 
im])ortant  of  these  was  the  capture  of  the  wealthy  and  jxtpulous 
city  of"  Babylon,  which  he  took  by  divertinji  the  course  of  the 
Euphrates,  and  then  marching  into  the  city  by  the  bed  of  the 
river  (n.  c.  53^).  Subseiiuently  he  marched  against  the  nomad 
tribes  in  Central  Asia,  but  was  slain  in  battle,  while  fighting 
airaiust  the  Massagetae,  a  people  dwelling  bevond  the  .\raxes. 
He  perished  in  n.  r.  529,  after  a  reign  of  thirty  years,  leaving 
his  vast  empire  to  his  son.  Cambvses. 

sMO.  The  love  of  conquest  and  of  agirrandizement,  which  liad 
been  fed  by  the  repeated  victories  of  Cyrus,  still  fired  the  Per- 
sians. Of  the  four  great  monarchies,  which  Cyrus  had  found  in 
all  their  glorj',  when  he  descended  ^^•ith  his  shepherds  from  the 


B.C.  529.  CAMBYSES.  159 

Persian  mountains,  there  yet  remained  one  which  had  not  been 
destroyed  by  his  arms.  Amasis  continued  to  occupy  the  throne 
of  Egypt  in  psace  and  prosperity,  while  the  monarchs  ot"  Media, 
Lydia,  and  Babylon  had  either  lost  their  lives,  or  become  the 
vassals  of  the  Persian  king.  Accordingly,  Cambyses  resolved  to 
lead  his  victorious  Persians  to  the  conquest  of  Egypt.  While 
making  his  preparations  for  the  invasion,  Amasis  died  after  a 
long  reign,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Psammenitus,  who  in- 
herited neither  the  abilities  nor  the  good  fortune  of  his  father. 
The  defeat  of  the  Egyptians  in  a  single  battle,  followed  by  the 
capture  of  Memphis  with  the  person  of  Psammenitus,  decided 
the  fate  of  the  country.  Cambyses  resided  some  time  in  Egypt, 
which  he  ruled  with  a  rod  of  iron.  His  temper  was  naturally 
violent  and  capricious  ;  and  the  possession  of  unlimited  power 
had  created  in  him  a  state  of  mind  bordering  upon  frenzy.  The 
idolatry  of  the  Egyptians  and  their  adoration  of  animals  excited 
the  indignation  of  the  worshipper  of  fire ;  and  he  gave  vent  to 
his  passions  by  wanton  and  sacrilegious  acts  against  the  most 
cherished  objects  and  rites  of  the  national  religion.  Even  the 
Persians  experienced  the  effects  of  his  madness ;  and  his  brother 
Smerdis  was  put  to  death  by  his  orders.  This  act  was  followed 
by  important  consequences.  Among  the  few  persons  privy  to 
the  murder  was  a  Magian,  who  had  a  brother  bearing  the  same 
name  as  the  deceased  prince,  and  strongly  resembling  him  in 
person.  Taking  advantage  of  these  circumstances,  and  of  the 
alarm  excited  among  the  leading  Persians  by  the  frantic  tyranny 
of  Cambyses,  he  proclaimed  his  brother  as  king,  representing 
him  as  the  younger  son  of  Cyrus.  Cambyses  heard  of  the  revolt 
whilst  in  Syria  ;  but  as  he  was  mounting  his  horse  to  march 
against  the  usurper,  an  accidental  wound  from  his  sword  put  an 
end  to  his  life,  b.c.  522. 

As  the  younger  son  of  Cyrus  was  generally  believed  to  be  alive, 
the  false  Smerdis  was  acknowledged  as  king  by  the  Persians,  and 
reigned  without  opposition  for  seven  months.  But  the  leading 
Persian  nobles  had  never  been  quite  free  from  suspicion,  and 
they  at  length  discovered  the  imposition  which  had  been  prac- 
tised upon  them.  Seven  of  them  now  formed  a  conspiracy  to 
get  rid  of  the  usurper.  They  succeeded  in  forcing  their  way 
into  the  palace,  and  in  slaying  the  Magian  and  his  brother  in 
the  eighth  month  of  their  reign.  One  of  their  number,  Darius, 
the  son  of  Hystaspes,  ascended  the  vacant  throne,  B.C.  521. 

Ml.  During  the  reign  of  Cambyses,  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia 
remained  obedient  to  their  Persian  governors.  The  subjection 
of  the  other  cities  had  increased  the  power  and  influence  of 
Samos,  which,  as  we  have  already  seen,  had  maintained  its  inde- 


lA,)  msT'jKY  OF  f;Ki;i;<i;.  (  mai-.  XV. 

IMMnliMirc,  when  tin-  m'i^'lil)nuriii}.'  iHliiiiii>«  ot  \it'An>>i  uml  Chif« 
IiikI  »»iil»iiiil1ril  III  till-  liiMiti'ii.iiit  (iJ'Cyni-..  At  th<;  ln'iriiiiiiiij,'  <if 
till'  n-inii  of  (';iiiil>y!*<'H,  Suiiuim  li.ul  ri-ai-ln-<l  under  itt*  <l«*sjKjt, 
I'lilyc rules,  an  cxlriionliiuiry  di-irni!  of  jinwjM-rity,  and  liad  bo- 
niiiM*  tin-  Millet  iin|Hirluiit  iiuval  ]i(i\vi-r  in  tlie  world.  The 
andiitimi  uml  fri'<Ml  Kirtuni;  ol'tliis  onter|ir:/in;:  d«'.-<|K>t  were  alike 
ri'iiiarkal»lf.  lie  jK).>*!<«'.s.sed  a  liiiiidred  hlii|»s  of  war,  with  which 
he  eoiKjuered  Heveral  of  the  ishiiid.-*,  and  even  hoiui!  j)lare.son  the 
mainland  ;  and  lie  asjiired  to  iintliin<[;r  les.s  than  the  dominiim  uf 
Ionia,  as  well  a.s  of  the  i.^land.s  in  the  yl'};.'ean.  The  Laee<i.'eino- 
iiian.<,  who  had  invaded  the  i.sland  at  the  invitation  ol'  the  Sa- 
iiiian  exiles  lor  the  pnrpo.<e  ol  overtlirowin*.'  \m  fri»vernrncnt, 
were  obliged  to  retire  alter  bcsiejriiif^  his  city  in  vain  for  forty 
(lavs.  Kvery  thing  wliieh  he  undertook  peeincd  to  prosper  ;  but 
liis  uiiintcrrnpte;!  frcxid  fortune  at  length  cxrited  the  alann  of 
his  ally  Aiiiasis.  Ace^rdiiig  to  the  tale  related  hy  Hermlotus, 
the  Hiryptian  king,  convinced  that  such  auiazing  good  fortune 
would  sooner  or  later  incur  the  envy  of  the  go<ls,  wrote  to  Poly- 
crates,  advising  liini  to  throw  away  one  of  his  most  valuable  ytos- 
scssions,  and  thus  inflict  some  injury  uj)on  himsi'lf  Thinking 
the  advice  to  be  good,  Pidycrates  threw  into  the  sea  a  favourite 
rin^iif  matchless  price  and  beauty  ;  but  uniortunately  it  was  Ibund 
a  lew  days  afterwards  in  the  belly  of  a  line  fish,  which  a  fisher- 
man had  .'ifiit  him  as  a  ])rescnt.  Amasis  now  foresaw  that  the 
ruin  of  Polycrates  was  inevitable,  and  sent  a  lierald  to  Samosto 
renounce  his  alliance.  The  glooniy  anticipations  of  the  Egyp- 
tian monarch  proved  well  founded.  In  the  midst  of  all  his 
prosperity,  Polycrates  fell  by  a  most  ignominious  fate.  Orcetes, 
the  satrap  of  8ardis,  had  for  some  mikuown  cause  conceived  a 
deadly  hatred  against  the  Samian  despot.  By  a  cunning  stra- 
tagem, the  satrap  allured  him  to  the  mainland,  where  he  was 
immediately  arrested  and  hanged  ufxin  a  cross  (n.c.  522).  Like 
many  other  Grecian  despots,  Polycrates  had  been  a  patron  of 
literature  and  the  arts,  and  thd  poets  Ibycus  and  Anacret»n  found 
a  welcome  at  his  court.  !Many  of  the  great  works  of  iSamos — the 
vast  temple  of  llera  (Juno),  the  mole  to  protect  the  harbour,  and 
tlie  aipieduct  for  supjilying  the  city  with  water,  carried  through 
a  luniuitaiu  seven  fmloiigs  long — were  probably  executed  by  him. 
^^  12.  The  lon«r  reign  of  Darius  forms  an  LmiKirtant  epoch  in 
•he  Persian  annals.  After  putting  down  the  revolts  of  the  Ly- 
(liau  satnip  Oroetes,  of  the  Medes,  and  of  the  Babylonians,  beset 
himsi'lt  to  Work  to  organize  the  vast  mass  of  countries  which 
had  l>ei!u  conc|uered  by  Cyrus  and  Cambyses.  The  ditference  of 
his  reign  from  those  of  his  two  predecessor  was  described  by 
the  Persians,  in  calling  Cyrus  the  father,  Cambyses  the  master, 


B.C.  522.  DARIUS.  161 

and  Darius  the  retail-trader, — an  epithet  implying  that  he 
was  the  first  to  introduce  some  order  into  tlie  administration 
and  finances  of  the  empire.  He  divided  his  vast  dominions  into 
twenty  provinces,  and  appointed  the  tribute  which  each  was  to 
pay  to  the  royal  treasury.  These  provinces  were  called  satrapies, 
irora  the  satrap  or  governor,  to  whom  the  administration  of  each 
was  entrusted.  Darius  was  also  the  first  Persian  king  who  coined 
money  ;  and  the  principal  gold  and  silver  coin  of  the  Persian 
mint  was  called  alter  him  the  Daric  He  also  connected  Susa 
and  Ecbatana  with  the  most  distant  parts  of  the  empire  by  a 
series  of  high  roads,  along  which  were  placed,  at  suitable  inter- 
vals, buildings  for  the  accommodation  of  all  who  travelled  in  the 
king's  name,  and  relays  of  couriers  to  convey  royal  messages. 

§  13.  Although  Darius  devoted  his  chief  attention  to  the  con- 
solidation and  organization  of  his  empire,  he  Avas  impelled  by  his 
own  ambition,  or  by  the  aggressive  spirit  of  the  Persians,  to  seek 
to  enlarge  still  further  his  vast  dominions.  For  that  purpose 
he  resolved  to  attack  Scythia,  or  the  great  plain  between  the 
Danube  and  the  Don,  which  was  then  inhabited  by  numerous 
nomad  and  savage  tribes.  His  army  was  collected  from  all  parts 
of  the  empire;  his  fleet  of  GOO  ships  was  furnished  exclusively 
by  the  Asiatic  Greeks.  To  the  latter  he  gave  orders  to  sail  up  the 
Danube,  and  throw  a  bridge  of  boats  across  the  river,  near  the 
point  where  the  channel  begins  to  divide.  With  his  land  forces 
the  king  himself  marched  through  Thrace,  crossed  the  Danube  by 
the  bridge,  which  he  found  finished,  and  then  ordered  the  Greeks 
to  break  it  down  and  follow  him  into  Scythia.  His  plan  seems 
to  have  been  to  have  marched  back  into  Asia  round  the  north- 
ern shore  of  the  Black  Sea,  and  across  the  Caucasus.  But  being 
reminded  by  one  of  the  Grecian  generals  that  he  M'as  embarking 
upon  a  perilous  enterprise,  and  might  possibly  be  compelled  to 
retreat,  he  thought  it  more  prudent  to  leave  the  bridge  standing 
under  the  care  of  the  Greeks  who  had  constructed  it,  but  told 
them  that  if  he  did  not  return  within  sixty  days,  they  might 
break  down  the  bridge,  and  sail  home.  The  king  then  left  them, 
and  penetrated  into  the  Scythian  territory.  The  sixty  days  had 
already  passed  away,  and  there  was  yet  no  sign  of  the  Persian 
army.  But  shortly  afterwards  the  lonians,  who  still  continued 
to  guard  the  bridge,  were  astonished  by  the  appearance  of  a 
body  of  Scythians,  who  informed  them  that  Darius  was  in  full 
retreat,  pursued  by  the  whole  Scythian  nation,  and  that  his  only 
hope  of  safety  depended  upon  that  bridge.  They  urged  the 
Greeks  to  seize  this  opportunity  of  destroying  the  whole  Persian 
army,  and  of  recovering  their  own  liberty  by  breaking  down  the 
bridge.     Their  exhortations  were  warmly  seconded  by  the  Athe- 


If.i  HISTORY  OF  ffUKKCH  Chai-.  XV. 

iiiaii  Milliado',  iIk-  ilrs|H)t  of  the  Tliranun  (MifDvuiPHUn,  and  lh<! 
Iiitiirr  <'(iii<|iirriir  <>(  .MaratlHUi.  'I'lu-  other  riiltTK  of  the  Ionian 
ilirrt  wen-  al  (ir.'-l  (hsjiowd  to  |i>llow  his  hnjrp-nlioii  ;  but  an  hxjii 
is  lliKtiaMis  of  .Milrlurt  n-irnnded  thciii  that  their  »<»v<T«MjnMy 
de|H-nde(l  npon  the  Kiipport  ol'  the  IN-ri^ian  kiup,  and  that  InH 
rum  woulil  involve  their  own,  tln-y  elianfred  their  rnindH  and 
rcs4(lvcd  lo  preserve  the  hrid^zc  Alter  enduring  ^n-at  jiriva- 
lions  and  Hulierin^ri,  l)arius  and  liis  army  at  len^tli  reached  tho 
I  lauube,  and  crossed  the  bridge  in  safely.  Thus  t}ie  H-lfiHhncss 
ol'tlu'-'^e  (ireeian  despots  tlirew  uway  the  numt  favourable  oppor- 
tunity that  ever  j)re6entcd  itself,  of  delivering  their  native  cities 
from  tlie  Persian  yoke 

§  1  1.  Tsotwithstanding  the  failure  of  his  expedition  againf>t 
tlie  Seythiaus,  ])arius  did  not  abandon  hi.s  plans  of  conquest. 
IJeturnin"!  hiiM.^eli  to  Sardis,  he  lelt  Megaba/iis  with  an  armv  of 
bO.OUU  men  to  complete  the  sulijugation  of  Thrace,  and  of  the 
(ireek  cities  upon  the  Hellespont.  He  pave  to  Hi.<tiaus  the 
town  of  Myrciims,  near  the  Strymon,  which  the  Ionian  prince 
had  asked  as  a  reward  for  his  important  service  in  the  Scythian 
campaiirn.  !Megabazus  experienced  little  ditliculty  in  executing 
the  orders  of  his  master.  He  not  oidy  subdued  the  Thracian 
tribes,  but  crossed  the  Strjmon,  conquered  the  Paonians,  and 
penetrated  as  far  as  the  frontiers  of  Macedonia.  He  then  sent 
heralds  into  the  latter  country  to  demand  earth  and  "water,  as 
the  customarj'  symbols  of  submission.  These  were  immediately 
granted  by  Amyntas,  the  reigning  monarch,  k.c.  510  ;  and  thus 
the  Persian  dominions  were  extended  to  the  borders  of  Thcssaly. 

AVhile  Megabazus  was  engaged  in  the  conquest  of  the  Pseo- 
nians,  he  had  noticed  that  Histianis  was  collecting  the  elements 
of  a  jiower,  wliich  might  hereafter  prove  formidable  to  the  Per- 
sian S(tvereiguty.  Myrcinus  commanded  the  navigation  of  the 
Strymou,  and  conseiiuently  the  commerce  with  the  interior  of 
Thrace  ;  and  the  importance  of  this  site  is  shown  by  the  rapid 
growth  of  the  town  of  Ampbipolis.  which  the  Athenians  founded 
at  a  later  time  in  the  .«ame  locality.  On  his  return  to  Sardis, 
Megaba/us  conununicated  bis  susjjicions  to  Darius.  The  Persian 
king,  ])erceiving  that  the  apprelunsions  of  his  general  were  not 
witliout  lounilation,  sunnnoued  Hi>tia'us  to  his  presence,  and. 
under  the  jjretext  that  he  could  not  bear  to  be  deprived  of  the 
company  ot  his  friend,  proposed  that  he  should  accompany  liim 
to  Susa.  Histiipus  had  no  alternative  but  compliance,  and  with 
unw  illiug  steps  followed  the  monarch  to  his  capital.  This  appa- 
rently trivial  circumstance  was  attended  with  important  conse- 
quences, as  we  .«liall  presently  see,  to  the  Persian  empire,  and  to 
the  whole  Hellenic  race. 


Behistun  rock  on  which  are  inscribed  the  explo'.ts  of  Darius. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


THE    IONIC    REVOLT. 


§  1.  Introduction.  §  2.  Xaxian  exiles  apply  for  aid  to  Aristagoras. 
§  3.  Expedition  of  Aristagoras  and  the  Persians  against  Xaxos.  Its 
failure.  §  4.  Revolt  of  Miletus  and  the  other  Greek  cities  of  Asia. 
§  5.  Aristagoras  solicits  assistance  from  Sparta  and  Athens,  which  is 
granted  by  the  latter.  §  6.  Burning  of  Sardis  by  the  Athenians  and 
lonians.  §  7.  Death  of  Aristagoras  and  Histiseus.  §  8.  Defeat  of  the 
Ionian  fleet  at  Lade.  §  9.  Cajiture  of  Miletus  and  termination  of  the 
revolt. 

^  1.  Before  setting  out  for  Susa,  Darius  had  appointed  hia 
brother  Artaphernes  satrap  of  the  western  provinces  of  Asia 
Minor,  of  which  Sardis  continued  to  be  the  capital,  as  in  the  time 
of  the  Lydian  nronarchy.  The  Grecian  cities  on  the  coast  wei'e 
nominally  allowed  to  manage  their  own  affairs  ;  but  they  were 
governed  for  the  most  part  by  despots,  who  were  in  reality  the 
instruments  of  the  Persian  satrap,  and  were  maintained  in  their 
power  by  his  authority.  Miletus,  which  was  now  the  most  flourish- 
ing city  of  Ionia,  was  ruled  by  Aristagoras,  the  son-in-law  of  His- 
tiseus,  since  Darius  had  allowed  the  latter  to  entrust  the  sovereign- 
ty to  his  son-in-law  during  his  absence.  For  a  few  years  after 
the  return  of  the  king  to  Upper  Asia,  the  Persian  empire  enjoyed 
the  profound  calm  which  often  precedes  a  storm.  It  was  the 
civil  dissensions  of  one  of  the  islands  of  the  iEgean  which  first 
disturbed  this  universal  repose,  and  lighted  up  a  conflagration 
which  soon  enveloped  both  Greece  and  Asia. 


1ft «  HISTOFIY  OF  CJREKCK  Chap.  XVL 

{  'J  Alwiit  the  yt'ar  ii.i-.  /iOli,  the  nli;ran-)iir-iil  j)arty  in  Nux<>«. 
oiii"  i>f  tin*  lar>,'<".Hl  and  in<)»t  ilonrihhni^r  <il  lln;  CyclailfH,  were 
(Irivi-n  <»nl  of  llii-  islanil  hy  a  rij^uij,'  ol  tin-  jH-ople.  Tlic  exilcH 
npjilird  li>r  anl  t(»  A rista^'ora.H,  wlm  lent  a  n-a<ly  car  to  tlicir  rc- 
qui'sl ;  knowinjr  tln'l  il  <li«"y  wtT«;  n-stopd  hy  hi.s  means,  \u:  should 
Iktciimi'  ni.i'tcr  ol  tin*  island.  15nt  his  own  forocH  were  not  e<jnal 
to  ihf  coniini'st  of  the  Naxians,  since-  they  jk»ss«'s«c<1  a  lar>:e  navy, 
and  could  hiin<(  hOUO  hcavy-arini'd  infantry  into  the  field.  Ac- 
cordin;;ly,  he  went  to  Sardia  to  secure  the  co-o[)cration  of  Arta- 
pherni's,  holding  out  to  the  satrap  the  jinispcct  of  annexing  not 
only  Naxor,  and  the  rest  of  the  Cyclades,  but  even  the  large  and 
valuable  island  of  EuIxjm,  to  the  dominions  of  the  (ireat  King. 
He  re|ircsi'iiti'd  the  cnterprize  as  one  certain  of  success,  if  a  hun- 
dred sliiiKS  were  granted  to  him,  and  ollered  at  the  same  time  to 
defray  the  expi.-n.se  of  the  armament.  Artaj»hernes  gave  his  cor- 
dial approval  to  the  scheiwe  ;  and  as  soon  a.s  the  king's  consent 
was  obtained,  a  fleet  of  2U0  ships  was  e  piipped  and  placed  at 
the  dis|)osal  of  Aristagoras.  The  forces  were  under  the  command 
of  .Mogabates,  a  Persian  noble  of  high  rank. 

§  .'{.Taking  the  Naxian  exiles  on  board,  Aristagoras  sailed  fro;ii 
Miletus  towards  the  Hellespont  (lie.  OOl).  To  divert  the  suspi- 
cions of  the  .Xaxians.  a  report  was  spread  that  the  armament 
was  destined  for  a  ditierent  quarter;  but  ii[K)n  reaching  Chios, 
Megabates  cast  anchor  oil'  the  western  coast,  waiting  for  a  fair 
wind  to  carry  thena  straight  across  to  Xaxos.  Being  anxious  that 
the  ships  should  be  in  readiness  to  depart,  as  s<x)n  as  the  order 
was  given,  Megabates  made  a  personal  ins|)ection  of  the  fleet, 
and  discovered  one  of  the  vessels  left  without  a  single  man  on 
board.  Incensed  at  this  neglect,  he  summoned  the  captain  of  the 
ship,  and  ordered  liim  to  be  put  in  chains  with  his  head  project- 
ing through  one  of  the  port-holes  of  his  own  vessel.  It  hap|)ened 
that  this  man  was  a  friend  and  giiest  of  Aristagoras.  who  not 
only  set  the  authority  of  Megabates  at  defiance  by  releasing  the 
prisoner,  but  insisted  that  the  Persian  admiral  held  a  sulwrdinatc 
command  to  himself  The  pride  of  Megabates  could  not  brook 
such  an  insult.  As  soon  as  it  was  night  he  sent  a  message  to  the 
Naxians  to  warn  theni  of  their  danger.  Hitherto  the  Xaxians 
had  had  no  suspicion  of  the  object  of  the  expedition  ;  but  they 
lost  no  time  in  carrying  their  property  into  the  city  and  making 
every  preparation  to  sustain  a  long  siege.  Accordingly,  when  tho 
Persian  Heel  reached  Naxos,  they  exiwrienced  a  viirorous  resist- 
ance ;  and  at  the  end  of  four  months  they  had  made  such  little 
way  in  the  reduction  of  the  city,  that  they  were  compelled  to 
abandon  the  enterprize  and  return  to  Miletus. 

k  l-  Aristagoras  was  now  threatened  with  utter  ruin      Hav- 


B.C.  500.  THE  IONIC  REVOLT.  165 

ing  deceived  Artaphernes,  and  incurred  the  enmity  of  Mega- 
bates,  he  could  expect  no  iavour  I'roin  the  Persian  government, 
and  might  be  called  upon  at  any  moment  to  defray  the  expenses 
of  the  armament.  In  these  difficulties  he  began  to  think  of 
exciting  a  revolt  of  his  countrymen  ;  and  while  revolving  the 
project,  he  received  a  message  from  his  latlier-in-law,  Histiaeus, 
urging  him  to  this  very  step.  Afraid  of  trusting  any  one  with 
so  dangerous  a  message,  Histieeus  had  shaved  the  head  of  a 
trusty  slave,  branded  upon  it  the  necessary  words,  and,  as  soon 
as  the  hair  had  grown  again,  sent  him  off  to  Miletus.  His  only 
motive  for  urging  the  louians  to  revolt  was  his  desire  of  es- 
caping from  captivity  at  Susa,  thinking  that  Darius  would  set  him 
at  liberty,  in  order  to  put  doAvn  an  insurrection  of  his  country- 
men. The  message  of  Histiajus  fixed  the  wavering  resolution  of 
Aristagoras.  He  Ibrthwith  called  together  the  leading  citizens 
of  Miletus,  laid  befiire  them  the  project  of  revolt,  and  asked 
them  for  advice.  They  all  approved  of  the  scheme,  with  the 
exception  of  Hecatseus,  who  deserves  to  be  mentioned  on  account 
of  his  celebrity  as  one  of  the  earliest  Greek  historians.  Having 
determined  upon  revolt,  the  next  step  was  to  induce  the  other 
Greek  cities  in  Asia  to  join  them  in  their  perilous  enterprize. 
As  the  most  effectual  means  to  this  end,  it  was  resolved  to  seize 
the  persons  of  the  Grecian  despots,  many  of  whom  had  not  yet 
quitted  the  fleet  which  had  recently  returned  i  'om  Naxos.  Aris- 
tagoras laid  down  the  supreme  power  in  Miletus,  and  nominally 
resigned  to  the  people  the  management  of  their  own  afiairs. 
The  despots  were  seized,  and  a  democratical  form  of  government 
established  throughout  the  Greek  cities  in  Asia  and  in  the  neigh- 
bouring islands.  This  was  followed  by  an  open  declaration  of 
revolt  from  Persia  (b.c.  500). 

^  5.  The  insurrection  had  now  assumed  a  formidable  aspect ; 
and  before  the  Persians  could  collect  suflicient  forces  to  cope 
with  the  revolters,  Aristagoras  resolved  to  cross  over  to  Greece, 
in  order  to  solicit  assistance  from  the  more  powerful  states  in 
the  mother-country.  He  first  went  to  Sparta,  which  was  now 
admitted  to  be  the  most  powerftil  city  in  Greece.  In  an  inter- 
view with  Cleomenes,  king  of  Sparta,  he  brought  forth  a  brazen 
tablet,  on  which  were  engraved  the  countries,  rivers,  and  seas  of 
the  world.  After  dwelling  upon  the  wealth  and  fertility  of  Asia, 
he  traced  on  the  map  the  route  from  Ephe-sus  to  Susa,  and  de- 
scribed the  ease  with  which  the  Spartans  might  march  into  the 
very  heart  of  the  Persian  empire,  and  obtain  possession  of  the 
vast  treasures  of  the  Persian  capital.  Cleomenes  demanded  three 
days  to  consider  this  proposal  ;  and  when  Aristagoras  returned 
on  ttie  third  day,  he  put  to  him  the  simple  question,  how  far  it 


lAA  HISTORY  OF  OREECH  Chap.  XVL 

Wiw  rmm  llic  c«'a  lo  Suna  ?  Aritdaj.'oraj',  witlirmt  rntiHiiJcTinp 
tliu  ilrifl  ofllif  qiK  !»li«»n,  aiiHWcn-il  tliat  it  wa.s  a  journey  of  llin* 
inoiitliH.  "  Mik-Hian  Ktranj»<.T,"  oxrlaiiiH-il  ( 'lfiinn'iu'.«,  "«jiiil  Sparta 
bcloru  Hiiii.xrt  :  you  arc  no  fricml  to  tin-  Spartanj*,  if  you  want 
thciu  lo  uiitlrrlaku  a  tliroo  niontliH' journey  from  the  Bca."  Still, 
Iiowevcr,  Aristajroras  did  not  dexjiair,  l)iit  went  as  a  fiuppliant 
to  the  kiufi'rt  house,  to  M'c  il'  lieeould  aeeoiiijdish  hy  money  what 
lie  had  failed  to  do  hy  elo<)iienee.  He  first  ollirred  CI<*ornen»a» 
ten  talenls,  and  then  frra<lii:illy  raiwd  the  hrilie  to  (ifty  ;  and  jx-r- 
liaps  the  kiu^,  with  the  tisual  eupidity  of  a  Spartan,  rnifrht  have 
yielded,  had  not  his  dau^diter  (lorpo,  a  ehild  of  ei^ht  years  old, 
who  happened  to  Ix;  ])rcscnt,  critnl  out,  "  Fly,  lather,  or  this 
straiifrer  will  romijit  you."  Cleoinenes  accejjted  the  omen,  and 
hroke  up  tlie  interview.  Aristafroras  quitted  Sjiarta  forthwith. 
J)isa]»pointed  at  Sparta,  Aristajroras  repaired  to  Athens,  then 
the  seeond  city  in  Cxieecc.  Here  he  met  with  a  very  dilli-rent 
reception.  Athens  was  the  mother-city  of  the  Ionic  states;  and 
the  Athenians  were  disposed  to  symj)athizc  with  the  lonians 
as  their  kinsmen  and  colonists.  They  were  moreijver  incensed 
against  Art;iphernes,  who  liad  recently  commanded  them  to 
recall  Hip])ias,  unices  they  wished  to  provoke  the  hostility  of 
Persia.  Aeeordin<;ly  they  lent  a  ready  ear  to  the  temptinfr  pro- 
mises of  Arisla<roras,  and  voted  to  send  a  stpiadron  of  twenty 
ships  to  the  assistance  of  the  lonians.  "  These  ships,"  says  He- 
rtxlotus,  "  were  the  be«riiinin<r  of  mischiefs  between  the  Greeks 
and  harbarians." 

-  ^  G.  In  the  i()llowin<r  year  [r,.i\  oOO)  the  Athenian  fleet  crossed 
the  ^gean.  They  were  joined  by  live  ships  from  Eretria  in 
Eulxi'a,  which  the  E ret rians  had  sent  to  di.«charge  a  debt  of  gra- 
titude for  a.<sist.ince  which  they  had  received  from  the  Milesians 
iu  their  war  with  Chalcis.  Ujxm  reaching  the  coast  of  Asia, 
Aristagoras  plainied  an  expedition  inlo  the  interior.  Di.*em- 
barkinir  at  Ephesus,  and  being  reinforced  by  a  strong  bixlv  of 
lonians,  he  marched  inx)n  Sardis.  Artajdiernes  was  taken  un- 
prepared :  and  not  having  sullicient  troops  to  man  the  walls,  he 
retired  into  the  citadel,  leaving  the  toMn  a  prey  to  the  inva- 
ders. Accordingly,  they  entered  it  unop])osed  ;  and,  while  en- 
gaged in  pillage,  one  of  the  soldiers  set  fire  to  a  house.  As  most 
of  the  houses  were  built  of  wickerwork  and  thatched  with 
Btraw,  the  Haines  rapidly  spread,  and  in  a  short  time  the  whole 
city  was  in  llames.  The  inhabitants,  driven  out  of  their  houses 
by  this  accident,  assembl-.-d  in  the  large  market-place  in  the  city  ; 
and  jierceiving  their  numbers  to  be  sujx^rior  to  those  of  the 
enemy,  they  resolved  to  attack  tliein.  !Mea'itime  reinforcements 
came  pouring  in  from  all  quarters ;  and  the  loniaiis  aud  Atho- 


B.C.  500.  THE  IONIC  REVOLT.  167 

nians,  seeing  that  their  position  was  becoming  more  danger- 
ous every  hour,  abandoned  the  city  and  began  to  retrace  their 
steps.  But  before  they  could  reach  the  walls  of  Ephesus,  they 
wei-e  overtaken  by  the  Persian  forces  and  defeated  with  great 
slaughter.  The  lonians  dispersed  to  their  several  cities  ;  and 
the  Athenians  hastened  on  board  their  ships  and  sailed  home. 

The  burning  of  the  capital  of  the  ancient  monarchy  of  Lydia 
was  attended  with  important  consequences.  When  Darius  heard 
of  it,  he  bui-st  into  a  paroxysm  of  rage.  It  was  against  the  ob- 
scure strangers  who  had  dared  to  invade  his  dominions  and  burn 
one  of  his  capitals,  that  his  wrath  was  chiefly  directed.  "  The 
Athenians,"  he  exclaimed,  "  who  are  tlici/?"  Upon  being  in- 
formed, he  took  his  bow,  shot  an  arrow  high  into  the  air,  saying, 
"  Grant  me,  Jove,  to  take  vengeance  upon  the  Athenians  :"  and 
he  charged  one  of  his  attendants  to  remind  him  thrice  every  day 
at  dinner,  "  Sire,  remember  the  Athenians."  His  first  care,  how- 
ever, was  to  put  down  the  revolt,  Avhich  had  now  assumed  a 
more  formidable  aspect  than  ever.  The  insurrection  spread  to 
the  Greek  cities  in  Cyprus  as  well  as  to  those  on  the  Hellespont 
and  the  Propontis  ;  and  the  Carians  warmly  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  lonians. 

^  7.  A  few  months  after  the  burning  of  Sardis  the  revolt  had 
reached  its  height,  and  seemed  to  promise  permanent  independ- 
ence to  the  Asiatic  Greeks.  But  they  were  no  match  for  the 
whole  power  of  the  Persian  empire,  which  was  soon  brought 
against  them.  A  Phoenician  fleet  conveyed  a  large  Feisian  force 
to  Cyprus,  which  was  soon  obliged  to  submit  to  its  former 
masters  ;  and  the  generals  of  Darius  carried  on  operations  with 
vigour  against  the  Carians,  and  the  Greek  cities  in  Asia.  Aris- 
tagoras  now  began  to  despair,  and  basely  deserted  his  country- 
men, whom  he  had  led  into  peril.  Collecting  a  large  body  of 
Milesians,  he  set  sail  for  the  Thracian  coast,  where  he  was  slain 
under  the  walls  of  a  toM'n  to  which  he  had  laid  siege. 

Soon  after  his  departure,  his  father-in-law,  Histiajus,  came 
down  to  Ionia.  Darius  had  at  first  been  inclined  to  suppose 
that  Histiffius  had  secretly  instigated  the  lonians  to  revolt  ;  but 
the  artful  Greek  not  only  succeeded  in  removing  suspicion  from 
himself,  but  persuaded  Darius  to  send  him  into  Ionia,  in  order 
to  assist  the  Persian  generals  in  suppressing  the  rebellion.  But 
A'-taphernes  was  not  so  easily  deceived  as  his  master,  and  plainly 
accused  Histia^us  of  treachery  when  the  latter  arrived  at  Sardis. 
"  I  will  tell  you  how  the  facts  stand,"  said  Artaphernes  to  His- 
tiaeus  ;  "  it  was  you  who  made  this  shoe,  and  Aristagoras  has  put 
it  on."  Fniding  himself  unsafe  at  Sardis,  he  escaped  to  the 
island  of  Chios ;    but  he  was  regarded  with  suspicion  by  all 


168  IIISTOUY  OF  fJUKECH  Ciur.  XVL 

pnrlicH.  The  Milffians  rofuwd  to  admit  tlitrir  forrncr  dej<|K)l 
into  their  town  ;  ami  tin*  loniaiiH  in  ^'cncral  would  tuii  nsrivu 
liini  art  tlirir  li-adtT.  At  Ifiijrtli  Iw  ol»laiiifd  (•\}i\ii  frallcyw  Irorn 
Losfnis,  "willi  wliirli  Ik*  Hailed  t«»\vard«  IJy/.aiitiuiii,  and  rarried  on 
piracies  as  well  a^'ain^t  tin*  (irwrinii  ax  the  barharian  vejwrla. 
ThiH  unprinciiiled  adventurer  met  with  a  traitor'n  death.  Having 
hiiuled  on  the  coast  of  Myia  to  reap  the  Ht:indin^'  corn  round 
Atarncns,  lie  \va.s  Hiirprized  hy  a  Persian  foree  ami  made  prisoner 
IV'in^  carried  to  S.inli.i,  Artaphernes  at  once  caused  liim  to  bu 
cnieilied,  and  sent  his  head  to  I)arius,  who  ordered  it  to  >k-  lio- 
noural)ly  huried,  condenniinj,'  the  ifriioininions  execution  ol'  the 
man  who  had  once  saved  the  life  of  the  (ireat  Kiiif;. 

^  s.  The  death  of  llistia-us  hapjwned  after  the  euhjcction  of 
the  lonians  ;  and  their  fall  now  claims  our  attention.  In  the 
eixth  year  of  the  revolt  (ii.r.  VJ-)),  when  several  Grecian  citi«sj 
had  already  been  taken  hy  the  Persians,  Artajjlienies  resolved  to 
besie^'e  Miletus  by  sea  and  by  land,  since  the  capture  (dthi.-- city 
was  sure  to  be  followed  by  the  submission  of  all  the  others. 
For  this  purpose  he  concentrated  near  Miletus  all  liis  land-forces, 
atid  ordered  the  Phcenician  fleet  to  sail  towaids  the  city.  While 
he  was  makinp  these  preparations,  the  Pan-Ionic  council  a.«sem- 
bled  to  deliberate  upon  the  best  means  of  meetinf]f  the  threaten- 
injr  danger.  As  they  had  not  sullicient  strenjrth  to  meet  the 
Persian  army  in  the  lielil,  it  was  resolved  to  leave  Miletus  to  its 
own  defences  on  the  land  side,  and  to  embark  all  their  forces  on 
board  their  ships.  The  fleet  was  ordered  to  as.<emblc  at  Lade, 
then  a  small  island  near  Miletus,  but  now  joined  to  the  coast 
by  the  alluvial  deposits  of  tlie  Micander.  It  consi.«te«l  of  353 
.ships,  while  the  PlKrnician  fleet  numbered  GOO  sail.  But  not- 
withstanding their  numerical  superiority,  the  Persian  generals 
were  afraid  to  risk  an  engagement  with  the  combined  fleet  of  the 
lonians,  who.se  nautical  skill  was  well  known  to  them.  They 
therefore  ordered  the  despots,  who  had  been  driven  ont  of  the 
Grecian  cities  at  the  connnencement  of  the  revolt,  and  were  now 
serving  in  the  Persian  fleet,  to  endeavour  to  jx-rsuade  their  coun- 
trymen to  desert  the  common  cause.  Each  of  them  accordingly 
made  secret  overtures  to  his  fellow-citizens,  promising  them 
pardon  if  they  submitted,  and  threatening  them  with  the  severest 
punishment  in  case  of  refusal.  But  these  proposals  were  all  mia- 
nimously  rejected. 

Meantime  great  want  of  di.^cipline  prevailed  in  the  Ionian 
fleet.  There  was  no  general  conunander  of  the  whole  arma- 
ment; the  men,  though  eager  for  liberty,  wea>  impatient  of  re- 
straint, and  spent  the  greater  part  of  the  day  in  unprolllable 
talk  luuler  the  tents  thev  had  erected  on  the  shore.      In  a  council 


B.C.  495.  SUBJUGATION  OF  IONIA.  169 

of  the  commanders,  Dionysius  of  Phocasa,  a  man  of  ener<Ty  and 
ability,  pointed  out  tlie  perils  which  they  ran,  and  promised 
them  certain  victory  if  they  would  place  themselves  under  his 
guidance.  Being  intrusted  with  the  supreme  command,  Diony- 
sius ordered  the  men  on  board  the  ships,  and  kept  them  con- 
stantly engaged  in  practising  all  kinds  of  nautical  manoeuvres. 
For  seven  days  in  succession  they  endured  this  unwonted  work 
beneath  the  burning  heat  of  a  summer's  sun ;  but  on  the  eighth 
they  broke  out  into  open  mutiny,  and  asked,  "  why  they  should 
any  longer  obey  a  Phocsean  braggart,  who  had  brought  only  three 
ships  to  the  common  cause?"  Leaving  their  ships,  they  again 
dispersed  over  the  island  and  sought  the  shade  of  their  pleasant 
tents.  There  was  now  less  order  and  discipline  than  before. 
The  Samian  leaders  became  alarmed  at  the  prosjject  before 
them ;  and  repenting  that  they  had  rejected  the  proposals  made 
to  them  by  their  exiled  despot,  they  re-opened  communications 
with  him,  and  agreed  to  desert  during  the  battle. 

The  Persian  commanders,  confident  of  victory,  no  longer  hesi- 
tated to  attack  the  Ionian  fleet.  The  Greeks,  not  suspecting 
treachery,  drew  up  their  ships  in  order  of  battle;  but  just  as  the 
two  fleets  -were  ready  to  engage,  the  Samian  ships  sailed  away. 
Their  example  was  followed  by  the  Lesbians,  and  as  the  panic 
spread,  by  the  greater  part  of  the  fleet.  There  was,  however, 
one  brilliant  exception.  The  hundred  ships  of  the  Chians,  though 
left  almost  alone,  refused  to  fly,  and  fought  with  distinguished 
bravery  against  the  enemy,  till  they  were  overpowered  by  su- 
perior numbers. 

§  9.  The  defeat  of  the  Ionian  fleet  at  Lade  decided  the  fate 
of  the  war.  The  city  of  Miletus  was  soon  afterwards  taken  by 
storm,  and  was  treated  with  signal  severity.  Most  of  the  males 
were  slain  ;  and  the  few  who  escaped  the  sword  wei'o  carried 
with  the  women  and  children  into  captivity,  and  were  finally 
settled  at  Ampe,  a  town  near  the  mouth  of  the  Tigris.  The  fall 
of  this  great  Ionic  city  excited  the  liveliest  sympathy  at  Athens. 
In  the  following  year  the  poet  Phrynichus,  who  had  made  the 
capture  of  Miletus  the  subject  of  a  tragedy,  and  brought  it  upon 
the  stage,  was  sentenced  by  the  Athenians  to  pay  a  fine  of  a 
thousand  drachma;  "for  having  recalled  to  them  their  own  mis- 
fortunes." 

The  other  Greek  cities  in  Asia  and  the  neighbouring  islands, 
which  had  not  yet  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Persians,  were 
treated  with  equal  severity.  The  islands  of  Chios,  Lesbos  and 
Tenedos  were  swept  of  their  inhabitants ;  and  the  Persian  Heet 
sailed  up  to  the  Hellespont  and  Propontis,  carrying  with  it 
fire  and  sword.     The  inhabitants  of  Byzantium  and  Chalcedou 


170 


IIISTOIIY  OF  (JKKKCK. 


Chap.  XVI. 


did  not  await  itH  urrivul,  hut  Kuik-d  away  to  McM-nibria;  and  tho 
Atliriiian  MiltiaiU-.H  only  c-H('U|Krd  liillini^  into  tlie  jKiwcr  uf  tho 
IVri^ianrt  hy  a  rapid  lii^ht  to  AthcMiM. 

The  sulijn^ralion  oi'  hmia  wart  ni»w  coinpletc.  ThiH  was  the 
third  lime  that  the  Auiatic  (irrckH  had  Ih-cii  con(jueri.-d  hy  a 
fori'i^n  |K)wcr  ;  lirst,  hy  the  Indian  Crd-jJUK  ;  Hccoiidly,  hy  the 
gi-ni-ralrt  ol'Cyru.s  ;  and  lastly,  hy  tho.^-  (jt  J)ariuti.  It  wah  from  the 
last  that  lla-y  sulii-rwi  mortt ;  and  ihi-y  never  fully  re«-overed  their 
former  prosjHirity.  As  wkim  jus  the  Persians  hud  Hutiated  Uicir 
veuf^eance,  Artapheme.s  introduced  varioua  re^latiouH  li)r  tlie 
government  of  their  country.  Thu.s  he  cau.sed  a  new  gurvey  of 
the  country  to  be  made,  and  fixed  the  amount  of  tribute  which 
each  district  was  to  pay  to  the  Persian  povernment :  and  hit 
other  nu'a.surcs  were  calculated  to  heal  tin;  wounds  which  liad 
been  lately  inlliclcd  with  such  barbarity  ujx)n  the  Greeks. 


^^5*. 


■\' 


\    "^ 


Ruina  ui 


mple  in  Lycia. 


J^'^3?^V_    n^' 


_'_""*2se^"; 


^s*£:t 


The  Plain  and  Tumulus  of  Marathon. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


THE    BATTLE    OF    MARATHON. 

§  1.  Expedition  of  Mardoniiis  into  Greece.  §  2.  Preparations  of  Daritis 
for  a  second  invasion  of  Greece.  Heralds  sent  to  the  leading  Grecian 
states  to  demand  earth  and  water.  §  3.  Invasion  of  Greece  by  the 
Persians  under  Datis  and  Artaphernes.  Conquest  of  the  Cj'clades  and 
Eretria.  §  4.  Preparations  at  Athens  to  resist  the  Persians.  History  of 
Miltiades.  §5.  Debate  among  the  ten  Athenian  Generals.  Resolution 
to  give  battle  to  the  Persians.  §  6.  Battle  of  Marathon.  §  7.  Move- 
ments of  the  Persians  after  the  battle.  §  8.  Effect  of  the  battle  of 
Marathon  iipon  the  Athenians.  §  9.  Glory  of  Miltiades.  §  10.  His 
unsuccessful  expedition  to  Paros.  §  11.  His  trial,  condemnation,  and 
death.  §  12.  History  of  ^gina.  §  1-3.  War  between  Athens  and 
.^gina.  §  14.  Athens  becomes  a  maritime  power.  §  15.  Rivalry  of 
Themistocles  and  Aristides.     Ostracism  of  the  latter. 


^  1.  Dakius  had  not  forgotten  his  vow  to  take  vengeance  upon 
Athens.  Shortly  after  the  suppression  of  the  Ionic  revolt,  he 
appointed  Mardonius  to  succeed  Artaphernes  in  the  government 
of  the  Persian  provinces  bordering  upon  the  ^gean.  Mardoniuis 
was  a  Persian  noble  of  high  rank,  who  had  lately  married  tVie 
king's  daughter,  and  was  distinguished  by  a  love  of  gloiy.  Da- 
rius placed  at  his  command  a  large  armanient,  with  injunctions 
to  bring  to  Susa  those  Athenians  and  Eretrians  who  had  in- 
sulted the  authority  of  the  Great  King.  Mardonius  lost  no  time 
in  crossing  the  Hellespont,  and  commenced  his  march  through 
Thrace  and  Macedonia,  subduing,  as  he  went  along,  the  tribes 


I7-2  IIISTnllV  OF  (;KKKCE  riui'.  XVII. 

which  had  not  y»t  siihiiiiltcd  lo  the  I'crxiuii  power.  M<nii>*h»lc 
he  ordiTi-d  the  ll<<'t  1(»  doiihlf  ihr  pn-iiioiitory  of  Mount  AthuH, 
:ind  join  the  land  litrccs  at  llic  licad  of  the  ( inll'ol  Tlienna.  iJut 
one  ol  the  hurricanes,  which  rre(|nenlly  hlow  oil'  tliiH  dangerouu 
coH.sl,  overtook  the  IVrHian  /h-et,  destroyed  three  liundred  vonelii, 
and  drownc<l  or  dashed  njMm  tlic  rocks  twenty  lliousand  men. 
•Mardonius  hiniself'was  not  nundi  more  fortunate.  In  his  paifsaj,'e 
lliroufxli  Macedonia,  lie  was  attaeki-d  at  nipdit  ]»y  the  lirygiaius 
.in  independent  Thracian  triU;,  wlio  slau^ditered  a  ^Tcal  jxjrtion 
ol'liis  army,  lie  remained  in  the  eomitry  long  enough  to  reduce 
llus  people  to  .';uiiniis.«ion  ;  hut  his  forces  were  eo  weakened,  that 
lie  cruld  not  proceed  farther.  He  led  his  army  hack  acrf*8  the 
Ihlle.'^ponl,  and  returned  to  the  I'ersian  court,  covered  with 
shame  and  prief  Thus  ended  the  firs't  expr-dilitm  of  the  Per- 
siaii.-^  a^'aint;t  the  (ireeian  states  in  Europe  (n.f.  lU'J). 

^  2.  The  failure  of  this  expedition  did  not  i^hake  the  resolution 
of  Darius.  On  the  contrary,  it  only  made  him  the  rnorc  anxious 
tiir  the  conquest  of  (arecce  ;  and  llippias  was  constantly  near 
him  to  keep  alive  his  resentment  a<rainst  Athens.  He  began 
to  make  ])reparations  for  another  attempt  on  a  still  larger  ecale, 
and  meantime  sent  heralds  to  most  of  the  Grecian  states  to  de- 
mand from  each  earth  and  water  as  the  symbol  of  submission. 
This  he  probably  did  in  order  to  ascertain  the  amount  of  resist- 
ance he  wa.s  likely  to  experience.  Such  terror  had  the  Persians 
iupjiired  by  their  recent  conquest  of  Ionia,  that  a  large  number 
of  the  Grecian  cities  at  once  complied  with  the  demand.  But 
at  Athens  and  at  Sparta  the  heralds  met  with  a  very  dillereut 
iecej)tion.  So  indignant  were  the  citizens  of  these  states  at  the 
insolent  demand,  that  the  Athenians  cast  the  herald  into  a  deep 
pit,  and  the  S])artans  threw  him  into  a  well,  bidding  him  take 
earth  and  water  from  thence. 

^  3.  Among  the  states  which  had  yielded  submission  to  the 
envoy  of  Darius,  was  the  island  of  jEgina,  then  the  first  maritime 
power  in  Greece.  It  was,  however,  as  much  hatred  of  the  Athe- 
nians, as  fear  of  the  Persian  monarch,  which  had  led  the  ^gi- 
iielans,  to  take  this  step.  They  had  been  at  war  for  some  yearc 
past  with  the  Athenians,  and  were  now  readv  to  avail  themselves 
uf  the  Persian  power  for  the  purpose  of  cnislung  their  obnoxjous 
rival.  The  Athenians,  on  the  other  hand,  sent  ambassadors  to 
Sparta,  accusing  the  ^Eginetans  of  having  betrayed  the  cormnou 
cause  of  Greece  by  giving  earth  and  water  to  the  barbarians, 
and  calling  uix)n  Sparta,  as  the  leading  state  of  Hellas,  to  punish 
the  olienilers.  This  proceeding  deserves  particular  notice.  It 
is  the  lirst  time  in  Grecian  history  that  the  Greeks  are  re- 
jirest'uted  as  having  a  eiannu)n  ixilitieal  cause,  and  recognizing 


13. C  492.  MARDONIUS  INVADES  GREECE.  L73 

the  leadership  of  one  state  The  imminent  danger  to  which 
they  were  exposed  from  the  Persians  brought  about  this  union, 
and  led  tlreni  to  recognize  the  supremacy  of  Sparta,  a  position 
which  this  state  continued  to  enjoy  from  this  time  Ibrth  till  the 
end  of  the  Persian  war. 

The  complaints  of  the  Athenians  met  with  immediate  atten- 
tion at  Sparta.  Cleomenes,  one  of  the  Spartan  kings,  forthwith 
crossed  over  to  vEgiua,  and  was  proceeding  to  arrest  and  carry 
away  some  of  the  leading  citizens,  when  Demaratus,  the  other 
king,  privately  encouraged  the  ^ginetans  to  defy  the  authority 
of  his  colleague.  Thus  baffled  in  his  object,  Cleomenes  returned 
to  Sparta,  vowing  vengeance  against  Demaratus.  It  appears 
that  there  had  always  been  some  doubts  respecting  the  legiti- 
macy of  the  latter  Of  these  suspicions  Cleomenes  now  resolved 
to  avail  himself,  and  instigated  Leotychides,  the  next  heir  to  the 
crown,  to  attack  publicly  the  legitimacy  of  Demaratus.  The 
question  was  referred  to  the  Delphic  oracle  ;  and  through  the 
inflnence  of  Cleomenes,  the  priestess  declared  that  his  colleague 
was  illegitimate.  Leotychides  thus  succeeded  to  the  throne, 
and  Demaratus  descended  into  a  private  station.  Shortly  after- 
wards Demaratus  received  a  gross  atiront  from  the  new  king  at 
a  public  festival ,  whereupon  he  quitted  Sparta  in  \\Tath,  and 
crossed  over  to  Darius,  who  received  him  graciously,  and  loaded 
him  with  favors  and  presents. 

Cleomenes  now  returned  to  ^Egina,  accompanied  by  Leoty- 
chides. The  iEginetans  did  not  dare  to  oppose  any  resistance 
to  their  joint  demand,  and  surrendered  to  them  ten  of  their 
leading  citizens,  Avhom  Cleomenes  deposited  as  hostages  in  the 
hands  of  the  Athenians. 

Meanwhile  Darius  had  completed  his  preparations  for  the 
invasion  of  Greece.  In  the  spring  of  c.  c.  490,  a  vast  army  was 
assembled  in  Cilicia,  and  a  fleet  of  600  galleys,  together  with 
many  transports  for  horses,  was  ready  to  receive  them  on  board. 
The  command  was  given  to  Datis,  a  Median,  and  ArtapherncG. 
son  of  the  satrap  of  Sardis  of  that  name,  and  a  nephew  of  Da 
rius.  Their  instructions  were  generally  to  reduce  to  subjection 
all  the  Greek  cities,  which  had  not  already  given  earth  and 
water ;  but  more  particularly  to  burn  to  the  ground  the  cities  of 
Athens  and  Eretria,  and  to  carry  away  the  inhabitants  as  slaves. 
They  were  furnished  with  fetters  for  binding  the  Grecian  pri- 
soners ;  and  before  the  end  of  the  year  Darius  fully  expected  to 
see  at  his  feet  the  men  who  had  dared  to  burn  the  city  of  Sardis. 
The  possibility  of  failure  probably  never  occurred  either  to  the 
king  himself",  or  to  any  of  the  soldiers  engaged  in  the  expedition. 

Having  taken  iheir  men  on  board,  Datis  and  Avtaphernes  first 


IVl  IIISTOUY  OF  (JUKErU  riui-.  XVII 

lilcfl  III  SarnoH  ;  and,  warm-d  liy  iIk*  Torrni  diwiMi-r  of  Manlin 
iiiiis  ill  (loiililiii};  tin-  iironunilory  <»f  Mount  AjIioh,  thi-y  r<'i«<lvi'«l 
In  xail  hlrai^rlit  arnms  \\w  /Kt'''""  '"  I'inlK/'a.  HiilKliiin}^  on  ihi-ir 
way  llu!  ('yclailrs.  They  (irst  ri'«olvc<l  lo  attack  i\ax«m,  •uliirh 
ten  years  Ix-liirc  had  ^iillnntly  rf|M'llcd  a  larpf  I*«Tnian  J'orrc  com- 
iiiaiidrd  liy  Mi-jrahatcH  iind  Arirttaf,'oraM  of  MilctiiH.  Hut  the 
Naxians  did  not  now  ovt'ii  venture  to  wait  the  firrival  of  the 
r<T.>iiaiis.  Itiit  lied  lo  tlie  inoniitain.s,  ahandoniiifj  ihfir  town  to 
Uic  invaders,  who  hiiriit  it  to  the  (rround.  The  other  JKhiiidH  of 
lh(  (..!y<dai|cs  yii-ldcil  a  ready  piihiiiission  ;  ami  it  wan  not  till 
Dal  is  reai-lii'd  KulHi-alhat  heriienimtered  any  n-sistanre.  Krctria 
(lell-iided  itself  pallaiitly  liir  six  days,  and  rejiulsed  the  PerKiana 
wilh  loss  ;  hilt  on  the  seventh  the  pales  were  ojM'iied  to  the  \)C- 
siepcrs  hy  the  treaehery  of  two  of  its  leading  citizens.  The  rity 
was  ra/ed  to  the  prouiid,  and  tlie  inhahitaiits  were  ])Ut  in  rhains, 
.leeordiiip  to  tlie  command  of  the  Persian  iiionarcli. 

l)atis  had  thus  easily  acc<)ni])lished  one  of  tlic  two  preat  ob- 
jects for  which  he  had  been  sent  into  Greece.  He  now  j»ro- 
cceded  to  execute  his  second  order.  After  remaininp  a  few 
days  at  l*lretria,  he  crossed  over  to  Attica,  and  landed  on  the 
ever  memorahle  jilain  of  Marathon,  a  spot  which  had  been 
IKiiiited  out  to  him  hy  the  despot  Hippias,  who  accompanied  the 
Persian  anny. 

^  I.  It  is  now  time  to  turn  to  Athens,  and  see  what  prepara- 
tions had  there  been  made  to  meet  the  threatening  danger. 
While  the  Persian  army  was  on  its  passage  across  the  iEgeajt 
ten  penerals  liad  been  elected  for  the  year,  according  to  the 
regular  custom,  one  for  each  tribe.  Among  these  penerals  were 
throe  men,  whose  names  have  acquired  immortal  fame. — Mil- 
tiades,  Themistocles,  and  Aristides.  Of  the  two  latter  we  shall 
have  occasion  to  speak  more  fully  presently  ;  but  ^liltiades 
claims  our  immediate  attention.  Miltiades  hrul  been  the  desjx>t 
of  the  Chersouesus,  whither  he  had  Ixhmi  sent  from  Athens  by 
Hippias  about  the  year  510  ]i c,  to  take  pos.^ession  of  the  inhe- 
ritance of  his  uncle,  who  bore  the  same  name.  As  ruler  of  the 
Chersone.<us,  he  had  distinguished  himself  by  his  bravery  and 
decision  of  character.  We  have  already  seen  that  he  accom- 
panied Darius  in  his  invasion  of  Seythia,  and  recommended  the 
Ionian  despots  to  break  down  the  bridge  ot"  boats  across  the 
Danube  and  leave  Darius  to  his  fate.  ^Yhile  the  Persian  gene- 
rals were  engaged  in  suppressing  the  Ionic  revolt,  he  took  pos- 
session of  Lcmnos  and  Imbros,  expelled  the  Persian  garrisons  and 
Pelasgian  mhabitaiits,  and  handeil  over  these  islands  to  the  Athe- 
nians. He  had  thus  committed  t\\o  great  ollences  nirainst  the 
Persian  monarch  ;   and  accordingly  v-hen  the  Pha?nirion  fUet 


B.C.  490.  SECOXD  PERSIAN  INVASION.  1Y7 

appeared  in  the  Hellespont  after  the  extinction  of  the  !  lono- 
revolt,  he  sought  safety  in  flight,  and  hastily  sailed  awi:  jaed 
Athens  with  a  small  squadron  of  five  ships.  He  was  hotly  ,^113 
sued  by  the  Pha-nicians,  who  were  most  eager  to  secur  hich 
person  as  an  acceptable  ofi'ering  to  Darius.  They  succeed^ipied 
taking  one  of  his  ships,  commanded  by  his  son  Metiochu  j  giJe 
Miltiades  him-self  reached  Athens  in  safety.  Soon  aft.ary  iii 
arrival,  he  was  brought  to  trial  on  account  of  his  despol^  gijn 
the  Chersonesus.  Not  only  was  he  honourably  acquitted  ■■^"r.- 
time,  probably  on  account  of  the  recent  service  he  had  reiiue. 
to  Athens  by  the  conquest  of  Lemnos  and  Imbros,  but  such  cci.- 
iidence  did  his  abilities  inspire,  that  he  was  elected  one  of  the 
ten  generals  of  the  republic  on  the  approach  of  the  Persian  fleet. 

^  5.  As  soon  as  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Eretria  reached  Athens, 
the  courier  Phidippides  was  sent  to  Sparta  to  solicit  assistance. 
Such  was  liis  extraordinary  speed  of  foot  that  he  performed  this 
journey  of  150  miles  in  48  hours.  The  Spartans  promised  their 
aid  ;  but  their  superstition  rendered  their  promise  inellectual, 
since  it  wanted  a  lew  days  to  the  full  moon,  and  it  was  contrary 
to  their  religious  customs  to  commence  a  march  during  this 
interval.  The  reason  given  by  the  Spartans  for  their  delay 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  a  pretext ;  and  this  instance  is 
only  one  among  many  of  that  blind  attachment  to  ancient  forms 
which  characterize  this  people  throughout  the  whole  period  of 
their  history. 

Meantime,  the  Athenians  had  marched  to  Marathon,  and  were 
encamped  upon  the  mountains  which  surrounded  the  plain. 
Upon  learning  the  answer  which  Phidippides  brought  from 
Sparta,  the  ten  generals  were  divided  in  opinion  as  to  the  best 
course  to  be  pursued.  Five  of  them  were  opposed  to  an  imme- 
diate engagement  with  the  overwhelming  luimber  of  Persians, 
and  urged  the  importance  of  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  the  Lace- 
daemonian succours.  Miltiades  and  the  remaining  four  contended, 
on  the  other  hand,  that  not  a  moment  should  be  lost  in  fighting 
the  Persians,  net  oidy  in  order  to  avail  themselves  of  the  pre- 
sent enthusiasm  of  the  people,  but  still  more  to  prevent  treachery 
from  spreading  among  their  ranks,  and  paralyzing  all  united 
effort.  The  momentous  decision,  upon  which  the  destinies  cf 
Athens,  and  indeed  of  all  Greece  hung,  depended  upon  the  cast- 
jncr-vote  of  Callimachus,  the  Polemarch  ;  Ibr  down  to  this  time 
the-  third  Archon  was  a  colleague  of  the  ten  generals.*  To  him 
Miltiades  now  addressed  himself  with  the  utmost  earnestness, 
pointing  out  the  danger  of  delay,  and  that  only  a  speedy  and 
dt><>.is\ve  victor}'  could  save  them  from  the  treacherous  attempts 
*  See  above,  p.  91. 


171 


IIISTOUY  OF  OUKECM 


t'liAi'.  XVIL 


\ 


nail<*"'  frionds  of  Ilippius  williiii  llio  rity.  The  nrniiuuniin  '>( 
iiiii,iiiul('rt  won!  w.'imily  wm-oiuKmI  l»y  Tln'iiiiMlorlert  ami  Ari/*lii|«'iL 
t,,  Jiiiiiicliim  frll  llirir  l'i)ri;r,  uimI  fjavo  Jii.s  vote  lor  llie  battle, 
way  *''"  H<'i"TaU  coriiiiiuiiilc<l  lln'ir  army  in  rotation,  earh  for 
ten  >(lay  ;  l»iil  they  now  a^nrwl  t«)  Hnrrrn<l<-r  to  Miltia(l«'H  their 
mati'<"'  ''""""''^"'''  '"  order  to  inve.st  th«;  whole  jxjwer  in  a  Hinp'lc 
\:i\i:*. 

'*er.-i:i  While  the  Atheuian.H  were  j)reparintr  for  hattle,  they  re 
•  •ei\1<i  unexpected  aKsistanee  from  the  little  town  of  I'latiea,  in 
i{ii!otia.  (iratefid  to  the  Athenians  for  the  iiHHislancc  which  ihcy 
had  rendered  thern  against  the  Thebans,  the  whole  force  of 
IMataN'i,  arnountinj^  to  lOOU  lieuvy-arined  rnen,  niarchetl  to  the 
asfiistanee  of  their  allies  and  joined  thern  at  Marathon.  Their 
arrival  at  this  crisis  of  the  fortunes  of  Athens  made  a  deep  and 
abiding,'  impression  u|m)Ii  the  Athenian  jn-ople,  and  was  recol- 
lected with  f^ratefnl  ii'elin<^s  down  to  the  latest  times.  The 
Athenian  army  numbered  only  10,U00  hoplites,  or  heavy-anned 
soldiers  ;  there  were  no  archers  or  cavalry,  and  only  some  slaves 
as  liirhl-anned  attendants.  Of  the  n\imbcr  of  the  I'ersiaa  army 
we  have  no  trustworthy  account,  but  the  lowest  estimate  makes 
it  consist  of  1  li),UlJO  men. 

The  idain  of  .Marathon  lies  on  the  ea.stern  coast  of  Attica,  at 
the  distance  of  twenty-two  miles  from  Athens  by  the  shortest 
road.  It  is  in  the  form  of  a  crescent,  the  horns  of  which  consist 
ol  two  promontories  runniiifj  into  the  sea,  and  forming  a  semi- 
circular bay.  This  plain  is  about  six  miles  in  lenpth,  and  in  its 
widest  or  central  part  about  two  in  breadth.  Near  each  of  the 
horns  at  the  northern  and  southern  extremities  of  the  plain  are 
two  marshes.  The  uninterrupted  Hatne.-is  of  the  plain  is  hardly 
relieved  by  a  sinjjle  tree  ;  anil  on  every  side  towards  the  land 
there  ri.ses  an  ami)hitheatre  of  ruirfred  limestone  moimtaiiis,  se- 
parating it  irom  tlie  rest  of  Attica. 


A  A  Athenian  army. 


nattlo  of  Marathofi. 
B  B  Persian  army 


c  c  Pei^ian  fleet. 


B.C.  490.  BATTLE  OF  MARATHON.  Ill 

On  the  day  of  battle  the  Persian  army  was  drawn  up  along 
the  plain  about  a  mile  froni  the  .sea,  and  their  fleet  was  ranged 
behind  them  on  the  beach.  The  native  Persians  and  Sacians, 
the  best  troops  in  the  army,  were  stationed  in  the  centre,  which 
was  considered  the  post  of  honour.  The  Athenians  occupied 
the  rising  ground  above  the  plain,  and  extended  from  one  side 
of  the  plain  to  the  other.  This  arrangement  was  necessary  in 
order  to  protect  their  flanks  by  the  mountains  on  each  side, 
and  to  prevent  the  cavalry  from  passing  round  to  attack  them 
in  rear.  But  so  large  a  breadth  of  ground  could  not  be  occu- 
pied with  so  small  a  number  of  men,  without  weakening  some 
2:!ortion  of  the  line.  Miltiades,  therefore,  drew  up  the  troops 
in  the  centre  in  shallow  files,  and  resolved  to  rely  for  success 
upon  the  stronger  and  deeper  masses  of  his  wings.  The  right 
wing,  which  was  the  post  of  honour  in  a  Grecian  army,  was 
commanded  by  the  Polemarch  Callimachus  ;  the  hoplites  were 
arranged  in  the  order  of  their  tribes,  so  that  the  members  of  the 
same  tribe  fought  by  each  other's  side ;  and  at  the  extreme  left 
stood  the  Platajans. 

Before  the  hostile  armies  jcui  in  conflict,  let  us  try  to  realize 
to  our  minds  the  feelings  of  the  Athenian  warriors  on  this  event- 
ful day.  The  su2:)eriority  of  the  Greeks  to  the  Persians  in  the 
field  of  battle  has  become  so  famihar  to  our  minds  by  the  glo- 
rious victories  of  the  former,  that  it  requires  some  efiort  of  the 
imagination  to  appreciate  in  its  full  extent  the  heroism  of  the 
Athenians  at  Marathon.  The  Medes  and  Persians  had  liitherto 
pursued  an  almost  uninterrupted  career  of  conquest.  They  had 
rolled  over  country  after  countr}%  each  successive  wave  engulph- 
ing  some  ancient  dynasty,  some  powerful  monarchy.  The 
Median,  Lydian,  Babylonian,  and  Egj'ptian  empires  had  all 
fallen  before  them ;  and  latterly  the  Asiatic  Greeks,  many  of 
whose  cities  were  as  populous  and  powerful  as  Athens  itself, 
had  been  taught  by  a  bitter  lesson  the  folly  of  resistance  to 
these  invincible  foes.  Never  yet  had  the  Medes  and  Persians 
met  the  Greeks  in  the  field  and  been  defeated.  "  For  hitheilo," 
says  Herodotus,  "  the  very  name  of  Medes  had  struck  terror  into 
the  hearts  of  the  Greeks  ;  and  the  Athenians  were  the  first  to 
endure  the  sight  of  their  armour,  and  to  look  them  in  the  face 
on  the  field  of  battle." 

It  must,  therefore,  have  been  with  some  trepidation  that  the 
Atheruans  nerved  themselves  for  the  conflict.  Miltiades,  anx- 
ious to  come  to  close  quarters  as  speedily  as  possible,  ordered  his 
soldiers  to  advance  at  a  rmming  step  over  the  mile  of  ground 
which  separated  them  from  the  foe.  Raising  the  war-cry,  they 
rushed  down  upon  the  Persians,  who  awaited  them  with  aston- 

I* 


i7h  history  of  (;refx:;e.  ciiap.  xvii. 

isliiiK-iil.  and  M-nrti,  tliiiikiti};  thciti  to  Ih*  little  nliort  of  iii.-uIukmi 
tliiis  to  hurry  1<>  crrlaiii  (icHtnirtion.  Tln-y  were  quickly  uiid*;- 
rrivcil ;  ami  tin'  battle  nnoii  rnjrcd  liiTfcly  alcjiijr  tlie  whole  line. 
Itolh  till-  AllH'iiiaurt'  wiiip*  wen;  KU«'ee)«.Hiiil,  and  drove  the  ene- 
my hcLiin-  tlirin  toNvardri  th(!  nlion*  and  the  luurHhcfl.  Hut  the 
Athi'iiian  (M-ntre  was  broken  hy  the  I'crHiaiiH  and  KaeianH,  and 
(■(ini|Hrllfd  to  take  to  flight.  .\Iiltiad<»)  thereupon  recalled  hiit 
uiiifTrf  from  jiurHuit.  and  rallyinj?  hiH  reiitre,  ehar^red  the  IVrHiann 
Hid  Sarians.  The  latter  roiild  not  withstand  this  eciridjined  at- 
lack.  The  battle  had  already  lasted  wtrne  bourn,  and  the  rayH 
)('tlie  pettin<r  sun  streamed  lull  in  the  iaees  •)!  the  enerny.  The 
niMl  now  berame  peneral  al(>n<r  the  ^vllole  Persian  line  ;  and  they 
lied  to  their  ships,  j)ursue(l  by  tli(!  Athenians. 

"Tlio  tlyiiiij;  Mido,  h'\A  Hliuftks-t  brokeii  b«w; 
The  fury  (ircck,  liis  n-d  piirsiiinp  spear; 
Mountiiiiis  ftbovo,  Knrtli'.-i,  Oceftii's  {)lnin  below. 
Death  in  tlio  front,  destruction  in  the  rear! 
Sueli  was  the  scene." 

Tin-  Athenians  tried  to  set  fire  to  the  Persian  veswds  on  the 
coast,  but  they  succeeded  in  destroying  only  seven  of  them,  foi 
the  enemy  here  foujrht  with  the  coura«re  cf  despair.  Thus  ended 
the  battle  of  Marathon. 

The  Persians  lost  GlUO  men  in  thi.s  memorable  cnpafrement : 
o.f  the  Athenians  only  192  fell.  The  aped  despot  Hi|)pia8  is 
said  to  have  perished  in  the  battle,  and  the  brave  Polemarch 
Cullimachus  was  also  one  of  the  slain.  Among  the  Athenian 
combatants  were  the  poet  /E.^chylu3  and  his  brother  Cyna-frirus; 
the  latter  of  whom,  while  sei7.in<r  one  of  the  vessels,  had  his 
hand  cut  oil  by  an  axe,  and  died  of  the  wound. 

^  7.  The  Persians  had  no  sooner  embarked  than  they  sailed 
towards  Cape  t>uuium.  At  the  same  time  a  bright  shield  was 
seen  raised  aloft  upon  one  of  the  mountains  of  Attica.  This 
was  a  signal  given  by  some  of  the  partisans  of  Hijipias  to  invite 
the  Persians  to  surprise  Athens,  while  the  army  was  still  ab- 
sent at  Marathon.  Miltiadcs.  seeing  the  direction  taken  by  the 
Persian  fleet,  suspected  the  meaning  of  the  signal,  and  lost  no 
time  in  marching  back  to  Athens.  He  arrived  at  the  harbour 
of  Phalcrum  only  just  in  time.  The  Persian  fleet  was  already 
in  sight ;  a  few  hours  more  would  have  made  tlie  victory  of 
Marathon  of  no  avail.  But  when  the  Persians  reached  the 
coast,  and  beheld  before  them  the  very  soldiers  from  whom  they 
bad  so  recently  fled,  they  did  not  attempt  to  land,  but  sailed 
away  to  Asia,  carrjing  with  them  their  Eretrian  prisoners. 

^  I?.  The  departure  of  the  Persians  was  hailed  at  Athens  with 
one  unanimous  burst  of  heart-felt  joy.     \Vhatevor  traitors  there 


B.C.  490.  RETREAT  OF  THE  PERSIANS.  1-79 

may  have  been  in  the  city,  they  did  not  dare  to  express  their 
feehngs  amidst  the  general  exultation  of  the  citizens.  Marathon 
became  a  magic  word  at  Athens.  The  Athenian  people  in  suc- 
ceeding ages  always  looked  back  upon  this  day  as  the  most 
glorious  in  their  aimals,  and  never  tired  of  hearing  its  praises 
sounded  by  their  orators  and  poets.  And  they  had  reason  to  be 
proud  of  it.  It  was  the  first  time  that  the  Greeks  had  ever  de- 
feated the  Persians  in  the  field.  It  was  the  exploit  of  the  Athe- 
nians alone.  It  had  saved  not  only  Athens  but  all  Greece.  If 
the  Persians  had  conquered  at  Marathon,  Greece  must,  in  all 
likelihood,  have  become  a  Persian  province ;  the  destinies  of  the 
world  would  have  been  changed  ;  and  oriental  despotism  might 
still  have  brooded  over  the  fairest  countries  of  Europe. 

Such  a  glorious  victory  had  not  been  gained,  so  thought  the 
Athenians,  witiiout  the  special  interposition  of  the  gods.  The 
national  heroes  of  Attica  were  believed  to  have  fouglit  on  the 
side  of  the  Athenians  ;  and  even  in  the  time  of  Pausanias,  six 
hundred  years  afterwards,  the  plain  of  Marathon  was  believed  to 
be  haunted  with  spectral  warriors,  and  eveiy  night  there  might 
be  heard  the  shouts  of  combatants  and  the  snorting  of  horses. 

The  one  hundred  and  ninety-two  Athenians  who  had  perished 
in  the  battle,  were  buried  on  the  field,  and  over  their  remains  a 
tumulus  or  mound  was  erected,  which  may  still  be  seen  about 
half  a  mile  fi-om  the  sea.  Their  names  were  inscribed  on  ten 
pillars,  one  for  each  tribe,  also  erected  on  the  spot ;  and  the 
poet  Simonides  described  them  as  the  champions  of  the  common 
independence  of  Greece  : — 

"At  Marathon  for  Greece  the  Athenians  fought; 
And  low  the  Medians'  gilded  power  they  brought."* 

§  9.  Miltiades,  the  hero  of  Marathon,  was  received  at  Athens 
with  expressions  of  the  warmest  admiration  and  gratitude.  His 
trophies  are  said  to  have  robbed  Themistocles  of  his  sleep ;  and 
the  eminent  services  which  he  had  rendered  to  his  country  were 
also  acknowledged  in  subsequent  generations.  A  separate  mon- 
ument was  erected  to  him  on  the  field  of  Marathon ;  his  figure 
occupied  one  of  the  prominent  places  in  the  picture  oi"  the 
battle  of  Marathon,  which  adorned  the  walls  of  the  Poecile,  or 
Painted  Porch,  of  Athens ;  and  the  poet  gave  expression  to  the 
general  feelings  in  the  lines  : — 

"  Miltiades,  thy  victories 

Must  every  Persian  own  ; 
And  hallow'd  by  thy  prowess  lies 
The  field  of  Marathon."f 


Translated  by  Sterling.  -j-  Wellesley's  Antholoc/ia,  p.  263. 


lh(,  IIIHTORY  OP  OIIEECH  fiiAr.  XVIL 

ll  would  liiivr  Iktii  forliinntc  for  lii»  ^rlcin'  if  lie  liad  ilird  on 
the  iK'ld  <>l  Muriitliiiii.  Thr  rciiiaiiMlcr  ol  Iiih  liiHtury  in  u  rapid 
.111(1  iiirlimrlidly  di'M-riit  I'rojii  tin-  |iiiinur|c  III'  fiUiry  to  uii  ipiio- 
iMiiiioiiH  dcalli. 

^  lU.  Shortly  ufti-r  i\w  baltlo,  .Miitiadt-.s  ri-»ju.-.slcd  of  the  Athe- 
iiiaiiH  a  licet  <>t  M-vriity  HhipH,  without  tclliii<.'  thciii  tlic  object 
of  his  i'X|ifditi(in,  hut  only  Jiroiuisiiij;  to  enrich  the  Htatc.  Such 
iinhoiiiuh-d  coiilideiice  did  the  Athciiian.s  rc|KMc  in  the  hero  of 
Marathon,  tliat  they  at  onc(!  coiii|)licd  with  his  demand.  Thia 
conlidenco  AlilliadeH  abuMul.  In  order  to  frratify  a  private  ani- 
mosity a<;ainst  one  of  the  lea(hnf(  citizens  ol'  I'aros,  he  Baile<l  to 
this  i.shmd,  and  laid  »iepc  to  the  town.  Paroa  was  one  of  the 
mo-st  ll()uri.>iiiiiif;  of  tlie  Cychides,  and  the  town  was  Htronply 
fortified.  The  citizens  repelled  all  ]m  attack.s;  and  he  had  be- 
pni  tit  despair  ul'  taking  the  place,  when  he  received  a  rnessape 
Ironi  a  Parian  woman,  a  priestess  of  the  temple  of  Demeter 
(Ceres),  promisin<.'  that  she  would  put  I'aros  in  his  |)owcr,  if 
he  would  visit  by  nifiht  a  temple  from  which  all  male  jx-rsons 
were  excluded.  Catchin<j  at  this  la.st  hope,  he  repaired  to  the 
appointed  place.  Jle  leaped  over  the  outer  fence,  and  had  nearly 
reached  the  sanctuary,  when  he  was  seized  with  a  jjanic  terror, 
and  ran  away;  but  in  fretting  back  over  the  fence  he  received  a 
dan<^erous  injury  on  his  tliifrh.  He  now  abandoned  all  hope  of 
success,  raised  the  siepc  and  returned  to  Athens. 

Ml-  Luud  was  the  indiffnation  apainst  Miltiades  on  his  re- 
turn. Hii  was  accused  by  Xanthijipus,  the  father  of  Pericles, 
of  having  deceived  the  people,  and  was  broufrht  to  trial.  His 
wound  had  already  begun  to  show  symptoms  of  gangrene.  He 
was  carried  into  court  on  a  couch,  and  there  lay  before  the 
assembletl  judges,  while  his  friends  pleaded  on  his  behalf.  They 
could  oiler  no  excuse  for  his  recent  conduct,  but  thev  reminded 
the  Athenians  of  the  inestimable  services  they  had  received 
from  the  accused,  and  urged  them  iu  the  strongest  terms  to 
spare  the  victor  of  Marathon.  The  judges  Mere  not  insensible 
to  this  appeal;  and  instead  of  condemning  him  to  death,  as  the 
accuser  had  demanded,  they  coiinnuted  the  jK-naltv  to  a  tine  of 
fifty  talents,  probably  the  cost  of  the  armament.  He  was  un- 
able immediately  to  raise  this  sum,  and  died  scxm  afterwards  of 
his  woinul.  The  fine  was  subst-quentlv  jtaid  bv  his  son  Cimon. 
Later  writers  relate  that  Miltiades  died  m  prison ;  but  Herodo- 
tus does  not  mention  his  imprist)innent,  and  we  mav  therefore 
hope  that  the  hero  of  Marathon  was  spared  this  further  in- 
dignity. 

The  melancholy  end  of  Miltiades  must  not  blind  us  to  his 
offence,  and  ought  not  to  lead  us  to  charge  the  Athenian  people 


B.C.  489.      WAR  BETWEEN  ATHENS  AND  ^GINA.  181 

with  ingratitude  and  fickleness.  The  Athenians  did  not  forget 
his  services  at  Marathon,  and  it  was  their  gratitude  towards  him 
which  alone  saved  him  from  death.  He  had  grossly  abused  the 
public  confidence,  and  deserved  his  punishment.  A  state  which 
should  give  impunity  to  a  criminal  on  account  of  previous  ser- 
vices would  soon  cease  to  exist. 

M2.  Soon  after  the  battle  of  Marathon,  a  war  broke  out  be- 
tween Athens  and  iEgina,  which  continued  doA\Ti  to  the  invasion 
of  Greece  by  Xerxes.  This  war  is  of  great  importance  in 
Grecian  history,  since  to  it  the  Athenians  were  indebted  for 
their  navy,  which  enabled  them  to  save  Greece  at  Salamis  as 
they  had  already  done  at  Marathon. 

The  rocky  island  of  iEgina  is  situated  in  the  Saronic  gulf 
about  twelve  miles  from  the  coast  of  Attica,  and  contains  only 
about  41  square  English  miles.  But,  notwithstanding  its  small 
extent,  it  is  one  of  the  most  celebrated  of  the  Grecian  islands. 
In  the  mythical  ages  it  was  the  residence  of  ^Eacus,  king  of  the 
Myrmidons,  from  whom  Achilles  and  some  of  the  most  illus- 
trious Grecian  heroes  were  descended.  In  historical  times  it 
was  iidiabited  by  a  wealthy  and  enterprizing  Dorian  people,  who 
carried  on  an  extensive  commerce  with  all  parts  of  the  Hellenic 
world.  It  is  said  that  silver  money  was  first  coined  in  iEgina, 
by  Phidon,  tyrant  of  Argos  ;  *  and  we  know  that  the  name  of 
iEginetan  was  given  to  one  of  the  two  scales  of  weights  and 
measures  current  throughout  Greece.  The  wealth,  which  its 
citizens  acquired  by  commerce,  was  partly  devoted  to  the  en- 
couragement of  art,  which  was  cultivated  in  this  island  with 
great  success  during  the  half  century  preceding  the  Persian  war. 
Indeed,  during  this  period  ^gina  held  a  prominent  rank  among 
the  Grecian  states,  and  possessed  the  most  powerful  navy  in  all 
Greece. 

M3.  There  had  been  an  ancient  feud  between  Athens  and 
JEgina,  which  first  broke  out  into  open  hostilities  a  few  years 
after  the  expulsion  of  Hippias  from  Athens.  About  the  year 
506  B.C.  the  Thebans,  who  had  been  defeated  by  the  Athenians,! 
applied  for  aid  to  iEgina.  This  was  immediately  granted ;  and 
the  iEginetans  immediately  attacked  the  Athenian  territor)% 
without  making  any  formal  declaration  of  war.  Of  the  details 
of  this  contest,  we  have  no  information  ;  and  we  lose  sight  of 
^gina  for  the  next  few  years. 

In  the  year  before  the  battle  of  Marathon  iEgina  is  mentioned 
among  the  Grecian  states  which  gave  earth  and  water  to  the 
envoys  of  Darius.     It  was,  probably,  as  much  hatred  of  the 

*  Respecting  tliis  statement,  see  p.  59. 
f  See  p.  112. 


18'i  HISTORY  OF  OUKKCH  Ciui'.  XVII. 

Allii-iiiiiiiH  UH  fcur  of  thu  PcrHiuiiM,  which  led  the  yK^inetutiM  to 
Miliiiiit  to  l)iiriii»(,  hoping'  to  rruiih  their  ohiioxioiut  nvuU  with 
ihr  hrl|»  ol' till-  (irr.'it  Kiu>r.  'I'lii-  I'vrt^iiiiii',  hifwrvrr,  wi-re  not 
yet  ill  lirriT)-  ;  and  thi:  Alhriiiaiiri  loxt  no  tiim-  in  M'Mthn^  an  eiii- 
l)a.x.»y  to  Sparta,  accn.siiijr  the  iKjriin-taiH  of  iiaviu^'  ln-trav'-'d  tlic 
coiiiiiion  raiisf  ot  Ih'llas,  and  railing  ii|»on  the  >S|mrtuiii«,  an  thu 
jirotrcturs  ol"  ( trcciaii  lihrrly,  to  puiiit^li  tlie  olieiidcrH.  Thi«  re- 
jiii-st  met  witli  prompt  attriitioii ;  and  Cle<iinene8,  onf  of  the 
Spartan  kinjiH,  foiiliw  illi  croHscd  over  to  yEjrina.  Ho  waH  pro- 
(•(•i-diiiff  to  arrest  and  carry  away  wtriio  of  the  leading  citizens, 
whi-n  i)('niaratus,  the  otlier  Spartan  kinjr,  privately  encouraged 
llie  yKj.Mnetans  to  defy  tlie  authority  of  his  colleaf.nie.  Thia 
was  the  second  important  occasir)n  on  which  Demaratus  had 
thwarted  the  jtlans  of  liis  colleafiue  ;  airfl  Cleomeneti  returned  to 
Sjiarta,  lirmly  resolved  that  Demaratus  should  not  have  a  third 
opportunity. 

It  appears  that  there  had  always  been  doubts  reppectinp  the 
lejritimaey  of  Demaratus.  Clecmenes  now  persuaded  Leoty- 
eliides,  tlie  ni'xt  heir  to  the  crown,  to  lay  claim  to  the  royal 
dignity,  on  the  frround  that  Demaratus  was  discjualitied  by  his 
hirtli.  The  Spartans  referred  the  question  to  the  Delphic  oracle; 
and  at  the  secret  instipation  of  L'leomenes,  the  priestess  de- 
clared tiiat  his  e()llea<rue  was  ille<ritimate.  Leotychides  thus 
ascended  the  throne,  and  Demaratus  descended  into  a  private 
station.  Shortly  afterwards,  the  deposed  monarch  received  a 
frro.^s  ailront  from  the  new  kin<?  at  a  public  festival,  whereupon 
he  quitted  Sparta  in  wrath,  and  repaired  to  the  Persian  cturt, 
w  here  we  shall  subsequently  lind  him  among  the  counsellors  of 
Darius. 

L'leomenes  now  returned  to  yEirina,  accompanied  by  Leoty- 
chides. The  j-E<rinetans  did  not  dare  to  resist  the  joint  demand 
of  the  two  Spartan  kin<j:s.  and  surrendered  to  them  ten  of  their 
leadiiifr  citizens,  whom  Cleoineues  deposited  as  hostages  in  the 
hands  of  the  Athenians. 

^  11.  After  the  battle  of  Marathon,  the  /Eginetans  endeavoured 
to  recover  these  hostaires  ;  and  the  refusal  of  the  Athenians  to 
give  them  back  leil  to  a  renewal  of  the  war,  which  was  pro- 
secuted with  great  activity  on  both  sides.  It  was  now  that 
Thi-mistoeles  came  forward  with  his  celebrated  proposition, 
which  converteil  Athens  into  a  maritime  power.  Hitherto  tlie 
.\thenians  had  not  jKiss«.'ssed  a  navy  :  and  Themistocles  clearly 
saw  that  without  a  jK)werful  fleet  it  would  be  impossible  for  his 
countrymen  to  humble  their  rival.  But  his  views  extended  still 
lurtlier.  He  well  knew  that  Persia  was  preparing  for  another 
and  still  more  fonnidable  attack  upon  Greece ;  and  he  had  the 


B.C.  485.  THEMISTOCLES  AND  ARISTIDErf.  183 

sagacity  to  perceive  that  a  large  and  efficient  fleet  would  be  the 
best  protection  against  the  barbarians.  Influenced  by  these  two 
motives,  and  also  impressed  with  the  conviction  that  the  very 
position  of  Athens  iitted  it  to  be  a  maritime  and  not  a  land 
power,  he  urged  the  Athenians  at  once  to  build  and  equip  a 
numerous  and  powerful  fleet.  The  Athenians  were  both  able 
and  willing  to  follow  liis  advice.  There  was  at  this  time  a  large 
Gurplus  in  the  public  treasury,  arising  from  the  produce  of  the 
valuable  silver  mines  at  Laurium.  These  mines,  which  belonged 
to  the  .state,  were  situated  in  the  southern  part  of  Attica,  near 
Cape  Sunium,  in  the  midst  of  a  mountainous  district.  It  had 
been  recently  proposed  to  di.stribute  this  siu'plus  among  the 
Athenian  citizens  ;  but  Themistocles  persuaded  them  to  sacrifice 
their  private  advantage  to  the  public  good,  and  to  appropriate 
this  money  to  building  a  fleet  of  200  ships.  The  immediate 
want  of  a  fleet  to  cope  with  the  iEginetans  probably  weighed 
with  the  Athenian  people  more  powerfully  than  the  prospective 
danger  from  the  Persians.  "  And  thus,"  as  Herodotus  says,  "  the 
i'Eginetan  war  saved  Greece  by  compelling  the  Athenians  to 
make  themselves  a  maritime  power."  Not  oiJy  were  these  two 
hundred  ships  built,  but  Themistocles  also  succeeded  about  the 
same  time  in  persuading  the  Athenians  to  pass  a  decree  that 
twenty  new  ships  should  be  built  every  year. 

^15.  Of  the  internal  history  of  Athens  during  the  ten  years 
between  the  battles  of  Marathon  and  Salamis  we  have  little 
information.  We  only  know  that  the  two  leading  citizens  of 
this  period  were  Themistocles  and  Aristides.  These  two  emi- 
nent men  formed  a  striking  contrast  to  each  other.  Themis- 
tocles possessed  abilities  of  the  most  extraordinary  kind.  In 
intuitive  sagacity,  in  ready  invention,  and  in  prompt  and  daring 
execution,  he  surpasses  almost  every  statesman  whether  of  an- 
cient or  of  modern  times.  With  unerring  foresight  he  divined 
the  plans  of  his  enemies  ;  in  the  midst  of  difficulties  and  per- 
plexities, not  only  was  he  never  at  a  loss  for  an  expedient,  but 
he  always  adopted  the  right  one  ;  and  he  carried  out  his  schemes 
with  an  energy  and  a  promptness  which  astonished  both  friends 
and  foes.  But  these  transcendant  abilities  were  marred  by  a 
want  of  honesty.  In  the  exercise  of  power  he  was  accessible  to 
bribes,  and  he  did  not  hesitate  to  employ  dishonest  means  for 
the  aggrandizement  both  of  Athens  and  of  himself  He  closed 
a  glorious  career  in  disgrace  and  infamy,  an  exile  and  a  traitor. 

Aristides  was  inferior  to  Themistocles  in  ability,  but  was  in- 
comparably superior,  not  only  to  him  but  to  all  his  contempo- 
raries, in  honesty  and  integrity.  In  the  administration  of  public 
affairs  he  acted  with  a  single  eye  to  the  public  good,  regardless 


IH-I 


IIISTollV  OF  (iUKECE. 


(jiAi-.  XVIL 


of  |i!irty  tifH  niitl  i*i  |HM>()iiiil  rrirnili*lii|iH.  IIih  ii|)ri^ti1iieKX  and 
jiiMliri'  were  mo  universally  arkiiDwIcdjxcd,  that  lie  rr«Tivud  the  8ur- 
iiaiiii'  ol  tin-  .lii.xl.  lint  ihfxr  very  virtin'H  procun-cl  liim  cncmieii. 
Mot  only  (IkI  In-  incur  the  liatp-d  oC  llio.«.c  whono  rurrupt  jjrac- 
iu'va  lie  (It'nounccil  and  cxpom-d,  but  many  ol  hiH  I'ellow-citixj'nH  bc- 
cuinr  jralouH  of  a  man  whose  supi'riority  waHconKtaiitly  proclaim- 
ed. Wc  arc  told  that  an  unli'lfcrcd  countryman  ^'avc  Win  vole 
a^aiuHt  Aristidcs  at  the  ostracism,  simply  on  the  ground  that  he 
was  tired  of  hearing  him  always  called  the  JuHt. 

Hctwccn  men  of  f^nch  ii|iposile  characterH  as  Themifttr-cleH  and 
Aristidcs,  there  could  not  he  tiiucli  a^reinient.  In  the  manage- 
iiii'ut  of  public  allairs  they  fn-fjucntly  came  into  collision  ;  and 
they  opposed  each  other  with  su<"h  violence  and  animoHty,  that 
Aristidcs  is  reported  to  have  said,  "  If  the  Athenians  were  •wise, 
tln-v  would  cast  both  of  us  into  the  barathrum.  "  After  three  or 
four  years  of  bitter  rivalry,  the  two  chiefs  appealed  to  the  ostra- 
cism, and  Ari.stides  was  banished. 

Aristidcs  had  u.<ed  all  his  efforts  to  prevent  the  Athenians 
from  abandoniufr  their  ancient  habits,  and  from  convertinfr  their 
state  Irom  a  land  into  a  maritime  power.  There  can  be  no 
<loubt  that  he  viewed  such  a  change  as  a  danperous  intiovation, 
and  thought  that  the  sailor  would  not  make  j=o  pood  an  Athenian 
citizen  as  the  heavy-armed  soldier.  It  was  fortunate,  however, 
lor  the  liberties  of  Greece,  that  the  arguments  of  his  rival  pre- 
vailed. Aristidcs  was  a  lar  more  virtuous  citizen  than  Themis- 
tocles  ;  but  their  country  ct)uld  now  dispense  with  the  former 
iMUch  better  than  with  the  latter. 


Bust  orMiluadi-s. 


View  of  Thermopylae. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


THE    BATTLES  OF  THERMOPYL^  AND    ARTEMISIUM. 

§  1.  Deatli  of  Darius  and  accession  of  Xerxes.  §  2.  Preparations  for  the 
invasion  of  Greece.  §  3.  A  bridge  thrown  across  the  Hellespont,  and  a 
canal  cut  through  the  Isthmus  of  Mount  Athos.  §  4.  Xerxes  sets  out 
fromSardis.  Order  of  the  march.  §  5.  Passage  of  the  Hellespont.  §6. 
Numberingof  the  army  on  the  plain  of  Doriscus.  §  7.  Continuation  of 
the  march  from  Doriscus  to  Mount  Olympus.  §  8.  Preparations  of  the 
Greeks  to  resist  Xerxes.  Congress  of  the  Grecian  states  at  the  Isthmus 
of  Corinth.  §  9.  Patriotism  of  the  Athenians.  Resolution  of  the  Greeks 
to  defend  the  pass  of  Tempe,  wliich  is  afterwards  abandoned.  §  10.  De- 
scription of  the  pass  of  Tliermopylfe.  §  11-  Leonidas  sent  with  300 
Spartans  and  a  small  body  of  Peloponncsians  to  defend  the  pass  of 
Thermopylag.  §  1 2.  Attack  and  repulse  of  the  Persians  at  Thermopjda!. 
§  13.  A  Persian  detachment  cross  tlie  mountains  by  n,  secret  path  in 
order  to  fall  upon  the  Greeks  in  the  rear.  §  14.  Heroic  death  of  Leoni 
das  and  his  comrades.  §  15.  Monuments  erected  to  their  honour.  §  IB- 
Proceedings  of  tlie  Persian  and  Grecian  fleets.  §  17.  The  Persian 
fleet  overtaken  by  f>  terrible  storm.  §  18.  First  battle  of  Artemisium. 
§  19.  Second  storm.  §  20.  Second  battle  of  Artemisium.  Retreat 
of  the  Grecian  f5eet  to  Salamis. 


§  1.  The  defeat  of  the  Persians  at  Marathon  served  only  to  in- 
crease the  resentment  of  Darius.  He  now  resolved  to  collect 
the  whole  forces   of  his   empire,  and  to  lead  them  in  person 


IHO  HISTOUY  OF  (JRKKCi:  Chap.  XVIIL 

aLTiiiiHt  AtlitiiH.  I'rir  tlircf'  jvant,  hiiMV  jirrparfitioua  •were  inmlo 
lliinii^r|i(iut  lii.H  v.'ixt  (liiiiiiiiidtiH.  Ill  till-  toiirtli  y^'ar  \m  utteii- 
lioii  wan  (lihtractrd  liy  ji  n-volt  nf  tin;  K(r\  jdiuiii',  who  h  A  ulwayH 
boriii!  lln'  J'nsiim  yoke  with  iiii|iaticii(-i;  ;  and  briorir  lie  could 
rcdnro  tlwni  to  fuhjiTtion  lie  wuh  Hurj)rizfd  liy  deutli,  after  a 
reipii  of  lliirly-Heveii  yeurH  (ii.c.  -l^.O). 

The  dcalli  of  J)ariii8  waH  a  fortunate  event  ior  Greece.  It 
deprived  the  IV-rsians  c)f  an  ivMe  ruler,  who  iKitiseiu-ed  an  ex- 
tensive knowledge  of  mni  am!  of  all:iir.«,  and  it  gave  the  Athe- 
nians lime  to  fbmi  the  navy,  which  proved  the  imlvation  of 
Greece.  Xerxef,  the  son  and  BUccefH)r  of  Darius,  was  a  man  of 
little  ability  and  \r^n  e.vjiericnce.  IV-ing  the  favourite  eon  of 
Atos<a,  the  daughter  of  the  great  Cyrus,  he  had  received  the 
education  of  an  eastern  de.^pot,  and  been  surrounded  with  slavi>« 
from  his  cradle.  In  ]ier.«on  he  was  the  talle.<t  and  hand.-omest 
man  amidst  the  vast  hosts  which  he  led  against  Greece;  but 
there  was  nothing  in  his  mind  to  corresjMind  to  this  fair  exterior. 
His  character  was  marked  by  faint-hearted  timidity  and  childish 
vanity.  Such  was  the  monarch  ujion  whom  now  devolved  the 
execution  of  the  schemes  of  Darius. 

Xer.xes  had  not  inherited  his  father's  animosity  against  Greece, 
and  at  ilrst  appeared  ready  to  abandon  the  enterjirize.  But  he 
was  surroiuuled  by  men  w  ho  urged  him  to  prosecute  his  lather's 
plans.  Foremost  among  these  "was  Mardonius,  who  was  eager 
to  retrieve  bis  reputation,  and  to  obtain  the  conquered  country 
as  a  satrapy  ior  himself.  The  powerful  family  of  the  Thessalian 
Aleuada3  and  the  exiled  Pisislratids  from  Athens  warmly  se- 
conded the  views  of  Mardonius,  exaggerating  the  fertility  and 
beauty  of  Greece,  and  promi.-ing  the  nioiuirch  an  ea.«y  and  a  glo- 
rious victory.  They  aJM)  iullamed  his  ambition  with  the  prospect 
of  emulating  the  military  glory  of  his  father  Darius,  and  ol  his 
grandiatlRT  Cyrus,  and  of  extending  bis  dominions  to  the  farthest 
limits  of  the  world.  The  only  one  of  his  counsellors,  who  urged 
him  to  adopt  a  contrary  course,  was  his  uncle  Artabanus  ;  but 
his  advice  was  rejected,  and  Xerxes  finally  determined  upon  the 
invasion  of  Greece. 

^  2.  The  subjugation  if  the  Egyptians,  however,  claimed  his 
immediate  attention.  This  was  etiectetl  without  much  dilJiculty 
in  the  second  year  of  his  reign  (n.c.  4b4)  ;  and  he  was  now  at 
liberty  to  march  against  Greece.  Darius  had  nearly  completed 
his  preparations  ior  the  invasion  of  Greece  at  tie  lime  of  his 
death  ;  and  the  forces  which  he  had  collected  were  considered  by 
this  prudent  monarch  sulhcient  for  the  purjiose.  The  new  king 
was  anxious  to  ma'Kc  a  still  more  imposing  disjtlay  of  his  power. 
He  was  not  satistied  with  collecting  a  militaiy  j)ower  sutlicient  for 


B.C.  485.  ACCESSIOJV  OF  XERXES.  187 

the  conqvxest  of  Europe  ;  he  also  resolved  to  gratify  his  vanity 
and  love  of  ostentation,  by  gathering  together  the  most  numerous 
armament  which  the  Avorkl  had  ever  seen.  Accordingly,  for  four 
years  more  the  din  of  preparation  sounded  throughout  Asia. 
Troops  were  collected  from  every  quarter  of  the  Persian  empire, 
and  were  ordered  to  assemble  at  Critalla,  in  Cappadocia.  As 
many  as  forty-six  different  nations  composed  the  land-force,  of 
various  complexions,  languages,  dresses,  and  arms.  Among  them 
might  be  seen  many  strange  and  barbarous  tribes, — nomad  hordes 
of  Asiatics,  armed  with  a  dagger  and  a  lasso,  Vv'ith  which  they 
entangled  their  enemy, — Libyans,  whose  only  arms  were  wooden 
staves,  with  the  end  hardened  in  the  fire, — and  Ethiopians,  from 
the  Up^ier  Nile,  with  their  bodies  painted  half  white  and  half 
red,  clothed  with  the  skius  of  lions  and  panthers,  and  armed 
with  arrows  tipped  with  a  point  of  sharp  stone  instead  of  iron. 
The  fleet  was  furnished  by  the  Phoenicians  and  lonians,  and 
other  maritime  nations  subject  to  the  Persian  monareli.  Im- 
mense stores  of  provisions  were  at  the  same  time  collected  from 
every  part  of  the  empire,  and  deposited  at  suitable  stations  along 
the  line  of  march  as  far  as  the  confines  of  Greece. 

^  3.  While  these  vast  preparations  were  going  on,  two  great 
works  were  also  undertaken,  which  would  at  the  same  time  both 
render  the  expedition  easier,  and  bear  witness  to  the  grandeur  and 
might  of  the  Persian  king.  These  were  the  construction  of  a  bridge 
across  the  Hellespont,  and  the  cutting  of  a  canal  through  the 
isthmus  of  Mount  Athos.  The  first  of  these  works  M'as  entrusted 
to  Phcenieian  and  Eg\'ptian  engineers.  The  bridge  extended  from 
the  neighbourhood  of  Abydos,  on  the  Asiatic  coast,  to  a  spot 
between  Sestus  and  Madytus  on  the  European  side,  where  the 
strait  is  about  an  English  mile  in  breadth.  After  it  had  been 
completed,  it  was  destroyed  by  a  violent  storm,  at  which  Xerxes 
was  so  enraged,  that  he  not  only  caused  the  heads  of  the  chief 
engineers  to  be  struck  off,  but  in  his  daring  impiety  commanded 
the  "  divine"  Hellespont  to  be  scourged,  and  a  set  of  fetters 
cast  into  it.  Thus  having  given  vent  to  his  resentment,  he 
ordered  two  bridges  to  be  built  in  place  of  the  former,  one  for 
the  army  to  pass  over,  and  the  other  for  the  baggage  and  beasts 
of  burthen.  The  new  work  consisted  of  two  broad  causeways 
alongside  of  one  another,  each  resting  upon  a  row  of  ships, 
which  were  moored  by  anchors,  and  by  cables  fastened  to  the 
sides  of  the  channel. 

The  voyage  round  the  rocky  promontory  of  Mount  Athos  had 
become  an  object  of  dread  to  the  Persians,  from  the  tenible 
shipwreck  which  the  fleet  of  Mardonius  had  suiiered  on  this  dan- 
gerous coast.      It  was  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  doubHug  this 


1B8  niSTOUY  OF  OUKECH  Ciiai-.  XVIIL 

cfi|K'  tlitit  Xrrxcrt  (iril<T«'(l  a  canal  to  Im;  nil  tlirou^li  llu;  ihthinuB 
wliii-hroriiH'clM  the  |M-iiiiiHula  of  Mount  Atln'S  witli  the  iiiaiiilaiul. 
Tliirt  work  cniplnyi'd  a  iiuiiitR-r  oC  iih-ii  liir  tliri-«r  \rarn.  It  wa* 
alMtiit  a  mile  ami  a  half  lfiii}»,  and  snlliriiiitly  broail  and  d«;e|»  for 
two  trirmirs  to  sail  abrt'a«t.  Tin-  trac«H  of  ihw  canal,  which  are 
Hiill  ilislinctly  vinilih-,  snliicicntly  diH[)rovu  the  a««t?rtion  t/f  many 
writcru,  l»olh  ancient  and  niodiTn,  that  the  cuttini;  through  of 
Mount  Athoi*  i«  a  mere  fiction,* 

1)  l.  At  llic  end  of  the  year  iHl  n.(;.,  all  tlic  iircparatioiis  were: 
coinpleled  for  the  invasion  of  (ireece.  Xerxes  spent  the  winter 
at  Sardis  ;  and  early  in  the  sprinjj  of  the  liiilowinjr  year(  IbU)  he 
Bc^t  out  from  the  livdiau  capital  in  all  the  jiomj)  and  sjdond«)ur  of 
a  royal  pro^'ress.  The  vast  host  was  divided  into  two  1j<  dies  of 
nearly  eipial  size,  hetweeu  whii'h  ample  space  was  left  lor  the 
(Treat  Kiujr  and  hisrersiaii<ruards.  ThehafTfrafre  led  the  way,  and 
was  f()llowed  by  dw  half  of  the  army,  without  any  distinction  of 
nations.  Theii  after  an  interval  came  the  retiiuie  of  the  Kinjr. 
First  of  all  marched  a  thousand  Persian  horsi-men,  followed  hy  an 
equal  nund)er  of  Persian  spearmen,  the  latter  carryinf»  spears  with 
the  points  downwards,  and  ornamented  at  the  other  end  with 
golden  jiomcfrranates.  Behind  them  walked  ten  gacrcd  horses, 
gorpeously  cajjarisoned,  bred  on  the  Isisa*an  plain  of  Media; 
next  the  sacred  car  of  Jove,  drawn  by  eijrht  "white  horses  ;  and 
then  Xerxes  himself  in  a  chariot,  drawn  by  Nisa-an  horses.  He 
was  followed  by  a  thousand  spearmen  and  a  thousand  horsemen, 
corresj)ondin<r  to  the  two  detachments  which  immediately  pre- 
ceded him.  They  were  succeeded  by  ten  thousand  Persian  in- 
fantr\-,  call  the  "  Immortals,"  because  their  number  was  always 
maintained.  Nine  thousand  of  them  had  their  spears  onia- 
mented  with  ])ome<rrauates  of  silver  at  the  reverse  extremity  ; 
while  the  remainin<r  thousand,  who  occupied  the  outer  ranks, 
carried  speai^s  similarly  adorned  with  pomc'rranates  of  pidd. 
After  the  '•  Inunortals"  came  ten  thousand  Persian  cavalry,  who 
fonned  the  rear  of  the  royal  retinue.  The.i,  after  an  interval  of 
two  furlonps  the  other  half  of  the  army  followed. 

^  5.  In  this  order  the  nudtitudinous  host  marched  from  Sanlis 
to  Abydos,  on  the  HellesjK)nt.  Here  a  marble  throne  was  erected 
for  the  monarch  upon  an  eminence,  from  which  he  surveyed  all 
the  earth  covered  with  his  troops,  and  all  the  sea  crowtled  with 
his  vessels.     His  lieart  swelled  within  him  at  the  si<rht  of  such  a 

•  Juvennl  speaks  (f  it  .as  n  si>eciiiu'n  of  (ireek  mendacity  : — 

"croditur  ohm 
Velificatu.s  Atlios,  ct  quidquid  Gra-cia  niendax 
Audet  in  historia." 


B.C.  480.  MARCH  OF  XERXES.  189 

vast  assemblage  of  human  beings  ;  but  his  feehngs  of  pride  and 
pleasure  soon  gave  way  to  sadness,  and  he  burst  into  tears  at  the 
reflection,  that  in  a  hundred  years  not  one  of  them  would  be  alive. 
At  the  first  rays  of  the  rising  sun  the  army  commenced  the 
passage  of  the  Hellespont.  The  bridges  were  perfumed  with 
frankincense  and  strewed  with  myrtle,  wdiile  Xerxes  himself 
poured  libations  into  the  sea  from  a  golden  censer,  and  turning 
his  face  towards  the  east,  ofi'ered  prayers  to  the  tSun,  that  he 
might  carry  his  victorious  arms  to  the  farthest  extremities  of 
Europe.  Then  throwing  the  censer  into  the  sea,  tcgetl;er  with 
a  golden  bowl  and  a  Persian  scimitar,  he  ordered  the  Immortals 
to  lead  the  way.  The  army  crossed  by  one  bridge,  and  the 
baggage  by  the  other ;  but  so  vast  were  their  numbeis  that  they 
were  seven  days  and  seven  nights  in  passing  over,  without  a  mo- 
ment of  intermission.  The  sliced  of  the  troops  was  quickened 
by  the  lash,  which  was  constantly  employed  by  the  Persians  to 
urge  on  the  troops  in  the  battle  as  well  as  during  ihe  march.* 
^  6.  Upon  reaching  Europe,  Xerxes  continued  his  march  along 
the  coast  of  Thrace.  Upon  arriving  at  the  spacious  plain  of 
Doriscus,  which  is  traversed  by  the  river  Hebrus,  he  resolved  to 
lunnber  both  his  land  and  naval  forces.  The  mode  employed  for 
numbering  the  foot-soldiers  M'as  remarkable.  Ten  thousand 
men  were  first  numbered,  and  packed  together  as  closely  as  they 
could  stand  ;  a  line  was  drawn,  and  a  wall  built  round  the  place 
they  had  occupied,  into  which  all  the  soldiers  entered  succes- 
sively, till  the  whole  army  was  thus  measured.  There  were 
found  to  be  a  hundred  and  seventy  of  these  divisions,  thus 
making  a  total  of  1,700,000  foot.  Besides  these,  there  were 
80,000  horse,  and  many  war-chariots  and  camels,  with  about 
20,000  men.  The  lleet  consisted  of  1207  triremes,  and  3000 
smaller  vessels.  Each  trireme  was  manned  by  200  rowers  and 
30  fighting  men  ;  and  each  of  the  accompanying  vessels  carried 
8  men,  according  to  the  calculation  of  Herodotus.  Thus  the 
naval  force  amounted  to  517,010.  The  whole  armament,  both 
military  and  naval,  which  passed  over  from  Asia  to  Doriscus, 
would  accordingly  consistof  2,317,610  men.  Nor  is  this  all.  In 
his  march  from  Doriscus  to  Thermopylae,  Xerxes  received  a  still 
further  accession  of  strength.  The  Thracian  tribes,  the  Macedo- 
nians, and  the  other  nations  in  Europe  whose  territories  he  tra- 
versed, supplied  300,000  men,  and  120  triremes  containing  an 
aggregate  of  24, 000  men.  Thus  when  he  reached  Thermopylaj 
the  land  and  sea  forces  amounted  to  2,641,610  fighting  men. 

*  Wliips  made  of  tlie  hide  of  tlie  hippopotamii.s  were  used  by  Ibrahim 
Pasha  to  flot^  the  Arabs  into  battle  during  the  Egyptian  invasion  of 
Greece  in  IS'i*?. 


|.,u  llls'lnltV  OF  (JRKI'X.'K.  Ciiai.  XVIII. 

Tins  "lt>'"<  IH)1  iiH'ludo  lliu  utteiitluiitM,  the  Hl;ivn»,  th»;  rrf\v«  of 
till-  pruviriion  hIii|)!«,  Sec,  whicti,  ucckpIiiii;  to  tlic  HiipiMMition  of 
ll('i°iiiii)liiH,  wi-n;  more*  in  iiiiiiiIxT  than  tlir  ti}.'htin^  ni<Mi  ;  bii' 
HU|)|iiMiii)^'  them  to  Imvo  lj<-L'n  n|iial,  the  total  niJinitcT  ol  iiialu 
piTsoiis  who  a(-i-oiii|iaiiii!<l  Xi-rxt'rt  to  ThiTiiiojiylu;,  rcuchcti  the 
asloninliMi,'  limiri!  ol'  .'j,:i>:i,2'Mi  I 

Such  art)  ihu  vast  iiiiiiiIkt.-*  tiivcii  l)y  Ilt-nxlotuH ;  hnt  thi:y 
M;cin  «o  iiicrcihhlc,  that  many  wriltTrf  liavc  Ix-i-n  led  to  ini|)each 
tlu!  veracity  of  the  lii.storian.  J5ut  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
Herodotus  had  reireived  his  account  from  ]H',nou»  who  were  pro- 
ikMit  at  Ditriricus,  and  that  lie  has  faithfully  recorded  the  numliers 
that  had  been  related  to  him.  it  i.s  probable,  however,  that 
these  nmnhers  were  at  first  grossly  exajr^^eratcd  in  order  to 
jdease  Xerxes  himself,  and  were  etill  further  iniui>iilied  by  the 
(i reeks  to  exalt  their  own  heroism  in  overcominir  such  an  enor- 
mous luMt.  The  exact  numlxT  of  the  invadinu  anny  cannot  be 
determined  ;  but  we  may  safely  conclude  I'rum  all  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case,  that  it  was  the  largest  ever  asficmbled  at  any 
period  of  history. 

k  7.  From  i)ori.scjis  Xerxes  continued  his  march  along  the 
coast  throiifih  Thrace  and  Macedonia.  The  princij)al  cities 
throu^^li  which  he  p:i.<sed  had  to  furni.sh  a  day  s  meal  for  the 
immcusi!  host,  and  li)r  this  puqwse  had  made  preparations  many 
months  beforehand.  The  cost  of  feeding  such  a  multitude 
brouglit  many  cities  to  the  brink  of  ruin.  The  island  of  Thasos 
alone,  which  had  to  undertake  this  onerous  duty  on  account  of 
its  j)ossessions  on  the  mainland,  expended  no  less  a  sum  than  400 
talents,  or  nearly  1 00,000/.  in  our  money  ;  and  a  witty  citizen  of 
Abdera  recommended  his  countrymen  to  return  thaiiks  to  the 
gods,  beeaiise  Xerxes  waiS  satisfied  with  one  meal  in  the  day.  At 
Acanthus,  Xer.x<'s  was  gratified  by  the  sight  of  the  wonderful 
canal,  which  had  been  executed  by  his  order.  Here  he  parted 
ior  the  first  time  from  liis  lleet,  which  was  directed  to  double 
the  peninsul.i;;  of  Silhonia  and  Pallcne,  and  wait  his  arrival  at 
the  city  of  Thenua.  m  hich  is  better  known  by  its  later  name  of 
Tlu'ssalonica.  In  his  march  through  the  wild  and  wootly  country 
between  Acanthus  and  Thenna,  his  baggage-camels  were  attacked 
by  lions,  which  then  existed  in  this  part  of  Eurojx;.*  At  Themia 
he  rejoined  his  fleet,  and  continued  his  march  along  the  coast 
till  he  re.iehed  Mount  Olymjms,  separating  Macedonia  from  the 
couiitiy  prujK'rly  called  Hellas.  The  part  of  Eurojx*  through 
which  he  had  hitherto  marched,  liad  l)een  already  conqueretl  by 
Megaba/.us  and  Mardonius,  and  yielded  implicit  obedience  to  the 

•  The  fitrtiro  of  a  lion  seizing  a  bull  is  found  on  the  reverse  of  the 
coins  of  Ai'iinllnis.     See  i>.  o. 


B.C.  480.  PREPARATIONS  OF  THE  GREEKS.  191 

Persian  monarch.     He  was  now  for  the  first  time  about  to  leave 
his  own  dominions  and  tread  upon  the  Hellenic  soil. 

^  8.  The  mighty  preparations  of  Xerxes  had  been  no  secret  in 
Greece  ;  and  while  he  was  passing  the  winter  at  Sardis,  a  congress 
of  the  Grecian  states  was  summoned  to  meet  at  the  isthmus  of 
Corinth.  This  congress  had  been  convened  by  the  Spartans  and 
Athenians,  who  now  made  a  vigorous  eHbrt  to  unite  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Hellenic  race  in  one  great  league  for  the  defence  of 
their  hearths  and  their  homes.  But  in  this  attempt  they  failed- 
The  salvation  of  Greece  appeared  to  depend  upon  its  unanimity, 
and  this  unanimity  could  not  be  obtained.  Such  was  the  terror 
inspired  by  the  countless  hosts  of  Xerxes,  and  so  absurd  did  it 
seem  to  oiler  resistance  to  his  superhuman  power,  that  many  of 
the  Grecian  states  at  once  tendered  their  submission  to  him, 
when  he  sent  to  demand  earth  and  water,  and  others  at  a  gi-eater 
distance  refused  to  take  any  part  in  the  congress. 

Taking  a  glance  at  the  Hellenic  world,  we  shall  be  astonished 
to  see  how  small  a  portion  of  the  Greeks  had  the  courage  to 
resist  the  Persian  despot.  The  only  people,  north  of  the  isthmus 
of  Corinth,  who  remained  faithful  to  the  cause  of  Grecian  liberty, 
were  the  Athenians  and  Phocians,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the 
small  Boeotian  towns  of  Platroa  and  Thespiaj.  The  other  people 
in  northern  Greece  were  either  partizans  of  the  Persians,  like  the 
Thebans,  or  were  unwilling  to  make  any  great  sacrifices  for  the 
preservation  of  their  independence. 

In  Peloponnesus,  the  powerful  city  of  Argos  stood  sullenly 
aloof.  The  Argives  had  never  forgotten  that  they  were  once  the 
ruling  people  in  Peloponnesus.  They  had  made  many  attempts 
to  resist  the  growing  power  and  influence  of  Sparta ;  but  about 
five  years  before  the  battle  of  Marathon  (r..c.  495),  they  had  been 
efiectually  humbled  by  the  great  victory  which  the  Spartan 
king  Cleomsnes  had  gained  over  them,  and  in  which  as  many 
as  six  thousand  of  their  citizens  perished.  They  therefore  con- 
templated the  invasion  of  Xerxes  with  indifl'erence,  if  not  with 
pleasure,  and  were  more  willing  to  submit  to  the  sovereignty  of 
the  Persian  monarch  than  to  the  supremacy  of  their  hated  rivals. 
The  Achteans  likewise  took  no  part  in  the  contest,  ^irobably  from 
hatred  to  the  Dorians,  who  had  driven  their  ancestors  from  their 
homes. 

From  the  more  distant  members  of  the  Hellenic  race  no  assist- 
ance was  obtained.  Envoj'^s  had  been  sent  by  the  congress  at 
Corinth  to  Crete,  Corcyra,  and  Syracuse.  The  Cretans  excused 
themselves  under  pretence  of  an  oracle.  The  Corcyra^ans  pro- 
mised their  aid,  and  despatched  a  fleet  of  sixty  vessels,  but  with 
strict  orders  not  to-  double  Cape  Malea,  till  the  result  of  the 


192  HISTORY  OF  GREECE  Cimp.  XVIIL 

contest  Hhniilrl  U'  kiuiwu.  Gi-loTi,  iho  nilcr  of  Syracunc,  otiercd 
111  .Hriid  II  iMiwrrliil  iiriFiiiiiiciit,  prnviilcd  Uio  roiiiiiiuiKi  of  tlic 
allicil  liircfs  wart  I'litnidi'd  to  liiiii ;  Init  tin*  ciivovh  did  not  ven- 
ture to  acee|it  a  |ini|M)Hal,  which  would  have  plared  both  Sparta 
and  Athens  under  the  eonlrol  of  u  Sieihan  desjMjt. 

^  •.).  Tho  dertertinn  of  the  raune  ol'tirei-ian  inde|K-ndence  hj  m) 
many  of  the  GrcekH  (hd  not  nhake  the  re«dutiou  of  Sparta  and 
of  Athens.  Tlie  Athenian!*,  ertjMTially,  w^t  a  nt)blc  example  of 
an  enhirjred  patriotism.  They  h«'eamu  recf)neiled  to  the  Au^i- 
netans,  and  thus  ^ainetl  for  the  common  cau.«c  the  |K)werful  navy 
of  their  rival.  Tliey  readily  frranted  to  the  Spartans  the  Hupreine 
C(  nunaud  of  the  forces  hy  wa  as  well  a.s  by  land,  although  they 
furiii.-^hi'd  two-thirds  of  the  veswls  of  the  entire  fleet.  Their 
illustrious  citizen  Themistoclcs  wa.s  the  soul  ol'  the  conpresB. 
He  sou;:lit  to  enkiuille  in  the  other  Greeks  pome  jK»rtiou  of  the 
ardour  and  eMer<ry>  which  he  liad  .succeeded  in  breathuif^  into 
the  Athenians.  The  confederates  bound  themstdves  to  resist 
to  the  death  ;  and,  in  case  of  success,  to  consecrate  to  the 
I)fli)hian  pod  a  tenth  of  the  projx'rty  of  every  Grecian  state 
whic-h  iiad  surrendered  to  the  Persians  without  being  compelled 
by  irresistible  nece.-sity. 

The  conpre.<s  had  now  tq  fix  upon  the  sj)ot  where  they  should 
oiler  resistance  to  the  Persians.  The  Thessalians,  who  dreaded 
the  return  of  the  Alcuadie  to  their  cities,  urged  the  congress  to 
send  a  body  of  men  to  guard  the  pass  of  Tempc,  which  forms 
the  entrance  to  northern  Greece.  They  promised  to  take  an 
active  part  in  the  defence  ;  adding,  that  if  the  request  was  re- 
fused, they  should  be  obliged  to  make  terms  with  the  Persians. 
Accordingly  a  body  of  1U,UU0  men  was  sent  intoThessaly  under 
the  conuaaud  of  the  Spartan  Eua-netus  and  the  Athenian  The- 
mistocles.  The  pass  of  Tempe  is  a  long  and  narrow  defile  in 
Mount  Olympus,  through  which  the  river  Peneus  forces  its  way 
into  the  sea.  On  each  side,  steep  and  inaccessible  mountains 
rise  to  a  great  height,  and  in  stmie  parts  approach  s«i  closely  as 
to  leave  scarcely  sutlicient  s|)aee  for  a  road.  It  is  im|»ossible  for 
an  army  to  force  its  way  through  this  pass,  if  defended  by  a  re- 
solute body  of  men  ;  but  uixin  arriving  at  the  sjK)t  the  Grecian 
commanders  perceived  that  it  would  be  easy  for  the  Persians  to 
land  troops  in  their  rear ;  and  they  learnt  at  the  same  time  that 
there  was  another  ]>assape  across  Moimt  Olympus,  a  little  larther 
to  the  west.  For  these  reasons  they  considered  it  necessary  to 
abandon  this  position,  and  return  to  the  isthmus  of  Corinth. 
Their  retnat  was  followed  by  the  submission  of  the  wholu  of 
Thessaly  to  Xerxes. 

<t  10.   After  Temi)e,  the  next  simiI  in  Greece-'  most  convenient 


B.C.  480. 


BATTLE  OF  THERMOPYL^. 


193 


for  defence  against  an  invading  army  is  the  pass  of  Thermo- 
pylae. This  celebrated  pass  lies  between  the  lofty  and  preci- 
pitous mountains  of  ffita,  and  an  inaccessible  morass  forming 
the  edge  of  the  Malian  gulf  It  is  about  a  mile  in  length.  At 
each  of  its  extremities  the  mountains  approach  so  near  the 
morass,  as  to  leave  barely  room  for  the  passage  of  a  single  car- 
riage. These  narrow  entrances  were  called  Pyla?,  or  the  Gates. 
The  northern,  or,  to  speak  more  properly,  the  western  G  ate,  was 
close  to  the  town  of  Authela,  where  the  Amphictyonic  council 
held  its  autumnal  meetings  :  while  the  southern,  or  the  eastern 
Gate,  was  near  the  Locrian  town  of  Alpeni.  The  space  between 
the  gates  was  wider  and  more  open,  and  was  distinguished  by 
its  hot  springs,  from  wdiich  the  pass  derived  the  name  of  Ther- 
mopylae, or  the  "  Hot-Gates."  This  pass  was  as  defensible  as 
that  of  Tempe,  and  in  one  important  respect  possessed  a  decided 
superiority  over  the  latter.  The  island  of  Euboea  is  here  sepa- 
rated from  the  mainland  by  a  narrow  strait,  which  in  one  part  is 
only  two  miles  and  a  half  in  breadth  ;  and  accordingly  it  is  easy, 
by  defending  this  part  of  the  sea  with  a  fleet,  to  prevent  an 
enemy  from  landing  troops  at  the  southern  end  of  the  pass. 


;,J,lt*'%^ 


Plan  of  Thermopylas. 

§  1 1.  The  Greeks,  therefore,  resolved  to  make  a  stand  at  Ther- 
mopylae, and  to  defend  at  the  same  time  both  the  pass  and  the 
Euboean  strait.  The  whole  allied  fleet,  under  the  command  of 
the  Spartan  Eurybiades,  sailed  to  the  north  of  Euboea,  and  took 
up  its  station  ofl'  that  portion  of  the  northern  coast  of  the 
island,  which  faces  Magnesia  and  the  entrance  to  the  Thessalian 
gulf,   and  which  Avas   called  Artemisium,  from  a  neighbouring 

K 


1V4  HISTORY  OF  (JKKECE.  Cum:  XVIIL 

tfiiiplf  «•('  Artciiiirt  (I)iiina).  It  wan,  )i()V/<-vi'r,  only  a  Htiiall  luiid- 
liiri'ii  tliat  waH  wnt  to  tlio  dcfi-iice  of  TlnTiiiopyhi'.  When  the 
arrival  «il'  XcrxrH  at  Tlicrma  Irrariu?  kiiou  ii,  lln'<  i  rtM;kH  were  upon 
tlu'  point  orci-lchraliiit,'  tin;  Olympif-  >.'aiinw,  and  tin-  iV'Htival  of 
iho  (Jariicaii  Ai)ollo,  vvliifh  wim  oI»i^tv<mI  with  preal  tioleiniiity  at 
{Sparta  and  in  the  othi-r  I)<»ric  utatoH.  TUt:  P<doiKjnncHian»  could 
not  make  u|»  their  inindH  to  n<'<rlcrt  iIjcm;  Hacred  f.'aine«,  even 
wlu'u  the  dreaded  enemy  was  ahnost  at  their  doon».  Thrry  there- 
lore  rijsolved  to  Hend  lurwanl  ordy  a  hniali  detaelunent,  which 
they  thoufflit  wonld  Ik-  snlheient  lo  maintain  the  paw  till  the 
fi'Stivals  were  over,  when  ihey  wonld  he  ahlc  to  mareh  apaiuHt 
Xerxes  with  all  their  l(»rr-es.  The  ctimmand  of"  this  h(xly  was 
entrusted  to  tlu;  Sjiartan  kinfr  Leonidas,  the  yountrer  hrother 
and  s'\ieeess<>r  of  L'leoinenes.  It  eonsisted  of  IJOU  Spartans,  with 
their  attendant  llelots,  and  nearly  30UU  lioplites  from  the  other 
Pelojioiniesian  states.  In  their  marcli  throufrh  Ma-otia  they  were 
joined  V)y  700  Thespians,  who  were  warmly  attached  to  tho 
cause  of  Grecian  independence,  and  also  hy  dUU  Thehans,  wliom 
Leonidas  compelled  the  Thebau  government  to  furnish  much 
apainst  its  will.  On  their  arrival  at  Therrnopyla;,  their  Ibrces 
were  still  fuiihcr  augmented  by  1000  Phocians,  and  a  body  of 
Opuntian  Locrians,  so  that,  their  numbers  were  not  much  short 
of  7000  men. 

It  was  now  that  Leonidas  learnt  for  the  first  time,  that  there 
was  an  uidreipiented  path  over  Mount  Qlta,  by  which  a  foe 
might  penetrate  into  southern  Greece  without  marching  through 
Thermopyhe.  This  path,  conunenoing  near  Trachis.  ascended 
the  northern  side  of  the  mountain  called  Anopira,  along  the 
torrent  of  the  Aso])us,  crossed  one  of  the  ridges  oi'  Mount  tUta, 
and  descended  on  the  southern  side  near  the  tennination  of  the 
pass  at  the  Locrian  town  of  Alpeni.  Leonidas  was  iid'ormed  of 
the  existence  of  this  path  by  the  Phocians;  and,  at  their  own 
desire,  he  ]K)Slcd  them  at  the  sunuuit,  to  defend  it  against  the 
enemy.  The  Spartan  king  took  up  his  station,  with  the  re- 
mainder of  his  troops,  within  the  j)a.>^s  of  Thermopylae.  He  ren- 
dered his  position  still  stronger  hy  rebuilding  across  the  northern 
entrance  a  wall,  which  had  been  erected  in  former  days  by  the 
Phi>cians,  but  which  had  been  sutVcred  to  fall  into  niins.  Hav- 
ing thus  made  all  his  arrangements,  Leonidas  calmly  awaited 
the  approach  of  the  Persian  host.  But  the  majority  of  the  men 
did  not  .«hare  the  calnuiess  of  their  general ;  end  so  great  became 
their  alarm  at  the  smallness  of  their  numbers,  when  the  multi- 
tudinous forces  of  Xerxes  began  to  draw  near,  that  the  Pelojion- 
nesians  were  anxious  to  abandon  their  present  |x)sition  and 
make  the  isthnuis  of  Corinth  their  point  of  defence.    It  was  only 


B.C.  480.  BATTLE  OF  THERMOPYL^.  195 

the  personal  influence  of  Leonidas,  seconded  hy  the  indignant 
remonstrances  of  the  Phocians  and  Locrians,  which  prevailed 
upon  them  to  continue  faithful  to  their  post.  At  the  same  time 
he  despatched  messengers  to  the  various  cities,  urging  them  to 
send  him  immediately  reinforcements. 

H2.  Meanwhile  Xerxes  had  arrived  w^ithin  sight  of  Thenno- 
pylse.  He  had  heard  that  a  handful  of  desperate  men,  com- 
manded  by  a  Spartan,  had  determined  to  dispute  his  passage, 
but  he  refused  to  believe  the  news.  He  was  still  more  asto- 
nished when  a  horseman,  whom  he  had  sent  to  reconnoitre, 
brought  back  word  that  he  had  seen  several  Spartans  outside 
the  wall  in  front  of  the  pass,  some  amusing  themselves  with 
gymnastic  exercises,  and  others  combing  their  long  hair.  In 
great  perplexity,  he  sent  for  the  Spartan  king  Demaratus,  who 
had  accompanied  him  from  Persia,  and  asked  him  the  meaning 
of  such  madness.  Demaratus  replied,  that  the  Spartans  would 
defend  the  pass  to  the  death,  and  that  it  was  their  practice  to 
dress  their  heads  with  peculiar  care  when  they  were  going  to 
hazard  their  lives.  Xerxes  still  could  not  believe  that  they 
were  mad  enough  to  resist  his  mighty  host,  and  delayed  his 
attack  for  four  days,  expecting  that  they  would  disperse  of  their 
own  accord.  Later  writers  related,  that  Xerxes  sent  to  them  to 
deliver  up  their  arms.  Leonidas  desired  him  "to  come  and  take 
them."  One  of  the  Spartans  being  told  that  "the  Persian  host 
was  so  prodigious,  that  their  arrows  would  conceal  the  sun  :" — 
"So  much  the  better,"  (he  replied,)  "  we  shall  then  fight  in  the 
shade." 

At  length,  upon  the  fifth  day,  Xerxes  ordered  a  chosen  body 
of  Medes  to  advance  against  the  presumptuous  foes  and  bring 
them  into  his  presence.  Remembering  their  former  glory  as  the 
masters  of  Asia,  and  anxious  to  avenge  their  defeat  at  Marathon, 
the  Medes  fought  with  bravery  ;  but  their  superior  numbers 
were  of  no  avail  in  such  a  narrow  space,  and  they  were  kept  at 
bay  by  the  long  spears  and  steady  ranks  of  the  Greeks.  After 
the  combat  had  lasted  a  long  time  with  heavy  loss  to  the  Medes, 
Xerxes  ordered  his  ten  thousand  "Immortals"  to  advance.  But 
these  were  as  unsuccessful  as  the  former.  Xerxes  beheld  the 
repulse  of  his  troops  from  a  lofty  throne  which  had  been  provided 
for  him,  and  was  seen  to  leap  thrice  from  his  seat  in  an  agony 
of  fear  or  rage. 

§  13.  On  the  following  day  the  attack  was  renewed,  but  willi 
no  better  success ;  and  Xerxes  was  beginning  to  despair  of  forcing 
his  way  through  the  pass,  when  a  Malian,  of  the  name  of  Ephi- 
altes,  betrayed  to  the  Persian  king  the  secret  of  the  path  across 
the  mountains.     Overjoyed  at  this  discovery,  a  strong  detach- 


:pft  IITSTOUY  OV  CMIVjCI-I  Ciiai-.  XVIIL 

iiictit  (>r  I'lTsiiiiirt  u'jiM  «»r»l<T<'(l  to  I'ollow  th<*  traitor.  Thny  set 
mil  at  iii'.'litriill,  ami  at  daybnrak  liad  iir-arly  n-arhrd  tho  Hiirmiiil, 
wliiTi-  tin-  IMidnaii.H  wero  HlatioiuMl.  In  (irrr-cc  tlur  dawn  ol  day 
m  distiii^fuislicfl  l»y  a  peculiar  Htilliu-Ks;  and  the  uiiiverjial  Hiloiico 
wns  lirst  Itrokcii  by  the  traiiiphii^  of  m  many  men  upon  the 
leave.-i,  with  which  the  sideft  of  the  moiintaiiiH  were  Htrewcd.  The 
IMiocians  lli'w  to  arms,  and  anxious  for  their  own  safety,  In^'amc 
Muniindful  of  the  important  trust  which  liad  lx*cn  committed  to 
them.  ahanih)ned  the  path,  and  t(Ktk  refufje  on  the  hijfhcst  part 
of  the  rid<j;c.  The  Persians,  without  turning  aside  to  puruue 
lliein,  rontinued  their  march  alonp  the  path,  and  began  to  de- 
scend tlie  southern  side  ol"  the  mountain. 

Meantime  I/'onidas  and  his  troops  had  received  ample  notice 
of  the  imi)endiiiii  danjjer.  I)urinf,'  the  nipht  de.serters  from  the 
enemy  had  brouj,'ht  him  the  news  ;  and  their  intelligence  was 
eoulirmed  by  hi.s  own  scouts  on  the  hills.  In  the  council  of 
war,  whicli  was  liirthwith  summoned  by  Leonidas,  opinions  were 
divided  ;  the  majority  reeomnnMided  that  they  should  retire 
from  a  pivsilion  which  could  no  longer  be  defenrled,  and  reserve 
their  lives  for  the  future  safety  of  Greece,  lint  Leonidas  refused 
to  retreat.  As  a  Spartan  he  was  bound  by  the  laws  to  conquer 
or  to  die  in  the  post  as.signed  to  him  ;  and  he  was  the  more 
ready  to  sacrifice  his  life,  since  an  oracle  had  declared  that  either 
Sparta  itself  or  a  Spartan  king  must  perish  by  the  Persian  arms. 
His  three  hundred  comrades  were  fully  equal  to  the  same  heroism 
which  actuated  their  king ;  and  the  seven  hundred  Thespians  re- 
solved to  share  the  fate  of  this  gallant  band.  He  allowed  the 
rest  of  the  allies  to  retire,  \vith  the  exception  of  the  four  hun- 
dred BiBotiaus,  whom  he  retained  as  hostages. 

^  11.  Xerxes  delayed  his  attack  till  the  middle  of  the  day, 
when  it  was  expected  that  the  detachment  sent  across  the 
mountain  would  arrive  at  the  rear  of  the  pass.  But  Leonidas 
and  his  comrades,  only  anxious  to  sell  their  lives  as  dearly  as 
possible,  did  not  wait  behind  the  wall  to  receive  the  attack  of 
the  Persians,  but  advanced  into  the  open  space  in  front  of  the 
pass,  and  cliarged  the  enemy  with  desjKrate  valour.  Numbers 
of  the  Persians  were  slain  ;  many  were  driven  into  the  neigh- 
bouring sea:  and  others  again  were  tramj>led  to  death  by  the 
vast  hosts  behind  them.  Notwithstanding  the  exhortations  of 
their  otiicers,  and  the  constant  ust>  of  the  lash,  it  was  with  dith- 
culty  that  the  barbarians  could  he  brought  to  face  this  handful 
of  heroes.  As  long  as  the  Greeks  could  maintain  their  ranks 
they  repelled  every  attack :  hut  when  their  sjx^ars  -were  broken, 
aud  they  had  only  their  swords  left,  the  eneiny  began  to  pregs 
in  between  tl'.em       Leonidas  wai^  one  of  the  fir^t  that  fell,  and 


B.C.  480.  BATTLE  OF  THERMOPYL^.  197 

around  his  body  the  battle  raged  fiercer  than  ever.  The  Persians 
made  the  gi-eatest  etlbrt.s  to  obtain  possession  of  it  ;  but  lour 
times  they  were  driven  back  by  the  Greeks  with  great  slaughter. 
At  length,  thinned  in  numbers,  and  exhausted  by  fatigue  and 
WoundSj  this  noble  band  retired  within  the  pass,  and  seated 
themselves  on  a  hillock  beliind  the  wall.  Meanwhile  the  de- 
tachment which  had  been  sent  across  the  mountains,  began  to 
enter  the  pass  from  the  south.  The  Thebans  seized  the  oppor- 
tunity of  begging  quarter,  proclaiming  that  they  had  been  forced 
to  fight  against  their  will.  Their  lives  were  spared  ;  and  the 
detachment  marched  on  through  the  pass.  The  surviving  heroes 
were  now  surrounded  on  every  side,  overwhelmed  with  a  shower 
of  missiles  and  killed  to  a  man. 

§  15.  On  the  hillock,  where  the  Greeks  made  their  last  stand, 
a  marble  lion  was  set  up  in  honour  of  Leonidas.  Two  other 
raonuments  were  also  erected  near  the  spot.  The  inscription  on 
the  first  recorded  "that  four  thousand  Peloponnesians  had  here 
fought  with  three  hundred  myriads  (or  three  inillions)  of  foes." 
The  second,  which  was  destined  for  the  Spartans  alone,  contained 
the  memorable  words  : — 

''  Go,  tell  the  Spartans,  thou  that  passest  b}', 
That  liere  obedient  to  their  laws  we  lie."* 

Both  of  these  epigrams  were  probably  written  by  th*^  poet  Si- 
monides,  who  also  celebrated  the  glory  of  the  heroes  of  Ther- 
mopylse  in  a  noble  ode,  of  which  the  following  fragment  i?  s<iU 
extant : — 

"Of  those  ■who  at  The'-mopylaj  were  slain, 
Glorious  the  doom,  and  beautiful  the  lot ; 
Their  tomb  an  altar  :  men  from  tears  refrain 
To  honour  them,  and  praise,  but  mourn  them  not. 
Such  sepulchre  nor  drear  decaj', 

Nor  all-destroying  time  shall  waste ;  this  right  have  they- 
Within  their  grave  the  home-bred  glory 
Of  Greece  was  laid  ;  this  witness  gives 
Leonidas  the  Spartan,  in  whose  story 
A  wreath  of  famous  virtue  ever  lives."f 

§  16.  "While  Leonidas  had  been  fighting  at  Thermopylae,  the 
Greek  fleet  had  also  been  engaged  wdth  the  Persians  at  Artemi- 
sium.  The  Greek  ships  assembled  oft^  the  northern  coast  of 
Euboea  were  27 1  in  number,  commanded,  as  has  been  mentioned 
above,  by  the  Spartan  Eurybiades.  The  Athenian  squadroi^ 
was  led  by  Themistocles  and  the  Corinthian  by  A  dimantus;  bil 

*  'Q  ^£iv',  ayyDJkeiv  ^aKedaifiovioig,  on  ri/^e 

KEi'fieOa,  Tolc  Kcivuv  ^ijfiaai  •ncidnfievoi 
f  Translated  by  Sterling. 


im  IIISTOllV  OF  GREECE.  TiiAr.  XVIIl 

()(■  llii!  nihor  cnrnni.'iiidcrH  wo  have  no  inr-iilion.  Thrca  vfJKw-lh 
were  sciil  iilic'id  1(i  wiilch  the  riiovftrnMils  ot  llic  I'crfiaiiH.*  Oli' 
llir  isl.iiiil  (if  Scinllms  llicy  were  (•;ijitiirc(l  \i\  a  Hqiiadrdii  of  ten 
I'cisiiiii  visscis,  wliicli  liad  in  like  hkiiiikt  hccii  dt>jtatclif«l  by 
IIk;  I'crsiaii  admiral  to  dhtiiiii  iiitcjlijretir-c.  Ah  soon  as  the 
Greeks  al  Arlcinisiuiii  heard  nl  Uiis  disaHter,  and  of  the  speedy 
approach  of  llic  whole  Persian  lleet,  tliey  were  seized  with  a 
])ariic,  such  as  had  taken  possession  of  the  sohhers  of  Leonidan 
upon  tlie  advance  of  the  land  l()rce  of  the  Persians.  But  Eury- 
biades  did  not  possess  the  same  influence  over  his  men  as  the 
Spartan  kmg;  and  the  whole  fleet  abandoned  their  position,  and 
sailed  up  the  chainiel  between  Euba-a  and  the  mainland  to  Chal- 
cis,  where  tlic  straits,  being  only  forty  yards  acrrss,  might  easily 
be  defended  by  a  few  ships.  This  retreat  was  equivalent  to  an 
abandonment  of  the  whole  scheme  of  defence,  as  it  gave  the  Per- 
sians full  liberty  to  land  troops  in  the  rear  of  the  defenders  of 
Tliermopyhc.  Rut  now  a  mightier  power  than  that  of  man  came 
forward,  and  saved  the  Greeks  in  spite  of  themselves. 

sM7.  The  Persian  admiral,  having  learnt  frcrn  the  ten  ships 
sent  on  ihc  look  out  V/.at  the  coast  was  clear,  set  sail  from  the 
gulf  of  Therma,  and  arrived  in  one  day  at  almost  the  southern 
corner  of  Magnesia.  Along  the  greater  part  of  this  coast  the 
high  and  precipitous  rocks  of  Mount  Pelion  line  the  water's 
edge  ;  but  there  is  an  open  beach  for  a  short  distance  between 
the  town  of  Casthanaja  and  the  promontory  of  >t?epias.  Here 
the  Persian  admiral  determined  to  pass  the  night  ;  but  owing 
to  the  vast  number  of  his  ships,  only  a  small  portion  of  them 
could  be  drawn  up  on  shore ;  the  remainder  rede  at  anchor  eight 
lines  deep.  In  this  position  they  were  overtaken  on  the  follow- 
ing morning  by  a  sudden  hurricane,  which  blew  upon  the  shore 
with  irresistible  fury.  The  ships  were  torn  from  their  anchor- 
age, driven  against  one  another,  and  dashed  against  the  cliffs. 
For  three  days  and  three  nights  the  tempest  raged  witb.out 
intermission  ;  and  when  on  the  fourth  day  calm  at  length  re- 
turned, the  shore  was  seen  strewed  for  many  miles  with  wrecks 
and  corpses.  At  least  four  hundred  ships  of  war  were  destroyed, 
together  with  a  countless  number  of  transports,  stores,  and 
treasures.  The  remainder  of  the  fleet  doubled  the  southern  pro- 
montory of  Magnesia,  and  cast  anchor  at  Aphetas  at  the  en- 
trance to  the  Pagasajan  gulf. 

^16.  The  news  of  this  terrible  disaster,  which  report  had 

magnified  into  the  entire  destruction  of  the  Persian  fleet,  revivet/ 

the  spirits  of  the  Greeks  at  Chalcis.    They  now  sailed  back  with 

the  utmost  speed  to  their  former  station  at  Artemisium,  which 

*  See  Appendix. 


B.C.  480.  BATTLE  OF  ARTEMISIUM.  199 

IS  opposite  Aplietse,  at  the  distance  of  only  a  few  miles.  But 
great  was  their  surprise  at  seeing  that  the  Persians  still  pos- 
sessed such  an  overwhelming  number  of  ships.  The  sight 
again  struck  them  with  alarm  ;  and  they  were  on  the  point  of 
returning  to  Chalcis,  when  the  EubcEans  sent  one  of  their  citi- 
zens to  Themistoclcs,  with  an  otier  of  thirty  talents,  on  condition 
that  he  should  induce  the  Greek  commanders  to  remain  and 
hazard  a  battle  in  defence  of  the  island.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  Themistocles  had  already  urged  his  associates  in  command 
to  defend  the  Euboean  strait  against  the  enemy,  and  he  therefore 
readily  undertook  the  commission  oftered  him  by  the  Eubceans. 
In  all  periods  of  their  history  the  Greeks  seldom  had  sufficient 
principle  to  resist  a  bribe  ;  and  Themistocles  was  now  enabled 
to  accomplish  by  money  what  he  had  failed  to  do  by  argument. 
By  giving  live  talents  to  the  Spartan  Eurybiades,  three  to  the 
Corinthian  Adiinantus,  and  presents  to  the  other  commanders, 
he  prevailed  upon  them  to  remain. 

While  the  Greeks  were  thus  brought  with  difficulty  to  face 
the  enemy,  the  Persian  fleet  was  animated  with  a  very  diflerent 
spirit.  They  felt  conlident  of  victory,  and  their  only  fear  was 
lest  the  Greeks  should  escape  them.  In  order  to  prevent  this, 
they  sent  a  squadron  of"  200  ships,  with  instructions  to  sail  round 
Eubcea  and  cut  olfthe  retreat  of  the  Greeks.  Themistocles  had 
now  succeeded  in  inspiring  his  comrades  with  sufficient  courage 
to  sail  forth  and  otier  battle  to  the  enemy.  But  being  anxious 
to  acquire  some  experience  of  the  nautical  evolutions  of  the 
enemy,  before  they  ventured  upon  a  decisive  engagement,  they 
waited  till  it  was  nearly  dusk.  Their  ships  were  draAvn  up  in  a 
circle,  with  their  sterns  pointed  inwards ;  and  they  seemed  to  be 
waiting  the  attack  of  the  enemy,  who  began  to  close  in  upon  them 
on  every  side.  But  suddenly,  at  a  given  signal,  they  rowed  out 
in  all  directions,  and  attacked  the  enemy's  ships,  of  which  they 
took  or  disabled  no  fewer  than  thirty.  The  Persians  were  not 
prepared  for  such  boldness,  and  were  at  first  thrown  into  con- 
fusion ;  but  they  soon  rallied,  and  began  to  inffict  considerable 
damage  upon  the  Greeks,  when  night  put  an  end  to  the  contest, 
and  each  fleet  returned  to  its  former  station, — the  Greeks  to 
Artemisium,  and  the  Persians  to  Aphetse. 

^19.  This  auspicious  commencement  raised  the  courage  of 
the  Greeks,  and  gave  them  greater  confidence  in  their  own 
strength.  They  were  still  further  encouraged  by  the  events  of 
the  following  night.  It  seemed  as  if  the  gods  had  come  to  fight 
on  their  side.  For,  although  it  was  the  middle  of  summer,  at 
which  season  rain  rarely  falls  in  Greece,  another  terrific  storm 
burst  upon  the  Persians.     All  night  long  it  blew  upon  the  coast 


200  lIISTOliY  OF  (JUEKCE.  Cum:  XVIII. 

!it  Aiilu'lat,  llius  causiii'j  little  incoiivfiiiciicc  to  tlio  Greeks  ujioa 
tlic  opposite  hliorc.  The  inuiii  liody  ot  the  J'l-rsiaii  iieet  ku»- 
t.iiiii'd  cousidcralile  duiiKi^e  ;  and  tin*  sipiadron  •wliicli  wat*  nailing 
round  I'iUlia-a  was  completely  destroyed.  The  greater  part  ol* 
the  eastern  side  ol"  this  island  is  an  unbroken  line  ol'  jireeij)itou8 
rocks,  willi  scarcely  a  ravine  in  which  even  a  Loal  can  he  hauled 
up.  The  s(|iiadron  was  overtaken  hy  the  storm  ofi  one  of  the 
most  (huifrerous  ])arts  of  the  coast,  called  "  the  Hollows,'  and 
"was  driven  U])on  the  rocks  and  broken  to  pieces. 

The  tiilinjrs  of  this  second  disaster  to  the  Persian  fleet  reael:ed 
tlie  Greeks  on  the  l()llowiiiff  day  ;  and  while  they  were  (-(jutrra.- 
1ulatiii<r  them.<elves  upon  the  vi.sihle  interposition  of  the  jreds  in 
their  favor,  they  were  animated  to  still  frreater  confidence  by  the 
arrival  of  til'ty-threc  I'resh  Athenian  ships.  With  this  reinlorce- 
ment  they  sailed  out  in  the  afternoon,  and  destroyed  forne  Cilician 
ships  at  their  moorings  ;  hut  the  Persian  fleet  liad  suflered  too 
much  from  the  storm  in  the  preceding  night  to  engage  in  battle. 

s^  20.  Indignant  at  these  insults,  and  dreading  the  anger  of 
Xerxes,  the  Persians  prepared  to  make  a  grand  attack  upon  the 
following  day.  Accordingly,  about  noon  they  sailed  towards 
Artemisiiun  in  the  li^irm  of  a  crescent.  The  Greeks  kept  near 
the  shore,  that  they  might  not  be  surrounded,  and  to  prevent 
the  Persians  from  bringing  their  whole  fleet  into  action.  The 
battle  raged  furiously  the  whole  day,  and  each  side  fought  with 
determined  valour.  The  Egyptians  distinguished  themselves 
most  among  the  Persians,  and  the  Athenians  among  the  Greeks. 
Both  parties  sufit-red  severely  ;  and  thoujrh  the  Persians  lest  a 
greater  number  of  sliips  and  men,  yet  so  many  of  the  Greek  ves- 
sels were  disabled  that  they  found  it  would  be  impossible  to  re- 
new the  combat. 

Under  these  circvunstances  the  Greek  commanders  saw  that 
it  would  be  necessary  to  retreat ;  and  their  determination  was 
hastened  by  the  intelligence  which  they  now  received,  that 
Leonidas  and  his  com})anions  had  fallen,  and  that  Xerxes  was 
master  of  the  pass  of  Thermopyla;.  They  forthwith  sailed  up 
the  Euboean  channel,  the  Corinthians  leading  the  van  and  the 
Athenians  bringing  up  the  rear.  At  the  various  landing-places 
along  the  coast  Themistocles  set  up  inscriptions,  calling  upon 
the  lonians  not  to  fight  against  their  fathers.  He  did  tliis  in 
the  hopes  either  of  detaching  some  of  the  lonians  from  the 
Persians,  or  at  any  rate  of  making  them  objects  of  suspicion  to 
Xerxes,  and  thus  })reventing  the  monarch  from  employing  them 
in  any  impoi-tant  sersice.  Havuig  sailed  through  the  Eubcean 
strait,  the  fleet  doubled  the  promontory  of  JSiuiium,  and  did  not 
stop  till  it  reached  the  island  of  Salamis. 


A  Greek  Warrior.     From  an  Ancient  Vase. 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE    BATTLE    OF    SAL  AMIS. 

§  1.  Results  of  the  battle  of  Thermopylae.  §  2.  Alarm  and  flight  of  tho 
Athenians.  S  3.  March  of  the  Persians  and  attempt  upon  Delphi.  §  4. 
Taking  of  Athens  and  arrival  of  the  Persian  fleet.  §  .5.  Dissensions  and 
debates  of  the  Greeks.  §  6.  Stratagem  of  Themistocles.  Arrival  of 
Aristides.  §  7.  Position  of  the  hostile  fleets.  Preparations  for  the 
combat.  §  8.  Battle  of  Salamis.  §  9.  Defeat  and  flight  of  Xerxes. 
8  10.  Pursuit  of  the  Greeks.  §  11.  Homeward  march  of  Xerxes. 
§  12.  The  Greeks  celebrate  their  victory.  §  13.  Carthaginian  ex- 
pedition to  Sicily.     Defeat  and  death  of  Hamilcar. 

§  1.  The  apathy  of  the  Lacedcemonians  in  neglecting  to  provide 
a  sufficient  defence  against  the  advancing  host  of  Xerxes  seems 
altogether  unaccountable  ;  nor  is  it  easy  to  understand  why  the 
Athenians  themselves  did  not  send  a  single  troop  to  aid  in  de- 
fending Thermopylae.  The  heroic  and  long  sustained  resistance 
of  the  handful  of  men  who  perished  in  that  pass,  as  well  as  the 
previous  battle  of  Marathon,  clearly  proves  that  a  moderately 
numerous  force,  together  wdth  ordmary  military  precautions, 
would  have  sufficed  to  arrest  the  onward  march  of  the  Persians. 
But  the  small  body  to  which  that  duty  was  assigned  -was  alto- 
gether inadequate  to  the  occasion.     The  forcing  of  the  pass 

K* 


202  lilSTOKV  OF  (iUICECE.  riiAi-.  XIX. 

juniiliil.'iU'd  lli(!  (•liicl'ddi'ii'u  of  Koutyjcrn  Gn'c.cc.  Many  of  the 
(ncciaii  slates  wliic^h  l)of(jro  were  wavering'  now  derlared  fijr 
till!  invader,  and  Hunt  (!<)iitin<,'i!iitH  to  liin  army  ;  wliilKl  Iiih  ileet 
was  alrio  Htrcu<,'thc'm3d  by  ruinforceiucnts  from  CaryKtus,  and  the 
Cycladt's. 

Tho  Alliriiians  were  now  thnati-ncd  with  inevitable  destruc- 
tion. Tiie  I'oloponne.siann  liarl  ntterly  ne<rleeted  their  j»romif<e 
of  aHscml)linf^  a  force  in  I?(i;otia  lor  the  protection  of  Attica; 
and  there  wa.s  con.scHjnenlly  nothing  to  prevent  the  Persians 
from  marching  straight  to  Athens.  The  i.«olated  ])o.-iition  of  the 
Peloponnesians  had  probably  inilnenced  them  in  their  selfish 
policy  ;  at  all  events,  on  the  news  of  the  defeat  at  Therrnopyla;, 
they  abandoned  Attica  and  the  adjoining  states  to  their  fate, 
whilst  tliey  strained  every  nerve  to  secure  themselves  by  forti- 
fying the  isthmus  of  Corinth.  It  is  true  that  in  this  selfish 
proceeding  they  overlooked  the  fact  that  their  large  extent  of 
coast  could  not  be  thus  secured  from  the  descent  of  the  Persian 
fleet.  But  after  all,  the  greatest  as  well  as  the  most  pressing 
danger  arose  from  the  army  of  Xerxes.  At  sea,  the  Greeks  and 
tho  Barbarians  were  much  more  nearly  matched ;  and  if  the 
multitudinous  land-forces  of  the  Persian  monarch  were  once 
arrested  in  their  progress,  and  compelled  to  retreat,  there  was 
perhaps  little  reason  to  dread  that  his  fleet,  composed  mostly 
of  auxiliaries,  would  be  able  to  make  any  permanent  impression 
on  the  Peloponnesus,  or  indeed  to  remain  upon  the  coast  of 
Greece. 

^  2.  The  Athenians,  relying  upon  the  march  of  a  Pelopon- 
nesian  army  into  Bocotia,  had  taken  no  measures  for  the  se- 
curity of  their  families  and  property,  and  beheld  with  terror 
and  dismay  the  barbarian  host  in  full  march  towards  their  cit)'. 
Fortunately,  the  Grecian  fleet,  on  retiring  from  Artemisium,  had 
stopped  at  Salamis  ,on  its  -way  to  Troezen,  where  it  had  been 
ordered  to  re-assemble  ;  and,  at  the  entreaties  of  the  Athenians, 
Eurybiades  consented  to  remain  for  a  time  at  Salamis.  and 
to  assist  the  Athenian  citizens  in  transporting  their  families 
and  eifects.  It  was  thus  by  accident,  and  not  from  any  precon- 
certed military  plan,  that  iSalamis  became  the  station  of  the 
Grecian  fleet. 

In  six  days,  it  was  calculated  Xerxes  would  be  at  Athens — a 
short  space  to  remove  the  population  of  a  whole  city  ;  but  fear 
and  necessity  work  wonders.  Before  it  had  elapsed,  all  who 
were  willing  to  abandon  their  homes  had  been  safely  transported, 
some  to  u'Egina,  the  greater  part  to  Trcezen,  where  they  met  with 
a  ho.spitable  reception ;  but  many  could  not  be  induced  to 
proceed  farther  than  JSalamis.    It  was  necessaiy  for  Themistocles 


B.C.  480.     THE  ATHENIANS  ABANDON  THEIR  CITY.  203 

to  use  all  his  art  and  all  his  eloquence  on  this  occasion.  Those 
who  were  deaf  to  the  voice  of  reason  were  assailed  with  the 
terrors  of  superstition.  On  a  first  interrogation  the  oracle  of 
Delphi  warned  the  Athenians  to  fly  to  the  ends  of  the  earth, 
since  nothing  could  save  them  from  destruction.  In  a  second 
response  the  Deipliian  god  was  more  obscure  but  less  alarming. 
"  The  divine  Salamis  would  make  women  childless" — yet  "  when 
all  w'as  lost,  a  wooden  wall  should  still  shelter  the  Athenians." 
In  the  interpretation  of  Themistocles,  by  whom  these  words  had 
perhaps  been  suggested,  they  clearly  indicated  a  fleet  and  a  naval 
victory  as  the  only  means  of  safety.  As  a  further  persuasion  it 
was  declared  that  the  Sacred  Serpent,  which  haunted  the  temple 
of  Athena  Polias,  on  the  Acropolis,  had  deserted  the  sanctuarj- ; 
and  could  the  citizens  hesitate  to  follow  the  example  of  their 
guardian  deity  ? 

In  some,  however,  superstition,  combined  with  love  of  their 
ancient  homes,  worked  in  an  opposite  direction.  The  oracle 
which  declared  the  safety  of  the  Athenians  to  lie  in  their  wooden 
walls  might  admit  of  another  meaning ;  and  a  few,  especially 
among  the  aged  and  the  poor,  resolved  to  shut  themselves  up  ui 
the  Acropolis,  and  to  fortify  its  accessible  or  western  front  with 
barricades  of  timber.  Not  only  in  them,  but  even  in  those  who 
had  resolved  to  abandon  Athens,  the  love  of  country  grew 
stronger  in  proportion  as  the  danger  of  losing  it  became  more 
imminent.  The  present  misery  extinguished  past  dissensions. 
Themistocles  proposed  a  decree  revoking  all  sentences  of  banish- 
ment, and  specially  included  in  it  his  opponent  and  rival  Aristides. 
The  rich  and  the  aristocratic  assisted  the  city  both  by  their  ex- 
ample and  their  money.  The  Hippeis,  or  knights,  headed  by 
Cimon,  the  sonof  Miltiades,  marched  in  procession  to  the  Acropolis 
to  hang  up  their  bridles  in  the  temple  of  Athena,  and  to  i'etch 
from  thence  some  consecrated  arms  more  suitable  for  that  naval 
service  for  which  they  were  about  to  abandon  their  ancient  habits 
and  privileges.  The  senate  of  the  Areopagus  not  only  exerted 
its  public  authority  m  order  to  provide  funds  for  the  equipment 
of  the  fleet  and  the  support  of  the  poorer  emigrants,  but  con- 
tributed to  those  objects  by  the  private  munificence  of  its  mem- 
bers. The  fund  was  increased  by  the  policy  of  Themistocles. 
Under  the  pretext  that  the  Gorgon's  head  had  been  removed 
from  the  statue  of  Athena,  he  directed  that  the  baggage  of  each 
departing  citizen  should  be  searched,  and  appropriated  to  the 
service  of  the  state  the  private  treasures  which  were  about  to 
be  exported. 

^  3.  While  these  things  were  passing  at  Athens,  the  Persian 
army  was  in  full  march  towards  the  city.     Xerxes  was  surprised 


204  HISTORY  OF  GREECK  Chap.  XIX 

In  liiid  lii.it.  iIk;  Oiviiipic  frames  Blill  determcl  llio  I'eloponne«iaiiB 
Iroiii  ()|)|)<)siii<r  Ills  pro^^rcris ;  nor  wus  liis  a-stoiuHhiucnt  diriii- 
iiislu'd  on  luarniii<f  lliat  the  prize,  wliicli  ocfa.sioned  so  much  ex- 
litA'incnt  and  eiaulalion,  was  a  Hiinpln  wreath  of"  the  wild  olive, 
or  the  states  which  lay  betwecMi  Thennopyla;  and  Attica,  the 
Phocians  alone  refused  to  submit  to  the  Persians.  Under  the 
conduct  of  the  Thessalians,  the  Persian  army  poured  into  Phocis, 
but  i()uud  oidy  deserted  towns  ;  several  of  which,  however,  they 
plundered  and  destroyed.  The  same  fate  attended  Thespian  and 
Platica,  the  only  towns  of  Bccotia  which  declined  to  acknowledge 
the  contpieror. 

Ou  iiis  march  toward-s  Athens,  Xerxes  sent  a  detachment  of  his 
army  to  take  and  jjlundcr  Delphi.  l'>ut  tiiis  attempt  proved  un- 
succe.-isful.  The  god  of  the  most  renowned  oracle  of  the  Hel- 
lenic world  vindicated  at  once  the  majesty  of  his  .sanctuary  and 
the  truth  of  his  predictions.  He  forbade  the  Delphians  tu  re- 
move the  treasures  which  enriched  and  adorned  his  shruie,  and 
encouraged  by  divine  portents  the  handful  of  priests  and  citizens 
who  ventured  to  remain  and  defend  his  temple.  The  sacred 
arms  preserved  in  the  inner  cell,  and  which  it  was  sacrilege  to 
touch,  were  miraculously  conveyed  outside  the  door,  as  if  the  god 
himself  interfered  to  arm  his  defenders.  As  the  Persians  climbed 
the  rugged  path  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Parnassus,  leading  up  to  the 
shrine,  and  had  already  reached  the  temple  of  Athena  Pronaea, 
thunder  was  heard  to  roll,  and  two  crags  suddenly  detaching 
themselves  from  the  mountain,  rolled  down  upon  the  Persians, 
and  spread  dismay  and  destruction  in  tlieir  ranks.  Seized  with 
a  sudden  panic,  they  turned  and  fled,  pursued,  as  they  said,  by 
two  warriors  of  superhuman  size  and  prowess,  who  had  assisted 
the  Delphians  in  defending  their  temple.  The  Delj)hians  them- 
selves confirmed  the  report,  averring  that  the  two  warriors  were 
the  heroes  Phylacus  and  Autonoiis.  Herodotus,  when  he  visited 
Delphi,  saw  in  the  sacred  enclosure  of  Athena  Prona?a  the  iden- 
tical crags  which  had  crushed  the  Pei'sians  ;  and  near  the  spot 
may  still  be  seen  large  blocks  of  stone  which  have  rolled  down 
from  the  mountain. 

^  4.  On  arriving  before  Athens,  Xerxes  found  the  Acropolis 
occupied  by  a  handful  of  desperate  citizens,  whom  the  Pisis- 
tratids  in  his  suite  in  vain  exhorted  to  surrender.  The  nature 
of  the  Acropolis  might  indeed  have  inspired  them  with  reason- 
able hopes  of  successful  resistance,  had  the  disparity  of  force 
been  less  enormous.  Rising  abrupt  and  ^..raggy  to  the  height  of 
150  feet  above  the  level  of  the  town,  its  summit  presents  a  space 
of  about  1000  feet  in  length,  from  east  to  west,  and  500  in 
breadth,  from  nox'th  to  south.     On  ever)'  side  except  the  west  it 


B.C.  480.  THE  PERSIANS  OOCOPY  ATHENS.  205 

is  nearly  inaccessible,  and  in  the  few  places  where  access  seemed 
practicable,  it  was  defended  by  an  ancient  fortification  called 
the  Pelasgic  wall.  The  Persian  army  took  up  a  position  on  the 
Areopagus  (Mars'  Hill),  over  against  the  north-western  side  of 
the  Acropolis,  whence  they  endeavoured  to  destroy  the  wooden 
fortifications  which  had  been  erected,  by  shooting  aganist  them 
arrows  furnished  with  bui'ning  tow.  But  even  alter  the  destruc- 
tion of  these  barricades,  the  Athenians  managed  to  keep  their 
assailants  at  bay  by  rolling  down  huge  stones  upon  them  as  they 
attempted  to  mount  the  western  ascent.  At  length  some  of  tho 
besiegers  ventured  to  climb  up  the  precipitous  rock,  on  the 
northern  side,  by  the  cave  of  Aglaurus,  where  no  guard  was 
stationed.  They  gained  the  summit  unperceived,  thus  taking 
the  little  garrison  in  the  rear.  Confusion  and  despair  now 
seized  upon  the  Athenians.  Some  threw  themselves  flown  from 
the  rock,  others  took  refuge  in  the  inner  temple ;  while  the 
Persian  host,  to  whom  the  gates  had  been  thrown  open  by  their 
comrades,  mounted  to  the  attack,  pillaged  and  burnt  the  tem- 
ples and  houses  on  the  Acropolis,  and  put  its  defenders  to  the 
sword. 

Thus  was  the  oracle  accomplished  which  had  foretold  that 
Athens  should  fall  before  the  might  of  Persia.  But  in  the  very 
midst  of  her  ashes  and  desolation,  a  trivial  portent  seemed  to 
foreshadow  the  resurrection  of  her  power.  The  Athenians  in 
the  train  of  Xerxes,  whilst  sacrificing  in  the  Acropolis,  observed 
with  astonishment  that  the  sacred  olive  tree,  which  grew  in  the 
temple  of  Athena,  had,  in  the  two  days  which  had  elapsed  smce 
the  fire,  thrown  out  a  fresh  shoot  a  cubit  in  length. 

About  the  saixic  time  that  the  army  of  Xerxes  took  possession 
of  Athens,  his  fleet  arrived  in  the  bay  of  Phalerum.  Its  strength 
is  not  accurately  known,  but  at  the  lowest  estimate  must  have 
exceeded  1000  vessels.  The  combined  Grecian  fleet  at  Sal  amis 
consisted  of  366  ships  ;*  a  larger  force  than  had  assembled  at 
Artemisiura,  yet  far  inferior  to  that  of  the  Persians.  Of  these 
ships  200  were  Athenian  ;  the  remainder  consisted  of  the  con- 
tingents of  the  allies,  among  which  that  of  the  Corinthians 
was  the  most  numerous  after  the  Athenian,  namely,  forty  ves- 
sels. 

Xerxes  went  down  to  in.spect  his  fleet,  and  held  a  council  of 
war  as  to  the  expediency  of  an  immediate  attack  upon  the 
Greeks.  The  kings  of  Sidon  and  Tyre,  together  with  the  other 
assembled  potentates,  probably  with  the  view  of  flattering 
Xerxes,  were  for  an  immediate  battle.     One  voice  alone  broke 

*  According  to  Herodotus ;  but  ^seliyhis  reckons  them  at  310  oulj-. 


200  IIJSTOIIY  OF  (illKICCM  Ckap.  XIX. 

the  mi.iiiirmty  ol'  llif  nii-ctiii^r.  ArtcmiHia,  iiwutu  ol'  lialicar- 
nas.siiri,  ill  Caria,  dopnicatcd  Uks  policy  oi"  li<rliliiij;  in  llii;  narrow 
strait,  ol  Salaini.<,  wIkmc  tin;  ninu(;rous  lorci-  of  X'-rxf^s  woiilil  |je 
an  incmnl)ran<u!  ralhur  than  a  liclj).  ^>llf;  urfrn'l  that  if  tlie  anny 
wiMo  niarchfid  towards  l'eloj)onnc.sns,  the  J'olojjonncsiati  Hhijw 
would  withdraw  Iroin  tho  Grecian  fleet,  in  order  to  protect  their 
own  homes.  Slie  is  likewise  n^presented  as  having  drawn  a 
comparison  between  the  maritime  skill  of  the  Greeks  and  Per- 
sians, very  little  fiatteririf^  to  the  latter.  But  these  npresenta- 
tions,  thou<rli  received  with  pcjod  temper,  were  disre^rarded  by 
Xerxes,  and  orders  were  issued  for  an  attack  on  the  following 
morning.  At  the  .same  time  the  army  was  commanded  to  march 
towards  Peloponnesus. 

^  5.  At  this  critical  juncture  dis.sension  reigned  in  the  Grecian 
fleet.  In  the  council  of  war  which  had  been  summoned  by 
Eurybiades,  Themistocles  urged  the  as.seuil)led  chiefs  to  remain 
at  8alamis,  and  give  battle  to  the  Persians  in  the  narrow  straits, 
wliere  the  superior  numbers  of  the  Persians  would  be  of  le.«s 
consequence.  The  Peloponnesian  commanders,  on  the  other 
hand,  were  strongly  opposed  to  remaining  in  their  present  posi- 
tion. They  were  of  opinion  that  the  fleet  should  be  removed  to 
the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  and  thus  be  put  in  communication  with 
their  land-forces.  The  news  of  the  taking  of  Athens,  which 
arrived  during  the  debate,  gave  force  to  these  counsels.  The 
majority  came  to  a  vote  in  favour  of  retreat ;  but  the  approach 
of  night  obliged  them  to  remain  till  the  following  morning. 

It  was  with  gloomy  thoughts  that  Themistocles  retired  from 
the  council.  Upon  reaching  his  own  ship,  a  friend  named 
Mucsiphilus,  to  whom  he  communicated  the  decision,  urged  him 
to  make  one  more  attempt  to  detain  the  Peloponnesians.  Late 
as  it  was,  he  immediately  proceeded  to  the  ship  of  Eurybiades, 
where  urging  with  more  freedom,  and  in  greater  detail  than  he 
had  been  able  to  u.se  in  the  council,  all  the  arguments  against 
the  separation  of  tlie  fleet,  he  succeeded  in  persuading  Eury- 
biades to  convoke  another  assembly.  He  also  used  all  his  etibrts 
privately  with  the  diliercnt  commanders  to  induce  them  to  alter 
their  opinion.  But  he  elicited  nothing  but  anger  and  reproach. 
When  the  council  met,  the  Peloponnesian  commanders  loudly 
expressed  their  dissatisfaction  at  seeing  a  debate  re-opened  which 
they  had  deemed  concluded.  Adimantus,  especially  the  Co- 
rinthian admiral,  broke  out  into  open  rebukes  and  menaces. 
"  Themistocles,"  he  exclaimed,  "  those  who  rise  at  the  public 
games  before  the  signal  are  wlnpped."  "True,"  replied  Themis- 
tocles, "  but  they  who  lag  behind  it  never  win  a  crown."  An- 
other  iucidfut   in    this    discussion    has  been    immortalized    by 


B.C.  480.  DISSENSIONS  AMONG  THE  GREEKS.  207 

Plutarch.  It  is  related  by  this  writer  that  Eurybiades,  incensed 
by  the  language  of  Themistocles,  lifted  up  his  stick  to  strike  him, 
whereupon  the  Athenian  exclaimed,  "  Strike,  but  hear  me  !"* 

Themistocles  repeated  his  arguments  and  entreaties,  but  with- 
out effect.  Adimantus,  with  unfeeling  insolence,  even  denied 
his  right  to  vote ;  since,  Athens  being  in  the  liands  of  the  Per- 
sians, he  represented  no  free  Grecian  city.  Stung  by  this  re- 
mark, Themistocles  reminded  the  assembly  that  he  was  at  the 
head  of  200  well  manned  ships  ;  a  force  with  which  he  could 
easily  procure  for  himself  a  city,  and  even  a  better  city  than 
Corinth.  Prophecies,  he  observed,  had  promised  to  Athens  the 
town  of  Siris  in  Italy ;  it  only  remained  for  the  Athenians  to 
sail  thither  and  take  possession  of  it.  Meanwhile,  let  the  as- 
sembly consider  what  the  Grecian  fleet  would  be  without  the 
Athenian  contingent. 

This  menace  silenced  his  opponents.  Eurybiades,  half  con- 
vinced before,  hesitated  no  longer ;  and  without  taking  the  votes 
of  the  assembly,  issued  orders  for  the  fleet  to  remain  and  fight 
at  Salamis.  The  Peloporniesians  obeyed,  indeed,  the  orders  of 
their  commander.  The  following  morning  discovei-ed  them  en- 
gaged in  preparing  their  ships  for  action  ;  but  with  an  evident 
reluctance,  soon  increased  to  open  discontent  by  messages  re- 
ceived from  home.  Tliese  represented  the  distress  and  terror 
of  their  countrymen,  engaged  in  fortifying  the  isthmus  against 
the  overwhelming  force  of  Xerxes.  Of  what  use  was  it  to  at- 
tempt the  defence  of  Attica,  already  in  the  hands  of  the  Per- 
sians ?  Surely  it  would  be  much  better  for  the  Peloponnesian 
seamen  to  return  and  defend  their  native  and  yet  unconquered 
country  ;  where,  even  if  worsted  at  sea,  they  might  transfer 
their  sei-vices  to  the  land. 

§  6.  Incited  by  these  representations,  the  very  men  who  had 
found  fault  with  a  second  council,  now  clamoured  for  a  third.  It 
met,  and  was  characterized  by  the  same  turbulence  and  the  same 
dissensions  as  the  former  councils.  The  malcontents,  though 
representing  only  a  small  proportion  of  the  naval  force,  had  a 
numerical  superiority  of  votes ;  and  Themistocles,  perceiving  that 
the  decision  of  the  assembly  would  be  against  him,  determined 
to  efiiect  his  object  by  stratagem.  Among  his  slaves  was  an 
Asiatic  Greek  named  Sicinnus,  whom  he  had  intrusted  with  the 
education  of  his  children ;  a  man  of  address  and  ability,  and  per- 
fectly acquainted  with  the  Persian  tongue.    Themistocles  secretly 

*  This  memorable  story,  however,  is  not  in  accordance  with  the  nar- 
rative of  Herodotus,  in  wliich  it  is  Adimantus,  and  not  Eurj'biades,  to 
whom  Themistocles  had  given  offence,  and  who  opposes  the  Atlienian 
with  so  much  vehemence. 


208  IIISTOIIY  OF  GUEECl'l  Chap.  XIX. 

dcHpalclicd  lliis  niiiii  with  a  incsHafrc  to  X<!rxcs,  rcprt'f-oiifiii^'  the 
dis-i'ii.sioiis  wliicli  prevailed  in  llie  ( in-ciaii  fifci,  and  how  eany  a 
iiiatler  it  would  \h'.  to  f^urround  and  vaiKiuir^h  an  unnanient  Loth 
HHiall  and  disunili-d.  TheiiiiHloclcs  liinif^ull'  was  dcHcribed  by 
Si(!innus  as  Javourable  to  the  I'c-r.sian  cauh-c; ;  nor,  tc  judge  from 
liis  subseipient  conduct,  iiii<rht  the  wily  Athenian,  in  the  jiresent 
desperate  situation  of  afiixirs,  have  been  altogether  indisposed  to 
stand  favourably  in  the  sight  of  Xerxes.  However  this  may  be, 
Xerxes,  already  well  inclined  to  strike  a  blow,  readily  adopted 
the  suggestion,  and  ordered  his  caj)tains  to  close  up  the  straita 
of  iSalaniis  at  both  ends. 

It  has  been  already  stated  that  the  Persian  fleet  was  stationed 
in  the  bay  of  Phaleruni,  a  harbour  on  the  Attic  coa.st,  a  few 
miles  eastward  of  the  entrance  of  the  straits  whicli  divided  the 
island  of  iSalamis  from  Attica.  This  entrance,  as  well  as  that 
on  the  north-western  side,  leading  into  the  Itay  of  Eleusis,  is 
exceedingly  narrow,  being  in  parts  not  more  than  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  in  breadtli.  Towards  the  middle,  however,  it  expands; 
and  on  the  side  of  Salamis,  forms  a  bay  or  harbc^ur,  on  which 
the  town  of  Salamis  is  situated,  and  where  the  Grecian  licet  was 
stationed.  During  the  night  the  fleet  of  Xerxes  moved  from 
Phaierum  northwards  along  the  coast,  and  took  up  a  position 
on  the  Attic  side  of  the  straits,  which  they  hned  through  their 
whole  extent,  while  portions  blocked  iip  both  the  northern  and 
southern  outlets  of  the  straits. 

Meanwhile  the  debate  of  the  Grecian  leaders  continued  long 
after  nightfall.  Themistocks  had  employed  ever)'  art  to  pro- 
tract the  discussion,  in  order  to  gain  time  for  tlie  eflect  of  his 
stratagem  ;  and  when  at  last  the  assembly  broke  up,  it  was 
only  on  the  understanding  that  the  debate  should  be  resiuned 
belbre  daybreak. 

{Scarcely  had  the  council  re-assembled,  when  ThcmLstccles  was 
summoned  from  it  by  a  message  that  somebody  wished  to  speak 
to  him.  It  was  Aristides,  who,  in  the  sixth  year  ol"  an  unjust 
banishment,  had  returned  to  sen'e  liis  ungrateful  countr)-,  and  to 
assist,  but  not  to  share  the  triumph  of  a  rival.  His  rival  had, 
indeed,  proposed,  and  his  country  had  ratiiled,  the  revocation  of 
the  sentence  ;  though  to  an  ordinary  man  the  repentance  might 
have  seemed  suspicious,  and  the  atonement  of  little  value, 
which  recalled  him  to  his  native  land,  or,  more  properly  speak- 
mg,  which  restored  him  to  his  exiled  countrymen,  only  to  share 
in  their  dangers  and  distresses.  But  no  such  rellections  found 
a  place  in  the  mind  of  Aristides.  He  was  occupied  oidy  Avith 
his  coiuitrys  welfare,  and  his  first  address  to  Themistocles  was 
that  their  ancient  rivalry  should  for  the  future  be  exerted  only 


B.C.  480.  BATTLE  OF  SALAMIS,  209 

in  their  country's  cause.  He  then  communicated  the  fact  that 
the  Grecian  fleet  was  completely  surrounded  by  that  of  the  Per- 
sians ;  and  related  that  it  was  only  hy  favour  of  the  darkness 
that  his  own  vessel  had  contrived  to  elude  them.  Themistocles, 
having  thus  learned  the  success  of  his  stratagem,  expressed  his 
satisfaction,  and  desired  Aristides  to  commuuicate  the  news  of 
their  situation  to  the  council,  which  would  not  be  disposed  to 
believe  it  from  his  own  lips.  But  even  from  the  lips  of  Aristides 
such  unwelcome  intelligence  found  but  little  credit,  till  it  was 
confirmed  by  the  arrival  of  a  Tenian  ship,  which  had  deserted 
from  the  enemy. 

§  7.  At  length  the  day  began  to  dawn  which  was  to  decide  the 
fate  of  Greece.  As  the  veil  of  night  rolled  gradually  away,  the 
Persian  fleet  was  discovered  stretching  as  far  as  the  eye  could 
reach  along  the  coast  of  Attica  Its  right  wing,  consisting  of 
Phoenician  and  Cyprian  vessels,  was  drawn  up  towards  the  bay 
of  Eleusis,  whilst  tiie  Ionia,ns  occupied  the  left,  towards  Pirajus 
and  the  southern  entrance  of  the  straits.  On  the  low  and  bar- 
ren island  of  Psyttaleia,  adjacent  to  that  point,  a  detachment 
of  choice  Persian  troops  had  been  landed.  As  the  Grecian  fleet 
was  concentrated  in  the  harbour  of  the  town  of  Salamis,  it  was 
thus  surrounded,  as  it  were,  in  a  net  by  the  Persians.  Xerxes, 
who  attributed  the  disasters  at  Artemisium  to  his  own  absence, 
had  caused  a  lofty  throne  to  be  erected  upon  one  of  the  project- 
ing declivities  of  Mount  vEgaleos,  opposite  the  harbour  of  Sala- 
mis,  whence  he  could  survey  the  combat,  and  stimulate  by  his 
presence  the  courage  of  his  men ;  whilst  by  his  side  stood  scribes, 
prepared  to  record  the  names  both  of  the  daring  and  the  backward. 

"  A  king  sate  on  the  rocky  brow 

Wliioh  looks  o'er  sea-born  Salamis; 
And  ships,  by  thousands,  lay  below, 

And  men  in  nations; — all  were  his! 
He  counted  them  at  break  of  day — 
And  when  the  sun  set  where  were  they  ?" 

The  Grecian  commanders  lost  no  time  in  preparing  to  meet 
their  multitudinous  opponents.  The  Athenians  were  posted  in 
the  left  wing,  and  consequently  opposed  to  the  Phoenicians  on  the 
Persian  right.  The  Lacedaemonians  and  the  other  Peloponnesians 
took  their  station  on  the  right,  and  the  iEginetans  and  EubcEans 
in  the  centre.  Animated  by  the  harangues  of  Themistocles  and 
the  other  leaders,  the  Greek  seamen  embarked  with  alacrity, 
encouraging  one  another  to  deliver  their  country,  their  wives  and 
children,  and  the  temples  of  their  gods,  from  the  grasp  of  the  bar- 
barians.    Just  at  this  juncture  a  favourabl'"  omen  seemed  to  pro- 


210 


HISTORY'  r)F  GREECE. 


Chap.  XIX. 


niiric  llieiii  siiccoss.  When  J'iUrybiudos  frave  tin'  onli-r  for  tlic  fleet 
t(t  remain  and  li^'lil  at  SalairiiH,  a  trinMiie  luul  heeii  (l(.»sj)at(;hed  to 
jEfiina  to  invoke  the  assi.stanfe  of  yEacu.s,  and  the  yKaeid  lieroew 
Tehunon  and  A  jax.  As  the  H  reeks  were  on  the  [Kiint  of'ernbark- 
in}^,  tlie  trireme  retnrned  from  the  minsion  jnst  in  time  to  take 
her  place  in  the  line  of  battle. 


i    e 


bS. 


I    •=    <2    I    "    ^    -Ss    ?    I    1    11=    .1;    ?    -S    .s^.    a    I    p. 
B,»e.t<V50t>        [CS:-:j  '*!        coo        ^a.M 


B.C.  480.  BATTLE  OF  SALAillS.  211 

^  8.  As  the  trumpets  sounded,  the  Greeks  rowed  forward  to 
the  attack,  hurhng  into  the  still  morning  air  the  loud  war  Paean 
reverberated  shrilly  from  the  cliHs  of  Salamis,  and  not  unan- 
swered by  the  Persians.  But  suddenly  a  panic  appeared  to 
seize  the  Grecian  oarsmen.  They  paused — backed  astern — and 
some  of  the  rearward  vessels  even  struck  the  ground  at  Salamis. 
At  this  critical  juncture  a  supernatural  portent  is  said  to  have 
re-animated  the  drooping  courage  of  the  Greeks.  A  female  figure 
was  seen  to  hover  over  the  tleet,  uttering  loud  reproaches  at 
their  flight.  Re-animated  by  the  vision,  the  Greeks  again  rowed 
forward  to  the  attack.  History  has  preserved  to  us  but  few 
details  of  the  engagement,  which,  indeed,  soon  became  a  scene  of 
confusion  too  intricate  to  be  accurately  observed  ;  but  the  names 
of  those  who  first  grappled  with  the  enemy  have  not  been  left 
unrecorded.  The  Athenian  captanis,  Aminias  and  Lycomedes, 
the  former  a  brother  of  the  poet  jEschylus,  were  the  first  to  bring 
their  ships  into  action  ;  Democritus,  a  Naxian,  was  the  third. 
The  Persian  fleet,  with  the  exception  of  some  of  the  Ionic  con- 
tingents, appears  to  have  fought  with  alacrity  and  courage.  But 
the  very  numbers  on  which  they  so  confidently  relied,  proved 
one  of  the  chief  causes  of  their  defeat.  They  had  neither  concert 
in  action,  nor  space  to  manogvxvre  ;  and  the  confusion  was  aug- 
mented by  the  mistrust  with  which  i\w  motley  nations  compos- 
ing the  Persian  armament  regarded  one  another.  Too  crowded 
either  to  advance  or  to  retreat,  their  oars  broken  or  impeded  by 
collision  with  one  another,  their  fleet  lay  like  an  inert  and  lifeless 
mass  upon  the  water,  and  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the  Greeks.  A 
single  incident  will  illustrate  the  terror  and  confusion  which 
reigned  among  the  Persians.  Artemisia,  although,  as  we  have 
related,  averse  to  giving  battle,  distinguished  herself  in  it  by 
deeds  of  daring  bravery.  At  length  she  turned  and  fled,  pur- 
sued by  the  Athenian  trierarch,  Aminias.  Full  in  her  course 
lay  the  vessel  of  the  Carian  prince,  Damosithynnis  of  Calyndus. 
Instead  of  avoiding,  she  stiaick  and  sunk  it,  sending  her  country- 
man and  all  his  crew  to  the  bottom.  Aminias,  believing  from 
this  act  that  she  was  a  deserter  from  the  Persian  cause,  suffered 
her  to  escape.  Xerxes,  who  from  his  lofty  throne  beheld  the 
feat  of  the  Halicarnassian  qvxeen,  but  who  imagined  that  the 
sunken  ship  belonged  to  the  Greeks,  was  filled  with  admiration 
at  her  courage,  and  is  said  to  have  exclaimed — "  My  men  are  be- 
come women,  my  women  men  I" 

^  9.  The  number  of  ships  destroyed  and  sunk  is  stated  at  40 
on  the  side  of  the  Greeks,  and  200  on  that  of  the  Persians,  ex- 
clusive of  those  which  were  captured  with  all  their  crews.  Be- 
sides this   loss  at  sea,  Aristides  succeeded   in  inflicting  on  the 


212  HISTORV  OF  fniKKCIv  Chap.  XIX. 

Persians  aiiotliLT  on  liiiwl.  It  lias  Ixtui  alrcaiiy  Htat<;(l  that  w»rne 
dioscii  Persian  Iroojis  had  Ix'rii  landed  at  Psyttaleia,  in  order  to 
assist  such  Persian  sliips,  orrleslmy  sneli  (ireeian  ships  as  iniplit 
be  l()rced  upon  the  island.  WIk-u  the  rout  of  the  J'ersian  fleet 
was  e(»ni|)le1ed,  Aristides  landi;d  on  the  island  with  a  body  of 
Hopliles,  deliiated  the  Persians,  and  cut  them  1o  pieces  to  a  inan. 

Poinidless  were  the  ra;.'e  and  vexation  of  Xerxes,  as  he  con- 
templated the  lliirht  and  deslrnrlion  of  his  fleet.  Some  Pha-ni 
ciau  crews,  which  were  unlucky  enough  to  he  iijreed  ashore  close 
at  the  despot's  feet,  ILdt  the  full  weight  of  his  displeasure.  In 
vain  they  sought  to  throw  the  blarnc  of  the  defijat  on  the  loiiic 
Greeks  serving  under  the  Persian  flag.  Xerxes,  who,  besides 
the  feat  of  Artemisia,  had  observed  a  very  daring  act  of  valour 
peril)rme(l  by  a  Samothraeian  vessel,  treated  the  Pha-nicians  as 
dastardly  calumniators,  and  ordered  them  to  be  beheaded. 

Notwithstanding  this  signal  defeat  and  loss,  the  Persian  fleet 
was  still  formidable  by  its  numbers,  whilst  their  land-force  had 
sufiercd  hardly  any  loss.  The  Greeks  themselves  did  not  regard 
the  victory  as  decisive,  and  prepared  to  renew  the  combat.  But 
from  this  necessity  they  were  relieved  by  the  pusillanimity  of 
Xerxes.  Passing  at  once  from  overweening  conlidence  to  unrea- 
sonable distrust,  the  Persian  monarch  became  anxiously  soli- 
citous even  about  his  own  personal  safety.  He  no  longer  relied 
on  the  capability  of  his  ships  to  protect  his  retreat  over  the 
Hellespont,  esj)ccially  as  his  own  conduct  had  alienated  a  consi- 
derable part  of  his  fleet.  The  Phoenicians,  alarmed  by  the  threats 
which  rage  and  fear  caused  Xerxes  to  utter  against  them,  stole 
away  in  the  night  and  sailed  homewards.  The  whole  care  of  the 
Persian  monarch  was  now  centered  on  securing  his  retreat  by 
land.  The  best  troops  were  disembarked  from  the  shij)s.  and 
marched  towards  the  Hellespont,  in  order  to  secure  the  bridge, 
whilst  the  fleet  itself  was  ordered  to  leave  Phalenun  and  make 
for  Asia. 

These  dispositions  of  Xerxes  were  prompted  by  Mardonius. 
As  the  adviser  of  the  expedition,  Mardonius  felt  all  the  danger 
of  responsibility  for  its  failure,  especially  if  the  personal  safety 
of  his  sovereign  shoidd  be  at  all  endangered.  "With  adroit  flat- 
tery he  consulted  at  once  the  fears  and  the  vanity  of  Xerxes,  and 
his  own  personal  interests.  He  represented  to  his  ma.«ter  that 
the  defeat,  after  all,  was  but  slight,  and  had  fallen  entirely  upon 
the  foreign  auxiliaries  ;  that  having  attained  one  of  the  great  ob- 
jects of  the  expedition  by  the  ca])ture  of  Athens,  he  might  now 
retire  with  honour,  and  even  with  glor}* ;  and  that  for  the  rest 
he  (Mardonius)  would  undertake  to  complete  the  conquest  of 
Greece  with  300,000  men.  Xerxes  readily  listened  to  this  advice, 


15.  C.  480.  RETREAT  OF  XERXES.  2 J.  3 

which  accorded  so  well  with  his  own  inchnations,  and  which  was 
supported  by  his  courtiers,  as  well  as  by  tlueen  Artemisia. 

MO.  When  the  Greeks  learned  that  the  Persian  fleet  had  left 
Phalerum,  they  immediately  sailed  in  pursuit  of  it.  Themis- 
tocles  and  the  Athenians  are  represented,  but  probably  on  no 
sufficient  groinid,  as  anxious  to  push  on  to  the  Hellespont,  and 
cut  off"  the  retreat  of  the  Persians,  and  as  having  been  restrained 
only  by  the  more  prudent  counsels  of  Eurybiades  and  the  Pelo- 
ponnesians.  The  moment  was  chosen  by  Themistocles  to  send 
a  second  message  to  Xerxes  of  a  much  more  questionable  cha- 
racter than  the  first.  Sicinnus  was  again  despatched  to  inform 
the  Persian  monarch  that  Themistocles,  out  of  personal  friend- 
ship for  him,  had  restrained  the  Greeks  frcm  destroying  the 
bridge  over  the  Hellespont,  and  thus  cutting  off  his  retreat.  In 
this  communication  it  is  impossible  to  believe  that  Themistocles 
can  have  had  anything  but  his  own  personal  interest  in  view. 
He  was  well  awars  that  the  Persian  cause  was  far  from  de- 
sperate ;  and  even  if  the  Greeks  should  prove  victorious  in  the 
end,  he  may  have  been  anxious  to  secure  a  safe  retreat  for  him- 
self, if  he  should  be  detected  in  his  guilty  practices. 

The  Greeks  pursued  the  Persian  fleet  as  far  as  the  island  of 
Andros,  but  without  success.  To  punish  those  islands  which 
had  sided  with  Xerxes  was  a  natural  and  justifiable  act,  which 
the  large  naval  force  under  the  command  of  Themistocles  en- 
abled him  to  execute  ;  but  he  abused  the  same  means  in  order  to 
gratify  his  private  rapacity.  The  Andrians,  indeed,  were  too 
poor  to  be  robbed  ;  and  though  Themistocles  threatened  them 
with  two  great  gods — Persuasion  and  Necessity — they  found 
themselves  protected,  as  they  said,  by  two  others  equally  effi- 
cient— Poverty  and  Helplessness.  But  in  other  quarters  he 
succeeded  better.  Frcm  Carystus,  Paros,  and  other  places,  he 
privately  extorted  bribes  by  engaging  to  preserve  them  from 
attack  ;  and  after  a  short  time  employed  in  the  vain  attempt  to 
wring  something  from  Andros,  the  Grecian  ffeet  returned  to 
iSalamis. 

Ml.  Meanwhile  Xerxes  pursued  his  homeward  march  through 
Boeotia  into  Thessaly.  In  the  latter  country  Mardonius  selected 
the  forces  with  which  he  proposed  to  conclude  the  war,  consist- 
ing chieffy  of  Persians,  Medes,  Saca?,  and  Bactrians,  to  the  number 
of  300,000  men.  But  as  autumn  was  now  approaching,  and  as 
60,000  of  these  troops  were  to  escort  the  inarch  of  Xerxes  as  far 
as  the  Hellespont,  Mardonius  resolved  to  postpone  all  further 
operations  till  the  spring. 

After  forty-five  days'  march  from  Attica,  Xerxes  again  reached 
the  shores  ol'tiie  Hellespont,  A\'ith  a  force  greatly  diminished  by 


•214  IIIS'IOKV  OF  CiJiKKCM  Cuai-.  XIX. 

Ijuiiiuc  and  pcstilfiicc.  Thu  sullcriiifrH  of"  lii»  army  were  cxag- 
gcralfd  by  yHsfliylii.s,  and  by  later  jmjcIh  and  iiioraliHtu,  who  de- 
liflhtcd  ill  lu!i;;blc'uinf^  tlic  contrast  between  llie  j>roud  magni- 
ficence of  the  monarch's  advance,  and  the  ignominiouH  humi- 
liation ol"  his  retreat.  Many  of  these  statements  cannot  be 
accepted  as  liistoricai  facts  ;  allhoufrh  there  can  be  jio  donhl  tliat 
fjreat  numbers  perislied  from  want  oi  pntvisions,  and  tlie  diseases 
wiiich  always  li)llow  in  tlie  j)ath  of  famine.  On  the  HellesjHjnt 
Xerxes  Ibiuid  his  fleet,  but  tiie  bridi^e  had  In-en  washed  away  by 
storms.  Landed  on  the  shores  of  Asia,  the  Persian  army  at 
len<rth  obtained  abundance  of  jtrovisions,  and  contracted  new 
maladies  by  the  sudden  cliange  from  ])rivation  to  excess.  Thus 
terminated  this  mighty  but  unsuccessful  expedition.  Two  thou- 
sand years  later,  still  more  barbarous  eastern  hordes  were  des- 
tined to  find  a  settlement  on  the  lair  shores  of  (ireece.  But 
Gi'eecc  had  then  worked  out  her  appointed  task,  and  liad  trans- 
mitted her  arts,  her  literature,  and  her  civilization,  to  the  nations 
of  western  Europe. 

^  12.  Among  the  Greeks  nothing  now  remained  to  be  done 
but  to  celebrate  their  victory  after  the  national  fashion  by  the 
distribution  of  rewards.  To  the  ^ginetans  was  adjudged  the 
chief  prize  for  valour,  whilst  the  Athenians  carried  ofl'  the  second. 
Amongst  individual  combatants,  the  jEginetan,  Polycritus,  and 
the  Athenians,  Eumenes  and  Aminias,  obtained  the  first  rank. 
The  deities  also  received  their  share  of  honour.  Three  Phceni- 
cian  triremes  were  dedicated  respectively  to  Athena  at  Suniurn, 
to  Poseidon  at  the  Corinthian  isthmus,  and  to  the  k>alaminian 
hero,  Ajax.  The  shrine  of  the  Delphian  Apollo  was  also  still 
further  enriched  by  the  oli'eruigs  of  grateiul  superstition. 

Having  distributed  the  reAvards  of  valour,  the  Greek  com- 
manders undertook  the  more  ditEcult  task  of  assigning  the  prizes 
of  wisdom  and  conduct.  Upon  the  altar  of  Poseidon,  at  the 
isthmus  of  Corinth,  whither  the  Grecian  fleet  had  now  repaired, 
each  chief  deposited  a  ticket  inscribed  with  two  names,  of  those 
whom  he  considered  entitled  to  the  first  and  second  prizes.  But 
in  this  adjudication  vanity  and  self-love  defeated  their  own 
objects.  Each  commander  had  put  down  his  own  name  for  the 
first  prize ;  for  the  second,  a  great  majority  preponderated  in 
favour  of  Themistocles.  But  since  the  fii-st  prize  thus  remained 
undecided,  and  as  the  second  could  not,  consequently,  be  adju- 
dicated, the  Athenian  leader  reapt-vl  no  benefit  from  these  votes. 
From  the  t^partans.  however,  whom  he  shortly  afterwards  visited, 
he  received  the  honours  due  to  his  merit.  A  crown  of  olive, 
similar  to  that  which  rewarded  their  own  commander,  Eur}'- 
biades,  was  contenvd  upon  him,  ti)gether  with  one  of  the  most 


B.C.  480.  DEFEAT  OF  THE  CARTHAGINIANS.  215 

splendid  chariots  which  the  city  could  produce  ;  and  on  his  de- 
parture the  three  hundred  Hippeis,  or  knights,  the  youth  and 
llower  of  the  Lacedaemonian  militia,  accompanied  him  as  a  guard 
of  honour  as  far  as  Tegea.  In  fact,  the  honours  heaped  upon 
Themistocles  by  the  haughty  Spartans  were  so  extraordinary,  as 
to  excite,  it  is  said,  the  jealousy  of  the  Athenians  against  their 
distinguished  countryman. 

^13.  On  the  very  same  day  on  which  the  Persians  were  de- 
feated at  Salamis,  another  portion  of  the  Hellenic  race,  the  Sici- 
lian Greeks,  also  obtained  a  victory  over  an  immense  barbarian 
force.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  invasion  of  Sicily  by 
the  Carthaginians  was  concerted  with  Xerxes,  and  that  the 
simultaneous  attack  on  two  distinct  Grecian  peoples,  by  two 
immense  armamsnts,  was  not  merely  the  result  of  chance.  It 
was,  however,  in  the  internal  afi'airs  of  Sicily  that  the  Carthagi- 
nians sought  the  pretext  and  the  opportunity  for  their  invasion. 
About  the  year  481  b.c,  Theron,  despot  of  Agrigentum,  a  relative 
of  Gelon's,  the  powerful  ruler  of  Syracuse,  expelled  Terillus  from 
Himera,  and  took  possession  of  that  town.  TeriUus,  backed  by 
some  Sicilian  cities,  which  formed  a  kind  of  Carthaginian  party, 
applied  to  the  Carthaginians  to  restore  him.  The  Carthaginians 
complied  with  the  invitation ;  and  in  the  year  480  b.c,  Hamilcar 
landed  at  Panormus  with  a  force  composed  of  various  nations, 
which  is  said  to  have  amounted  to  the  enormous  sum  of 
300,000  men.  Having  drawn  up  his  vessels  on  the  beach, 
and  protected  them  with  a  rampart,  Hamilcar  proceeded  to 
besiege  the  Himeraeans,  who  on  their  part  prepared  for  an  obsti- 
nate defence.  At  the  mstance  of  Theron,  Gelon  marched  to  the 
relief  of  the  town  with  50,000  foot  and  5000  horse.  An  obsti- 
nate and  bloody  engagement  ensued,  which,  by  a  stratagem  of 
Gelon's,  was  at  length  determined  in  his  favour.  The  ships  of 
the  Carthaginians  were  tired,  and  Hamilcar  himself  slain.  Ac- 
cording to  the  statement  of  Diodorus,  150,000  Carthaginians  fell 
in  the  engagement,  while  the  greater  part  of  the  remainder  sur- 
rendered at  discretion,  twenty  ships  alone  escaping  with  a  few 
fugitives.  This  account  may  justly  be  regarded  as  an  exaggera- 
tion ;  yet  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  victory  was  a  decisive 
one,  and  the  number  very  great  of  the  prisoners  and  slain. 

Thus  were  the  arms  of  Greece  victorious  on  all  sides,  and  the 
outposts  of  Europe  maintained  against  the  incursions  of  the 
serai-barbarous  hordes  of  Asia  and  Africa.  In  Sicily,  Greek  taste 
made  the  sinews  of  the  prisoners  subserve  the  purposes  of  art ; 
and  many  of  the  public  structures  which  adorned  and  distin- 
gnished  Agrigentum.  rose  by  the  labor  of  the  cap+ive  Carthagi- 
nians. 


^u^  <// 


J^r,' iT7i 

1'  1  'iT  1'  \  \ 

?r^f    1     1     1 

1     1     1    1 

1      m  iPie 

1   1 

1  1  1  1 1  1 1  1 

_i  1-  m n 

1     1       1       1       1        1        Ml   M 

-^  II 

Ml    II  !    M 

T^i  p.«l 

Temple  of  Nike  Apteros  (Ihe  Wingless  Victory),  on  Ihe  Acropolis  at  Atbcfu:. 


CHAPTER  XX. 


BATTLES    OF    TLAT.EA    AND    MYCALE. 


§  1.  Position  of  the  Persian  and  Greek  fleets.  §  2.  Preparations  of  Mar- 
donius  for  the  campaign.  §  3.  He  solicits  the  Athenians  to  join  hinu 
Faithlessness  of  tlie  Spartans.  §  4.  Mardonius  occupies  Athens.  Athe- 
nian embassy  to  Sparta.  March  of  the  Sjiartan  army.  §  5.  Mardonius 
retires  into  B(Cotia:  followed  by  the  Grecian  army.  Skirmishes.  S  6. 
The  Greeks  descend  into  the  plain.  Man<inivres  of  the  two  armies,  i;  7. 
Alexander,  king  of  Maeedon,  visit.s  the  Grecian  camp.  The  Greeks  re- 
solve to  change  their  ground:  their  disorderly  retreat,  g  8.  Battle  of 
Platfca.  Defeat  of  the  Persians.  §0.  Division  of  the  spoil.  §  10.  Re- 
duction of  Thebes,  and  execution  of  the  Thcban  loaders.  §  ll.  Death 
of  Aristodemus.    §  12.  League  of  Plat ;ra.    Religious  ceremonies.    §13. 


Battle  of  Mvcale.     Defeat  of  the  Persiians. 


14.  Liberation  of  the 


Greek  islands.     §  15.  Siege  and  capture  of  Sestos. 

k  1-  The  remnant  of  the  Persian  fleet,  after  conveying  Xerxes 
and  his  army  across  the  Hellespont,  wintered  at  Cyme  and 
Samos  ;  and  early  in  the  ensuing  spring,  the  whole  annament, 
to  the  number  of  about  400  vessels,  re-assembled  at  the  latter 
island.  This  movement  was  adopted  in  order  to  keep  a  watch 
over  louia,  which  showed  symptoms  of  an  inclination  to  revolt  ; 
and  not  with  anv  design  of  attacking  the  Grecian  fleet.  The 
latter,  consisting  of  about  1 10  ships,  under  tlie  command  of  the 
Spartan  king  Leotychidcs,  a.*.<('inl)led  in  the  spring  at  -3i]gina. 
From  this  station  it  advanced  as  far  ca^lwarils  as  Dclos  ;  but 


B.C.  479.  PREPARATIONS  OF  MA^ONIUS.  217 

the  Ionian  envoys  despatched  to  the  Peloponnesians,  with  pro- 
mises that  the  lonians  would  revolt  from  Persia  as  soon  as  the 
Greek  fleet  appeared  off  their  coast,  could  not  prevail  upon  Leo- 
tychides  to  venture  an  attack  upon  the  Persians. 

^  2.  The  disastrous  retreat  of  Xerxes  had  not  much  shaken 
the  fidelity  of  his  Grecian  allies.  Potidsea,  indeed,  and  the  other 
towns  on  the  isthmus  of  Pallene,  declared  themselves  indepen- 
dent ;  whilst  symptoms  of  disaffection  were  also  visible  among 
the  Phocians  ;  but  the  more  impoilant  allies  of  Persia,  the 
Macedonians,  the  Thessalians,  and  especially  the  Boeotians,  were 
still  disposed  to  co-operate  vigorously  with  Mardonius.  That 
general  prepared  to  open  the  campaign  in  the  spring.  As  a 
preliminary  measure,  adopted  probably  with  the  view  of  flatter- 
ing the  religious  prejudices  of  his  Greek  allies,  he  consulted  some 
of  the  most  celebrated  oracles  in  Ba'otia  and  Phocis  respecting 
the  issue  of  the  war.  He  was  not  without  hopes  of  inducing 
the  Athenians  to  join  the  Persian  alliance  ;  and,  in  order  to 
facilitate  such  a  step,  it  was  pretended  that  the  oracles  had  fore- 
told the  approach  of  the  time  when  the  Athenians,  united  with 
the  Persians,  should  expel  the  Dorians  from  Peloponnesus. 

^  3.  The  influence  of  superstition  was  aided  by  the  intrigues 
of  diplomacy.  Alexander,  king  of  Macedon,  was  despatched  to 
conciliate  the  Athenians,  now  partially  re-established  in  their 
dilapidated  city.  His  offers  on  the  part  of  the  Persians  were  of 
the  most  seductive  kind ;  the  reparation  of  all  damage,  the 
friendship  of  the  Great  King,  and  a  considerable  extension  of  ter- 
ritory :  the  whole  backed  by  the  pressing  instances  of  Alexander 
himself,  and  enforced  by  a  vivid  picture  of  the  exposed  and 
helpless  situation  of  Attica. 

The  temptation  was  certainly  strong.  On  the  one  hand, 
ruined  homes  and  empty  granaries,  the  result  of  the  last  cam- 
paign ;  the  first  shock  and  severest  brunt  of  the  war  to  be 
sustained  by  Attica,  as  the  outpost  of  southern  Hellas,  and  this 
for  lukewarm  and  selfish  allies,  to  whose  negligence  and  breach 
of  faith  the  Athenians  chiefly  owed  their  present  calamities  : 
on  the  other  hand,  their  city  restored,  their  starving  population 
fed,  the  horrors  of  war  averted,  aird  only  that  more  agreeable 
part  of  it  adopted  which  would  consist  in  accompanying  and 
aiding  an  overwhelming  force  in  a  career  of  almost  certain  vic- 
tory. The  Lacedaemonians  were  quite  alive  to  the  exigencies  of 
the  situation,  so  far,  at  least,  as  it  concerned  their  own  safety. 
They  also  had  sent  envoys  to  counteract  the  seductions  of  Alex- 
ander, and  to  tender  relief  to  the  distressed  population  of  Athens. 
The  answer  of  the  Athenians  Avas  magnanimous  and  dignified. 
They  dismissed  Alexander  with  a  positive  rcfii.'^al   and  even  m  itii 

L 


218  HISTORY  Ul"  (MtKKCI'l  Chap.  XX. 

Hoiiii'lliiii;^  like  a  threat  of  j)crH<)nal  violence  in  rane  lie  kIiou1(1 
a<,^'lin  be  the  bearer  ol' such  pro|)<Jhal«  ;  -whiLtt  to  the  Lace<la;ino- 
iiians  tliey  jirotcsted  that  no  tetniitationf,  however  frreat,  hhould 
ever  induce  tliein  to  desert  the  ct;nmion  cau»e  ol  Greece  and 
IVeeddui.  In  return  for  thi«  disinterested  conduct,  all  they 
asked  was  that  a  rel()jK)inie.-ian  army  should  be  seat  into 
JJudlia  liir  the  delence  of  the  Attic  i'rontier  ;  a  request  which 
the  JSpartan  envoys  ])roiiiised  to  fullil. 

Ko  sooner,  however,  had  they  returned  into  llicir  owu  coun- 
try than  this  j)rornise  was  coiiij)letely  iijrfrotteii.  As  on  the 
lonner  occasion,  the  Laceda-rnonians  covered  their  selfishness 
and  iudiilerence  beneath  the  hyjujcritical  garb  of  relifrion.  The 
omens  were  unfavourable  ;  the  sun  had  been  eclipsed  at  the 
moment  when  Cleombrotus,  the  iSpartan  king,  was  consulting 
the  gods  respecting  the  expedition  ;  and,  besides  this,  they  were 
engaged  in  celebrating  the  festival  of  the  Hyacinthia.  But  no 
omens  or  IL'stivals  had  prevented  tliern  from  resuming  with 
unremitting  diligence  the  labour  of  fortifying  the  isthmus,  and 
the  walls  and  battlements  were  now  rapidly  advancing  towards 
completion. 

§  4.  AYhen  Mardonius  was  informed  that  the  Athenians  had 
rejected  his  proposal,  he  immediately  marched  against  Athens, 
accompanied  by  all  his  Grecian  allies  ;  and  in  M-ay  or  June,  B.C. 
479,  about  ten  months  after  the  retreat  of  Xerxes,  the  Persians 
again  occupied  that  city.  AYith  feelings  of  bitter  indignation 
against  their  faithless  allies,  tlie  Athenians  saw  themselves  once 
more  compelled  to  remove  to  Salamis.  But  even  in  this  de- 
pressed condition,  the  naval  force  of  the  Athenians  still  ren- 
dered them  formidable  ;  and  Mardonius  took  advantage  of  his 
situation  to  endeavour  once  more  to  win  them  to  his  alliance. 
Through  a  Hellespontine  Greek,  the  same  favourable  conditions 
were  again  ollered  to  them,  but  were  again  refused.  One  voice 
alone,  that  of  the  senator  Lycidas,  broke  the  unanimity  of  the 
assembly.  But  his  opposition  cost  him  his  life.  He  and  his 
family  were  stoned  to  death  by  the  excited  populace. 

In  this  desperate  condition  the  Athenians  sent  ambassadors 
to  the  Spartans  to  remonstrate  against  their  breach  of  faith, 
and  to  implore  them,  before  it  ^^•as  too  late,  to  come  forwards 
in  the  connnon  cause  of  Greece.  The  ambassadors  were  also 
instructed  to  intimate  that  necessity  might  at  length  compel  the 
Athenians  to  listen  to  the  proposals  of  the  enemy.  This  mes- 
sage, hoMever,  was  very  coolly  received  by  the  Lacediemonians. 
For  ten  davs  no  answer  whatever  was  returned  ;  and  it  can 
scarcely  be  doubted  that  the  reply,  which  they  at  last  thought 
fit  to  make,  would  have  been  a  negative,  but  for  a  piece  of  advice 


B.C.  479.         MARDONIUS  RETIRES  INTO  BCEOTIA.  219 

which  opened  their  eyes  to  the  consequences  of  their  selfish 
pohcy.  Chileos,  a  Tegean,  a  man  whose  wisdom  they  revered, 
and  whom  they  consuhed  on  this  occasion,  pointed  out  to  them 
that  their  fortifications  at  the  isthmus  would  prove  of  no  avail 
in  case  the  Athenians  allied  themselves  to  the  Persians,  and 
thus,  by  means  of  their  fleet,  opened  a  way  into  the  heart  of 
Peloponnesus.  It  is  strange  that  the  LacedEemonians  should 
have  needed  tliis  admonition,  which  seems  obvious  enough  ;  but 
selfisliness  is  proverbially  blind. 

The  conduct  of  the  Spartans  was  as  prompt  as  their  change 
of  resolution  had  been  sudden.  That  very  night  5000  citizens, 
each  attended  by  seven  Helots,  were  despatched  to  the  frontiers : 
and  these  were  shortly  followed  by  5000  Lacedaemonian  Perioeci, 
each  attended  by  one  light-armed  Helot.  Never  before  had  the 
Spartans  sent  so  large  a  force  uito  the  field.  Their  example 
was  followed  by  other  Peloponnesian  cities  ;  and  the  Athenian 
envoys  returned  to  Salamis  w'ith  the  joyful  news  that  a  large 
army  was  preparing  to  march  against  the  enemy,  under  the 
command  of  Pausanias,  who  acted  as  regent  for  Plistarchus,  the- 
infant  son  of  Leouidas. 

^  5.  Mardonius,  on  learnuig  the  approach  of  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians, abandoned  Attica,  and  proceeded  by  the  pass  of  Decelea, 
across  Mount  Parnes  into  Boeotia,  a  country  more  adapted  to 
the  operations  of  cavalry,  in  which  his  strength  principally  lay. 
Whilst  he  still  entertained  a  hope  that  the  Athenians  might  be 
induced  to  join  his  arms,  he  had  refrained  from  committing  any 
depredations  on  their  territory  ;  but  finding  this  expectation  vain, 
he  employed  the  last  days  of  his  stay  m  burning  and  devastating  all 
that  had  been  spared  by  the  army  of  Xerxes.  After  crossing  the 
frontiers  of  Boeotia,  and  marching  a  day  or  two  along  the  Asopus, 
he  finally  took  up  a  position  on  the  left  bank  of  that  river,  and 
not  far  from  the  town  of  Plattea.  Here  he  caused  a  camp  to  be 
constructed  of  ten  furlongs  square,  and  fortified  with  barricades 
and  towers.  The  situation  M'as  well  selected,  smce  he  had  the 
friendly  and  well  fortified  city  of  Thebes  in  his  rear,  and  was 
thus  in  no  danger  of  falling  short  of  pro\'isions.  Yet  the  dispo- 
sition of  his  army  was  far  from  being  sanguine.  With  the  ex- 
ception of  the  Thebans  and  Bceotians,  his  Grecian  allies  were 
become  lukewarm  or  wavering  ;  and  even  among  the  Persians 
themselves,  the  disastrous  flight  of  their  monarch  in  the  pre- 
ceding year  had  naturally  damped  all  hopes  of  the  successful 
issue  of  a  campaign  which  was  now  to  be  conducted  with  far 
inferior  forces. 

Meanwhile,  the  Lacedsemonian  force  collected  at  the  isthmus 
was  receiving  reinforcements  from  the  various  slates  of  Pelo- 


220  IIIS'IOIIV   OK  (iliKKCM  CnAi-.  XX. 

poiiiicsiis.  On  its  ni.inli  tlirnufih  Mcfjara  il  wua  jojiic-d  Ly 
!>()<»()  Mc;.'ariaus;  and  at.  EIouhIh  received  it.s  linal  accet-Hiuii  ol' 
M)l)0  AtliLMiiaii  and  (iUO  I'lata-an  Jloplites,  who  liad  crowed  over 
i'roni  Salaniis  undi-r  iho  conirnaiid  of  AristidcH.  The  Grecian 
army  now  consisted  of  ;jH,700  licavy-artnfd  men,  attended  by 
Helots  an(i  lij,'lil-anned  trrujps  to  tlie  nninlier  ol' nearly  70,000  ; 
and,  loffethor  with  1^00  badly  anned  Th«'sj)ians,  formed  a  jrrand 
total  ot"  about  110,000  men.  There  were,  however,  no  cavalr)', 
and  but  very  iew  bowmen. 

liaviuf^  consulted  the  gods  by  sacrifices,  which  jiroved  of  a 
favonrabli  nature,  the  Grecian  army  broke  up  from  Eleusis,  and 
directed  its  march  over  tiie  ridge  c»t  Cithieron.  On  de.'-cending 
its  northern  side,  tlic  Greeks  came  in  sight  of  the  Persian  army 
drawn  up  in  llio  valley  of  the  Asopiis.  Pausanias,  not  earing  to 
expose  his  troops  to  the  attacks  of  the  Persian  cavalry  on  the 
l)lain,  halted  them  on  the  slopes  of  the  mountain,  near  Erjthra;, 
where  the  groimd  was  rugged  and  uneven,  (^ee  Plan,  P'irst 
Position).  This  position  did  not,  however,  altogether  preserve 
them.  Skilled  in  the  use  of  the  bow  and  of  the  javelin,  the 
Persian  liorsemen,  luider  the  command  of  Masistius,  repeatedly 
cliarged  the  Greeks,  harassing  them  with  flights  oi"  missiles,  and 
taunting  them  with  cowardice  for  not  venturing  down  into  the 
])lain.  The  Megarians,  especially,  sulicred  severely  until  rescued 
by  a  body  of  300  clioseu  Athenians,  who  succeeded  in  repulsing 
tlie  Persian  cavalry,  and  killing  their  leader,  Masistius.  a  man 
tall  in  stature  and  of  distinguished  braver)'.  The  Greeks  cele- 
brated their  triumph  by  parading  the  corpse  through  the  army 
in  a  cart. 

§  6.  This  success  encouraged  Pausanias  to  quit  the  high 
ground  and  lake  up  a  position  on  the  plain.  Deliling  irom  Eiy- 
thrte  in  a  westerly  direction,  and  marching  by  Hysia-,  he  formed 
his  army  in  a  line  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Ascpus.  In  tliis 
arrangement,  the  right  wing,  which  extended  to  the  fountain 
Gargaphia,  was  conceded,  as  the  post  of  honor,  to  the  Jjacedae- 
monians  ;•  the  occupation  of  the  left,  near  the  grove  of  the  hero 
Androcrates,  was  disputed  between  the  Tegeans  and  Athenians. 
The  matter  was  refeiTed  to  the  whole  body  of  the  Laceda-monian 
troops,  who  by  acclamation  declared  the  Athenians  entitleil  to 
the  preference. 

On  perceiving  that  the  Greeks  had  changed  their  position, 
Mardonius  drew  up  his  armv  opposite  to  them,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Asopus.  (See  Flan,  Second  Position).  He  himself, 
with  the  Persians  anil  Medes,  the  ilower  of  his  anny,  took  his 
post  in  the  kd\  wing,  facing  the  Lacedannonians  on  the  Grecian 
risiht  :  whilst  the  Greeks  and  iMaeedonians  in  tlie  Persian  service. 


B.C.  479. 


BATTLE  OF  PLATyEA. 


221 


Daule  of  Plataea.     (From  Grote's  Greece.) 


I.  First  position  occupied  by 

tlie  opposing  armies. 
II.  Second  position. 
III.  Third  position. 


A.  EoHd  from  Plataen  to  Thebes, 

B.  Road  from  Megar.l  to  Thebes. 

C.  Persian  camp. 

D.  Erylhra;. 

E.  Hysiffi. 


to  the  number,  probably,  of  50,000,  were  opposed  to  the  Athe- 
nians on  the  left.  The  centre  of  Mardonius  Avas  composed  of 
Bactrians,  Indians,  Sacee,  and  other  Asiatics  and  Egj^tians  ;  and 
his  whole  force  probably  amounted  to  about  300,000  men. 

But  though  the  armies  were  thus  in  presence,  each  was  reluc- 
tant to  commence  the  attack.  The  soothsayers  on  both  sides, 
whose  responses  were  probably  dictated  by  the  feeling  prevalent 
among  the  commanders,  declared  that  the  sacrifices  were  un- 
favourable for  any  aggressive  movement.  For  eight  days  the 
armies  remained  inactive,  except  that  the  Persians  aimoyed  the 
Greeks  at  a  distance  with  their  missiles,  and  altogether  pre- 
vented them  from  watering  at  tbe  Asopus.      On  the  eighth  day 


'2iJ2  MISTOIIV  OF  CIIICKCK.  Thai'.  XX. 

Manlniiiiis,  at  ihc.  su<rfr<'Hti()ti  of  the  Thcbaii  Icadi-r  Titna<.'ciiifla8, 
(•iii[iloyc(l  liis  cavalry  in  criittinj^  oil  llif  siij)[ilic.s  of  tlir;  (ircokf, 
and  ca])turwl  a  train  of  500  boastrf  of  liurtlicu,  to<r(;llier  with 
tlii^ir  escort,  as  tlu-y  were  dcfiliiif,'  lliroiiyli  oik;  of  the  pat<.«<!8  of 
Citliairoii.  Artabazus,  the  Hecoiid  in  eonnnaiid,  advised  Mardf>- 
iiiiis  to  continue  this  pohcy  of  liarassinj^  and  weariiif,'  out  the 
(J reeks,  without  riskin<(  a  freneral  enfrajfeuient ;  and  also  to  en- 
deavour, by  means  of  bribes,  to  corrupt  and  disunite  them 
That  this  latter  step  was  feasible  ajipears  froiu  what  actually 
occurred  arnon^  the  Athenians.  Several  of  the  wealthier  IIop- 
lites  serving  in  their  ranks  entered  into  a  conspiracy  to  establish 
at  Athens,  luider  Persian  supremacy,  an  olifrarchy  resembling 
lliat  at  Thebes.  Fortunately,  however,  the  plot  Mas  discovered 
and  repressed  by  Aristides.  But  Mardonius  was  too  impatient 
to  await  the  success  of  such  measures,  which  he  considered  as 
an  imputation  on  the  Persian  arms  ;  and,  overniling  the  opinions, 
of  Avtabazus  and  the  rest  of  his  officers,  gave  orders  to  |)repare 
for  a  general  attack. 

^  7.  On  tlie  night  after  Mardonius  had  taken  this  resolution, 
Alexander,  king  of  Macedon,  leaving  the  Persian  camp  by  stealth, 
rode  up  to  the  Athenian  outposts,  and  desiring  to  speak  with 
Aristides  and  the  other  generals,  informed  them  of  the  intended 
attack  on  tlie  morrow.  "  I  risk  my  life,"  he  observed,  "  in  con- 
veying this  intelligence  :  but  I  too  am  a  Greek  by  descent,  and 
with  sorrow  should  1  see  Hellas  enslaved  by  the  Persians." 

Aristides  immediately  communicated  this  news  to  Pausanias. 
On  hearing  it,  the  lattt^r  made  a  proposal  savouring  but  little  of 
the  traditionary  Spartan  valour,  namely,  that  the  Athenians,  who 
had  had  experience  of  the  Persian  mode  of  fighting,  should 
change  places  with  the  Lacedasmonians  in  the  line.  The  Athe- 
nians readily  assented  to  this  arrangement.  Mardonius,  how- 
ever, on  perceiving  the  change  which  had  been  made,  ellected 
a  corresponding  one  in  his  own  line.  Hereupon  Pausanias 
marched  back  to  the  Grecian  right,  and  Avas  again  followed  by 
Mardonius  ;  so  that  the  two  armies  remamed  in  their  original 
position. 

Neither  side,  however,  was  inclined  to  venture  a  general  at- 
tack. The  fighting  was  coutined  to  the  Persian  cavalry,  which 
tlie  Greeks  had  no  adequate  means  of  repelling.  For  some  por- 
tion of  the  day  it  obtained  possession  of  the  fountain  of  Garga- 
phia,  the  only  source  from  which  the  Greeks  could  procure  their 
water,  and  succeeded  in  choking  it  up.  It  also  intercepted  the 
convoys  of  provisions  proceedmg  to  the  Grecian  camp.  Under 
these  circumstances,  finding  the  ground  untenable,  Pausanias 
summoned  a  council  of  war,  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  retreat 


B.C.  479.  BATTLE  OF  PLAT.^EA,  223 

during  the  night  to  a  place  called  the  Island,  about  ten  furlongs 
in  the  rear  of  their  present  position,  and  halfway  between  it  and 
the  towii  of  Piatsea.  The  spot  selected,  improperly  called  an 
island,  was  in  fact  a  piece  of  ground  about  three  furlongs  in 
breadth,  comprised  between  two  branches  of  the  river  Oeroe, 
which,  rising  from  distinct  sources  in  Cithaeron,  and  running  for 
some  space  nearly  parallel  Avith  one  another,  at  length  unite,  and 
flow  in  a  westerly  direction  into  the  gulf  of  Corinth.  The 
nature  of  the  ground  would  thus  afford  to  the  Greeks  both 
abundance  of  water  and  protection  from  the  enemys  cavalry. 

The  retreat,  however,  though  for  so  short  a  distance,  was  ef- 
fected in  disorder  and  coidusion.  The  Greek  centre,  chiefly 
composed  of  Megarians  and  Corinthians,  instead  of  taking  up  a 
position  on  the  Island,  as  commanded  by  Pausanias,  did  not  halt 
till  they  reached  the  town  of  Plata^a,  where  they  formed  in  front 
of  the  Hergeum  on  high  grou'id,  and  protected  by  buildings.  (See 
Plan,  Third  Position.)  Sjme  time  alter  their  departure  Pau- 
sanias commanded  the  r!ght  wing,  wliich,  as  we  have  said,  was 
composed  of  Lacedaemonians,  to  follow.  But  liis  orders  were  dis- 
puted by  one  of  his  captains,  Amompharetus,  a  leader  of  one  of 
the  lochi,  who  had  not  been  present  at  the  council  of  Avar,  and  who, 
considering  this  retrograde  movement  as  a  retreat  derogatorj^  to 
Spartan  honour,  obstinately  refused  to  stir  from  his  post.  Mean- 
while, the  Athenians — not  unnaturally  distrustful  of  the  Spartans 
— before  they  broke  gi-ound  themselves,  despatched  a  mounted 
messenger  to  ascertain  w^hether  the  right  wing  Avas  really  pre- 
paring to  march.  The  messenger  found  the  Spartan  troops  in 
their  former  position,  and  Pausanias,  together  with  the  other 
generals,  engaged  m  a  warm  dispute  Avith  the  refractory  captain. 
No  threats  of  being  left  alone  could  induce  him  to  move  ;  and 
when  reminded  that  the  order  for  retreat  had  been  resolved 
upon  in  a  council  of  Avar,  he  took  up  a  huge  rock,  and  casting  it 
at  the  feet  of  Pausanias,  exclaimed — "  With  this  pebble  I  giA'e  my 
vote  not  to  fly  from  the  foreigners."' 

Meantime,  the  day  began  to  daAvn  :  a  little  longer  delay  and 
retreat  AA'ould  become  impossible.  Pausanias  resolved  to  aban- 
don Amompharetus  and  his  lochus  to  their  fate,  should  he  really 
prove  so  obstinate  as  to  stand  his  ground  after  the  departure  of 
the  rest  of  the  army.  The  order  to  march  Avas  gi\en.  The 
slant  rays  of  the  rising  sun  gleamed  on  the  taU  and  bristling 
spears  of  the  Lacedaemonian  columns  as  they  slowly  ascended 
the  hills  Avhich  separated  them  from  the  Island.  The  Athenians, 
posted  more  towards  the  east,  and  who  Avere  to  arri\'e  at  the 
appomted  spot  by  turning  the  hills,  began  their  march  at  the 
same  time.     Amompharetus  Avas  not  so  madly  obstinate  as  to 


224  IflS'IOin-  OF  (;ilKi:CR  CiiAi'.  XX- 

;iw;iil  alone  tin'  a])i)n)anli  (dtliu  I'lTHians.  Fiudiiif^  that  liis  com- 
ra(l(vs  liail  n-ally  (le|)art(d,  he  gave  orders  to  Ibllow,  and  overlook 
tlieiii  at  tlieir  lir.st  lialt. 

Ij  8.  Mardoiiius  beheld  willi  a.~l(;iiiK}iincnt  and  disdain  the 
retreating  ranks  of"  the  iSpartans.  Tlie  order  was  given  to  jjursue. 
The  shout  of"  victory  already  rang  llirough  the  Persian  host  as 
they  (hished  in  a  confused  nias«,  cavalry  and  inf'antr)',  through 
the  waters  of  the  As(»[)us,  and  up  the  hill  after  the  retreating 
foe.  S(-areoly  had  Pausauias  time  to  deploy  on  the  sjxit  where 
he  had  halted  lor  Auionipharetus,  when  the  Persian  cavalry  were 
upon  him.  These  were  soon  fidlowed  by  the  infantry  ;  who, 
planting  in  the  ground  their  long  wicker  shields,  or  grrr/ui,  and 
thus  forming  a  kind  of  breastwork,  annoyed  the  Lacedaemonians 
with  showers  of  arrows.  Even  in  these  circumstances  the  rites 
of  religion  were  not  neglected  by  Pausanias.  For  some  time  the 
sacrillces  were  unfavourable  for  an  attack  ;  till  Paasanias  invoked 
the  assistance  of  Hera,  whose  temple  rose  conspicuous  at  Platjea. 
H.udly  had  the  prayer  been  uttered  when  the  victims  changed, 
and  the  order  to  charge  was  given.  The  line  of  wicker  shields 
fell  at  the  first  onset  of  the  Lacedaimonians.  The  light-armed 
undisciplined  Persians,  whose  bodies  were  unprotected  with 
armour,  had  now  to  maintain  a  very  unequal  combat  against  the 
serried  ranks,  the  long  spears,  and  the  mailed  bodies  of  the 
Spartan  phalanx.  Des})erate  deeds  of  valour  they  performed, 
throwuig  themsjlves  upon  the  Grecian  ranks  and  endeavouring 
to  get  into  close  combat,  where  they  could  use  their  javelins  and 
daggers.  Mardonius  at  the  head  of  his  body-guard  of  1000  picked 
men,  and  conspicuous  by  his  white  charger,  was  among  the  fore- 
most in  the  fight,  till  struck  down  by  the  hand  of  Aimnestas,  a 
distinguished  Spartan.  The  fall  of  their  general  was  the  signal 
for  flight  to  the  Persians,  already  wearied  and  disheartened  by 
the  fruitless  contest.  The  panic  was  general  both  among  the 
Persians  themselves  and  their  Asiatic  allies ;  nor  did  they 
once  stop  till  they  had  again  crossed  the  Asopus  and  reached 
their  fortified  camp. 

The  glory  of  having  defeated  the  Persians  at  Platjea  rests, 
therefore,  with  the  Lacedsemonians  ;  yet  the  Athenians  also  were 
not  without  some  share  in  the  honour  of  the  day.  Pausanias, 
when  overtaken  by  the  Persians,  despatched  a  liorseman  to  Aris- 
;tides  to  request  him  to  hasten  to  his  assistance  ;  but  the  coming 
up  of  the  Boeotians  prevented  him  from  dohig  so.  A  sharp 
conflict  ensued  between  tlie  latter  and  the  Athenians.  The 
Thebans,  especially,  fought  with  groat  bravery  ;  but  were  at 
length  repulsed  with  considerable  loss.  Though  compelled  to 
give  way,  they  retreated  in  good  order  to  Thebes,  being  covered 


B.C.  479.  DEATH  OF  MARDONIUS.  225 

by  their  cavalry  from  the  pursuit  of  the  Athenians.  None  of 
the  other  Greeks  in  the  Persian  service  took  any  share  in  the 
fight,  but  turned  their  backs  as  soon  as  they  saw  that  the  day 
was  lost.  Of  the  Persians  themselves,  40,U00  under  the  com- 
mand of  Artabazus  did  not  strike  a  blow.  The  eagerness  and 
impetuosity  of  Mardonius,  and  the  contempt  which  he  had  con- 
ceived for  the  Laeedsemonians  on  account  of  what  he  considered 
their  flight,  had  led  him  to  begin  the  attack  without  waiting  Ibr 
the  corps  of  Artabazus  ;  and  when  that  general  arrived  upon  the 
field  the  rout  was  already  complete.  Artabazus,  indeed,  who  had 
always  deprecated  a  general  engagement,  was  probably  not  very 
zealous  on  the  occasion  ;  at  all  CA'ents  he  did  not  make  a  single 
attemjit  to  restore  the  fortune  of  the  day  ;  and  instead  ol'  retreat- 
ing either  to  Thebes,  or  to  the  fortified  camp  of  his  countrymen, 
he  gave  up  the  whole  expedition  as  irretrievably  lost,  and  directed 
his  march  towards  the  Hellespont. 

The  Lacedaemonians,  now  reinforced  by  the  Corinthians  and 
others  from  Platsea,  pursued  the  Persians  as  far  as  their  fortified 
camp,  whose  barricades  proved  a  complete  check  to  them,  till 
the  Athenians,  more  skilled  in  that  species  of  warfare,  came  to 
their  assistance.  The  barricades  were  then  stormed  and  carried, 
after  a  gallant  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  Persians.  The  camp 
became  a  scene  of  the  most  horrible  carnage.  According  to 
Herodotus,  only  3000  men,  exclusive  of  the  di^^sion  under  Arta- 
bazus, escaped  out  of  an  army  of  300,000.  These  numbers  are 
probably  exaggerated  ;  yet  the  Persian  loss  was  undoubtedly 
immense.  That  of  the  Greeks  was  comparatively  small,  and 
seems  not  to  have  exceeded  1300  or  1-100  men. 

S^  9.  It  remained  to  bury  the  dead  and  divide  the  booty  ;  and 
so  great  was  the  task,  that  ten  days  were  consumed  in  it.  The 
body  of  Mardonius,  found  among  the  slain,  was  treated  by  Pau- 
sanias  M'ith  respect  ;  on  the  morrow,  not,  perhaj^s,  without  his 
comiivance,  it  was  secretly  conveyed  away  and  interred.  A 
monument  was  even  erected  over  it,  which  was  to  be  seen  several 
centuries  afterwards.  His  scimitar  and  silver-footed  throne  fell 
to  the  share  of  the  Athenians,  by  whom  they  were  preserved 
along  with  the  breastplate  of  Masistius,  in  the  Acropolis  of 
Athens.  The  other  booty  was  ample  and  magnificent.  Gold 
and  silver  coined,  as  well  as  in  plate  and  trinkets  ;  rich  vests 
and  carpets  ;  ornamented  arms  ;  horses,  camels  ;  in  a  word,  all 
the  magnificence  of  eastern  luxury,  M'ere  collected  together  it 
order  to  be  divided  among  the  conquerors.  A  tithe  was  first 
selected  for  the  Delphian  Apollo,  together  with  ample  olierings 
for  the  Olympic  Jove,  and  the  Isthmian  Poseidon  :  then,  after  a 
large  share  had  been  appropriated  to  Pausanias,  the  remainder 


2'JC.  HISTORY  OF  (illEECE.  Ciiai-.  XX. 

was  (lividiil  aiui)ii<f  llu^  (Jreciaii  cf)nliii<(friit.s  in  proportion  to 
llifir  iiiiinhcrs. 

^  10.  Tlic  rciliiction  of  TIhsIjcs,  wliich  liar]  jirovofl  llio  infjst 
foriiiidahli;  ally  '>('  thn  I'LTsiaiis,  was  si  ill  iicr-fs.sary  to  foiiiphite 
the  vicloiy.  On  llic  clovf.-nlli  day  alter  the  battle,  i'au.sunia.s 
invested  that  city,  and  demanded  that  the  leadinj^  rnen  wlio  ha<l 
esponsed  the  Persian  eansc,  especially  Tiinatrenidas  and  Attu- 
jrinus,  should  be  delivered  up  to  him.  Tlie  Thebans  having 
refused  to  comply  with  this  demand,  Pausanias  began  to  batter 
their  walls,  and  to  lay  waste  the  country  around.  At  length, 
after  ihe  siege  had  lasted  twenty  days,  Tirnagenidas,  and  the 
other  MciUsing  leaders,  voluntarily  ofiered  to  surrender  them- 
selves, hoping,  probably,  to  be  able  to  redeem  their  lives  for  a  sum 
of  money.  In  this  expectation,  however,  they  were  completely 
disappointed.  Tlie  whole  of  them,  with  the  exception  of  Atta- 
ginus,  wlio  found  means  to  escape,  were  conveyed  to  Corinth,  and 
put  to  death  without  any  Ibnn  of  trial.  No  attempt  wa.s  made 
to  pursue  Artabazus,  who  escaped  safely  into  Asia. 

^11.  Among  the  slain  Spartans  was  Aristodemus,  the  sole  sur- 
vivor of  those  who  had  fought  at  Thermopylae.  The  disgrace  of 
having  outlived  that  battle  seems  to  have  rendered  life  a  burthen 
to  him.  In  order  to  wash  it  out,  he  stepped  forth  from  the  ranks 
at  the  battle  of  Plataja,  and  after  perfbmiing  prodigie.s  of  valour, 
received  from  the  enemy  the  death  which  he  courted.  But  in 
the  distribution  of  funeral  honours,  this  conduct  could  extort  no 
favour  from  the  stern  justice  of  his  countr\-men.  They  con- 
sidered that  desperate  rashness  and  contempt  ot  dis'-ipline  were 
no  atonement  for  former  misconduct,  and  refused  to  put  him  on 
a  level  with  the  other  citizens  who  had  fallen  in  the  combat. 
Among  these  was  Amompharetus,  the  captain  whose  obstinacy 
had  })recipitated  the  attack  of  the  Persians,  and  thus  perhaps, 
though  uudesiguedl}^,  contributed  to  secure  the  victor}'. 

k  12.  With  the  Greeks,  religion  and  politics  went  ever  hand 
in  hand  ;  and  if  the  town  and  territory  of  Plata^a.  as  the  scene  of 
the  Persian  defeat,  were  signally  honoured  on- this  occasion  with 
the  grateful  ollcrings  of  devotion,  it  was  not  probably  without  a 
view  to  the  services  which  might  be  hereafter  required  fi'om  its 
citizens  in  the  cause  of  Grecian  independence.  In  the  market- 
place of  Platsea,  Pausanias,  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled 
allies,  oHercd  up  a  sacrifice  and  thanksgiving  to  Jove  Eleuthe- 
rios,  or  the  liberator,  in  which  the  gods  and  heroes  of  the 
Platajan  territory  were  made  partakers.  The  Plata^ans  were  in- 
trusted with  the  duty  of  taking  care  of  the  tombs  of  the  slain  ; 
of  oflering  a  periodical  sacrifice  in  honour  of  the  victory  ;  and  of 
celebrating  it  every  fifth  year  with  gymnastic  games,  in  a  grand 


B.C.  479.  BATTLE  OF  MYCALE.  227 

public  festival  to  be  called  the  Eleutheria.  For  these  services 
the  large  sum  of  eighty  talents  -was  allotted  to  them  out  of  the 
spoil,  part  of  which  was  employed  in  erecting  a  temple  to  Athena. 
At  the  same  time  the  independence  of  Platsea,  and  the  inviola- 
bility of  her  territor)',  were  guaranteed  by  the  allies  ;  the  de- 
fensive league  against  the  Persians  was  renewed  ;  the  contingent 
which  each  ally  should  furnish  was  specified ;  and  it  was  arranged 
that  deputies  from  all  of  them  should  meet  annually  at  Platsea 

§  13.  At  the  very  time  of  the  defeat  at  Plateea,  the  failure  of 
the  Persian  expedition  was  completed  by  the  destruction  of  their 
naval  armament.  Leotychides,  the  Spartan  admiral,  having  at 
length  sailed  across  the  ^Egean,  found  the  Persian  fleet  at  Mycale, 
a  promontory  of  Asia  Minor  near  Miletus,  and  only  separated  by 
a  strait  of  about  a  mile  in  breadth  frcm  Cape  Poseidium,  the 
easternmost  extremity  of  Samos.  Their  former  reverses  seem 
completely  to  have  discouraged  the  Persians  from  hazarding  an- 
other naval  engagement.  The  Phcenician  squadron  had  been 
permitted  to  depart ;  the  rest  of  the  ships  were  hauled  ashore 
and  surromided  with  a  rampart  ;  whilst  an  army  of  60,000  Per- 
sians, under  the  command  of  Tigranes,  lined  the  coast  for  their 
defence. 

The  Greeks  landed  on  the  4th  of  the  month  Boedromion 
(September),  in  the  year  479  B.C.  ;  the  A'ery  day  on  which  the 
battle  of  Plateea  was  fought.  A  supernatural  presentiment  of 
that  decisive  victory,  conveyed  by  a  herald's  stall",  which  floated 
over  the  jEgeaii  from  the  shores  of  Greece,  is  said  to  have 
pervaded  the  Grecian  ranks  at  Mycale  as  they  marched  to  the 
attack.  As  at  Platsea,  the  Persians  had  planted  their  gcrrha,  or 
wicker-shields,  before  them  ;  but  after  a  sharp  contest  this  bul- 
wark was  overthrown.  The  Persians  now  turned  their  backs, 
and  fled  to  their  fortifications,  pursued  by  the  Greeks,  who  en- 
tered it  almost  simultaneously.  Here  a  bloody  struggle  ensued. 
The  Persians  fought  desperately,  though  without  discipline,  and 
for  some  time  maintained  an  unequal  conflict.  At  length  the 
arrival  of  the  Lacedscmonians,  who  composed  the  right  wing  of 
the  Greek  force,  and  w4io  had  been  retarded  by  the  hilly  ground 
which  they  had  to  traverse,  as  well  as  the  open  revolt  of  the 
lonians,  who  now  turned  upon  their  mastei's,  completed  the  dis- 
comfiture of  the  Persians.  A  large  number  of  them,  together 
with  both  their  generals,  Tigranes  and  Mardontes,  perished  on 
this  occasion  ;  and  the  victory  Mas  rendered  still  more  decisive 
by  the  burning  of  their  fleet.  The  honour  of  the  day,  which, 
however,  was  not  won  without  the  sacrifice  of  many  lives,  was 
principally  due  to  the  Athenians,  as  the  Lacedaemonians  did  not 
arrive  till  the  battle  was  nearly  dt^cided. 


2\iH  IIISTOKY  OK  (JllKKCK  Ciiai-.  XX. 

^  11.  The  rcrim.iril  (if  Uir  Persian  ariny  retreated  to  Sardis, 
wliere  Xerxes  liad  linf,'ere(l  ever  siiiee  liis  fli<.'lit  Irrjiu  Greece.  Ho 
was  not  ill  a  position  to  aveti<re  this  aliroiit,  or  to  retain  the 
Iniiiau  cities  of  the  continent  in  obedience  ;  Htill  less  was  it  pos- 
sible for  him,  after  the  destruction  of  his  lieet,  to  preserve  his 
dominion  over  the  islands.  The  latter  were  immediately  ad- 
mitted into  the  Greek  confederation  ;  but  respectiiifr  the  Ionian 
cities  on  the  continent  there  was  more  difiiculty.  The  Greeks 
were  not  in  a  condition  to  guarantee  their  indejiendence  ;  and 
therefore  the  Peloponnesian  conunanders  odered  to  transjiort 
their  inhabitants  into  Greece,  w  here  they  prepared  to  make  room 
for  them,  by  transplant iufr  into  Asia  the  Greeks  who  had  espoused 
the  Persian  cause.  But  this  proposition  was  strenuously  opposed 
by  the  Atlieuiaus,  who  regarded  tlieir  own  dignity  and  glorj'  as 
iiise])arably  bound  up  with  tlie  maintenance  of  their  Ionian  colo- 
nies; and  indeed  the  eliect  of  such  a  measure  must  have  been  to 
transfer  them  completely  to  the  Persians. 

^  15.  So  imperll'ct  in  those  times  was  the  transmission  of  m- 
telligence,  that  the  Greeks  still  believed  the  bridge  across  the 
Hellespont  to  be  entire,  though  it  was  broken  and  useless  al- 
most a  twelvemonth  previou.sly,  during  the  retreat  cf  Xerxes. 
At  the  instance  of  the  Athenians,  Leotychides  set  sail  witn  the 
view  of  destroying  it  ;  but  having  learnt  at  Abydos  that  it 
no  longer  existed,  he  de])arted  homewards  with  the  Pelopon- 
nesian vessels.  Xanthippus,  however,  the  Athenian  commander, 
seized  the  opportunity  to  recover  from  the  Persians  the  Thracian 
Chersonese,  which  liad  long  been  an  Athenian  possession,  and 
proceeded  to  blockade  Sestos,  the  key  of  the  strait.  Being  thus 
taken  by  surprise,  the  Persians  flung  themselves  into  the  Xovm 
without  having  time  to  collect  the  provisions  necessary  for  a 
siege.  Nevertheless,  amid  the  most  painful  privations,  they  con- 
trived to  protract  the  siege  till  a  late  period  ol  the  autumn,  when 
famine  and  insubordination  reached  such  a  height,  that  the  Per- 
sian commanders,  (Eobazus  and  Artayctes,  were  fain  to  quit  the 
town  by  stealth,  which  was  immediately  surrendered.  Artayctes, 
having  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Greeks,  was  fixed  to  a  high 
pole,  and  left  to  perish  just  at  the  s])ot  where  the  bridge  of 
Xerxes  had  stood.  This  deviation  from  the  usual  humanity  of  the 
Greeks,  and  which  seems  to  have  been  sanctioned  by  Xanthippus, 
can  only  be  accomited  for  by  religious  exasperation  occasioned 
by  Artayctes  having  violated  and  insulted  the  grove  and  temple 
of  the  hero  Protesilaus,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Sestos. 

After  this  exploit  the  Athenians  returned  home.  carr}ing  with 
them  the  cables  of  the  bridge  across  the  Hellespont,  which  were 
afterwards  preserved  in  the  Acropolis  as  a  trophy. 


Bust  of  Pindar. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

HISTORY    OF    LITERATURE. 

§i.  General  characteristics.  §2.  Simonides.  §3.  Pindar.  §4.  ibycus 
and  Bacchylides.  §  .5.  Rise  of  history  and  of  composition  in  prose. 
§  6.  Hecatffius,  Charon  of  Lampsacus.  Hellanicus.  §  7.  Herodotus 
§8.  Character  of  his  work.  Analysis.  §9.  Predilection  of  Herodotus 
for  Athens.     §  10.  Style  of  his  work. 

<j  1.  During  the  period  which  we  have  been  surveying  in  the 
present  book,  Grecian  literature  was  gradually  assuming  a  more 
popular  form,  especially  at  Athens,  where,  since  the  expulsion  of 
the  Pisistratids,  the  people  were  rapidly  advancing  both  in  intel- 
lectual culture  and  in  political  importance.  Of  this  we  have  a 
striking  proof  in  the  rise  of  the  drama,  and  the  founding  of  a  regu- 
lar theatre  ;  for  dramatic  entertainments  must  be  regarded  as  the 
most  popular  fomi  which  literature  can  assume.  Nearly  half  a 
century  before  the  Persian  invasion,  Thespis  had  sketched  out 
the  first  feeble  rudiments  of  tragedy  ;  and  ^Eschylus,  the  real 
founder  of  tragic  art,  exhibited  a  play  nine  years  before  he  fought 
at  Marathon.  But  tragedy  still  awaited  its  final  improvements 
from  the  hand  of  Sophocles,  whilst  comedy  can  hardly  be  said  to 
have  existed.  For  these  reasons  we  shall  defer  an  account  of  the 
Greek  drama  to  a  later  period,  when  we  shall  be  enabled  to  pre- 
sent the  subject  as  a  whole,  and  in  a  connected  point  of  view. 
Tragedy,  the  noblest  emanation  of  ancient  genius,  was  in  fact 
only  the  final  development  of  lyric  poetrj' ;  which,  in  the  period 
we  are  considering,  had  attained  its  highest  pitch  of  excellence 
in  the  hands  of  Simonides  and  Pindar.  These  two  gi'eat  masters 
of  the  lyre  never  ventured,  however,  beyond  the  strictest  limits 
of  that  species  of  composition,    and   left  their  contemporary, 


280  IIISTOIIV  <)!•   (.ItKKCR  Ciui-.  XXL 

yEschylus,  to  fiarruT  laiinls  in  a  iicvs'  ami  unexplored  field.  With 
I'iiidar  endrt  the  anrieiit,  school  ol  lyrie  [M)otry  ;  with  JEtichylus 
properly  begins  the  splendid  list  ol"  Athenian  dramatists. 

I)  2.  Siinoni'.'es  was  considerably  older  than  both  these  i>octs ; 
but  the  length  ot"  years  which  he  attained  made  him  their  con- 
tcnij)orary.  He  was  horn  at  lulis,  in  the  island  of  Ceos,  in  the 
year  550  B.C.  His  family  had  cultivated  rmjsic  and  jM)etry  with 
diligence  and  success,  and  he  him.selt"  w.-is  trained  up  in  thern 
as  a  profession.  From  his  native  island  he  proceeded  to  Athens, 
where  he  resided  soinc  years  at  the  court  of  Hij)j)arehus,  together 
Avith  Auacreou  and  La.sus  of  Hermionc,  the  teacher  of  Pindar  :  a 
society  which  could  not  but  serve  to  exi)and  and  mature  his 
powers,  more  especially  as  a  sort  of  rivalry  existed  between  him 
and  Lasus.  Here  he  seems  to  have  remained  till  the  expulsion 
of  Hippias  (i;.c.  510).  Subsequently  he  spent  some  time  in  Thes- 
saly,  under  the  patronage  of  the  Aleuads  and  Scopads,  the  domi- 
nant families  of  the  cities  of  Larissa  and  Crannon.  Thir  poet 
seems,  however,  to  have  been  but  little  satisfied  with  his  visit. 
His  songs  were  unappreciated  by  the  rugged  Thessalians  and  ill- 
rewarded  by  their  vain  and  sellish  masters.  Scopas  bespoke  a 
poem  on  his  own  exploits,  which  Simonides  recited  at  a  banquet 
In  order  to  diversify  the  theme,  Simonides,  as  was  customary  on 
such  occasions,  introduced  into  it  the  exploits  of  Castor  and 
Pollux.  An  ordinary  mortal  might  have  been  content  to  share 
the  praises  of  the  sons  of  Ledo  ;  but  vanity  is  exacting  ;  and  as 
the  tyrant  sat  at  his  festal  board  among  his  courtiers  and  .syco- 
phants, he  grudged  every  verse  tliat  did  not  echo  his  own  praises. 
When  Simonides  approached  to  receive  his  promised  reward, 
Scopas  exclaimed,  "Here  is  my  half  of  thy  pay  ;  the  Tyndarids 
who  have  had  so  much  of  thy  praise  will  doubtless  furnish  the 
other."  The  disconcerted  poet  retired  to  his  seat  amidst  the 
laughter  which  followed  the  great  man's  jest.  In  a  little  time  he 
received  a  message  that  two  young  men  on  horseback,  wliose 
description  answered  in  every  respect  to  that  of  Castor  and 
Pollux,  were  waiting  without  and  wished  to  see  him.  Simonides 
hastened  to  the  door,  but  looked  in  vain  for  the  visitors.  Scarcely, 
however,  had  he  left  the  banqueting  hall,  when  the  building 
fell  in  with  a  loud  crash,  burying  Scopas  and  all  his  guests  be- 
neath the  ruins.  Into  the  authenticity  ot"  such  a  story  it  would 
be  idle  to  inquire.  It  is  enough  that  we  see  in  it  the  tribute 
which  a  lively  and  ingenious  people  paid  to  merit,  as  in  the  tales 
of  Arion  saved  by  the  dolphin,  and  of  Ibycus  avenged  by  the 
cranes. 

But  a  nobler  subject  than  the  praises  of  despots  awaited 
the  muse  of  Simonides — the  struggles  of  Greece  for  her  inde- 


Chaf.  XXI.  SIMONIDES.  231 

pendence.  At  the  time  of  the  Persian  wars,  the  poet,  who  had 
then  reached  the  age  usually  allotted  to  man,  was  again  residing 
among  the  Athenians.  His  genius,  however,  was  still  fresh  and 
vigorous,  and  was  employed  in  celebrating  the  most  momentous 
events  of  that  memorable  epoch.  He  carried  away  the  prize 
from  ^^schylus  with  an  elegy  upon  the  warriors  who  had  iallen 
at  the  battle  of  Marathon.  Subsequently  we  find  him  celebrat- 
ing the  heroes  of  Thermopylce,  Artemisium,  Salamis,  and  Platsea. 
He  was  upwards  of  80  when  his  long  poetical  career  at  Athens 
was  closed  with  the  victory  which  he  gained  with  the  dithyram- 
bic  chorus  in  b.c.  477,  making  the  56th  prize  that  he  had 
carried  off".  Shortly  after  this  event  he  repaired  to  Syracuse  at 
the  invitation  of  Hiero.  Here  he  spent  the  remaining  ten  years 
of  his  life,  not  only  entertaining  Hiero  with  his  poetry,  but  in- 
structing him  by  his  wisdom  ;  ibr  Simonides  was  a  philosopher 
as  well  as  a  poet,  and  is  reckoned  among  the  sophists. 

Simonides  was  one  of  the  most  prolific  poets  that  Greece  had 
seen  ;  but  only  a  few  fragments  of  his  compositions  have  de- 
scended to  us.  He  employed  himself  on  all  the  subjects  which 
fell  to  the  lyric  poet,  then  the  mouth-piece  of  human  life  with 
all  its  jojs  and  sorrows,  its  hopes  and  disappointments.  He 
wrote  hymns,  pjeans,  elegies,  hyporchemes,  or  songs  for  dancing, 
dithyrambs,  epinician  odes,  and  threnes,  or  dirges,  in  which  he 
lamented  the  departed  gi'eat.  In  the  last  species  of  composition 
he  particularly  excelled.  His  genius  was  inclined  to  the  pathetic, 
and  none  could  touch  with  truer  effect  the  chords  of  human 
sympathy. 

^  3.  Pindar,  though  the  contemporary  of  Simonides,  was  con- 
siderably his  junior.  He  was  born  either  at,  or  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of,  Thebes  in  Boeotia,  about  the  year  522  b.c.  His 
family  ranked  among  the  noblest  in  Thebes,  and  seems  to  have 
been  celebrated  for  its  skill  in  music,  though  there  is  no  authority 
for  the  assertion  that  they  were  hereditary  flute-players.  The 
youth  soon  gave  indications  of  a  genius  for  poetiy,  which  in- 
duced his  father  to  send  him  to  Athens  to  receive  more  perfect 
instruction  in  the  art.  Later  WTiters  tell  us  that  his  future  glory 
as  a  poet  was  miraculously  foreshadowed  by  a  swarm  of  bees 
which  rested  upon  his  lips  while  he  was  asleep,  and  that  this 
miracle  first  led  him  to  compose  poetry.  At  Athens  he  became 
the  pupil  of  Lasus  of  Hermione,  who  was  the  founder  of  the 
Athenian  dithyrambic  school.  He  returned  to  Thebes  before 
he  had  completed  his  twentieth  year,  and  is  said  to  have  re- 
ceived instruction  there  from  Myrtis  and  Corinna,  two  poet- 
esses who  then  enjoyed  great  celebrity  in  Bceotia.  Coriinia 
appears  to  have  exercised  considerable  influence  upon  the  )outh- 


2:52  IIISTOIIV  OK  GUKKCI'l  Ciiap.  XXL 

fill  juH't,  aiul  he  was  not  a  little  indebted  to  her  example  and 
prceej)ts.  It  is  related  that  she  reeorninended  hirn  to  introduce 
iiiylliieal  narrations  into  his  poenis*,  and  that  when,  in  accordance 
with  her  advice,  he  composed  a  liyrnn  in  whirdi  he  interwove 
almost  all  the  Thehan  mytholojry,  she  snuled  and  said,  "  We 
onirht  to  sow  with  the  hand,  and  not  with  the  wliole  sack." 
With  both  these  poetesses  he  contended  iiir  the  jirize  in  the  rnu- 
sical  contests  at  Thebes. 

Pindar  commenced  his  jmtfessional  career  at  an  early  ape,  and 
soon  acquired  so  great  a  reputation,  that  he  was  employed  by 
various  states  and  ])rinccs  ol  the  Hellenic  race  to  comjK  se  choral 
songs.  He  was  courted  especially  by  Alexander,  king  of  Mace- 
donia, and  by  Hiero,  despot  of  Syracuse.  The  praises  which  he 
bestowed  upon  Alexander  are  said  to  bave  been  the  chief  reason 
whicb  led  his  descendant,  Alexander  the  Great,  to  spare  the 
house  of  the  poet  when  he  destroyed  the  rest  ol'  Thebes.  About 
B.C.  473,  he  visited  Syracuse,  but  did  not  remain  more  than  four 
years  with  Hiero,  as  he  loved  an  independent  lile,  and  did  not 
care  to  cultivate  the  courtly  arts  which  rendered  his  contempo- 
rary, Simouides,  a  more  welcome  guest  at  the  table  of  their 
patron.  But  the  estimation  in  which  Pindar  was  held,  is  still 
more  strikingly  shown  by  the  honours  conferred  upon  him  by 
the  free  states  of  Greece.  Althougli  a  Theban,  he  was  always  a 
great  favourite  with  the  Athenians,  whom  he  frequently  praised 
in  his  poems,  and  whose  city  he  olten  visited.  The  Athenians 
testified  their  gratitude  by  making  him  their  public  guest,  and 
by  giving  liim  10,000  drachmas  ;  and  at  a  later  period  they 
erected  a  statue  in  his  honour. 

The  only  poems  of  Pindar  Avhich  have  come  down  to  us 
entire  are  his  Epinicia  or  triumphal  odes,  composed  in  comme- 
moration of  victories  gained  in  the  great  public  games.  But 
these  were  only  a  small  portion  of  his  works.  He  also  wrote 
hymns,  pagans,  dithyrambs,  odes  for  processions,  songs  of  maidens, 
mimic  dancing  songs,  drinking  songs,  dirges,  and  encomia,  or 
paneg)Tics  on  princes.* 

*  Most  of  tliem  are  mentioned  by  Horace  : — 

"Seu  per  audaces  nova  dithyrambos 
Yei'ba  devolvit,  numerisque  fertur 

Lege  solutis ; 
Seu  deos  {hpnns  and  pecans)  rearesve  (encomia)  canit,  deomm 
Sangiiinem : 

Sive  quos  Elea  domum  reducit 
Palma  eoelestes  (the  Epinicia). 

Fk'bili  sponsre  jiivenemve  raptum 
Flora*"  {the  Dirtfcs). — On.  iv.  2. 


Chap.  XXI.  PINDAR.  233 

The  style  of  Pindar  is  marked  by  daring  flights  and  abrupt 
transitions,  and  became  proverbial  lor  its  sublimity.  He  com- 
pared himself  to  an  eagle, — a  simile  which  has  been  beautifully 
expressed  in  the  lines  of  Gray  : — 

"The  pride  and  ample  pinion 
That  the  Theban  eagle  bare, 
Sailing  with  supreme  dominion 
Through  the  azure  deep  of  air." 

§  4.  The  only  other  poets  of  this  epoch  whom  we  need 
mention  are  Ibycus  and  Bacchylides.  Ibycus  was  a  native  of 
Rhegium,  and  flourished  towards  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century 
before  the  Christian  era.  The  best  part  of  his  life  was  spent 
at  the  court  of  Polycrates  of  Samos.  The  story  of  his  death  is 
well  known.  While  travelling  through  an  unfrequented  place 
near  Corinth,  he  was  set  upon  by  robbers  and  mortally  wounded. 
As  he  was  on  the  point  of  expiring,  he  called  upon  a  flock  of 
cranes  that  happened  to  fly  over  the  spot  to  avenge  his  death. 
Soon  afterwards  the  cranes  were  beheld  hovering  over  the  theatre 
at  Corinth,  where  the  people  were  assembled  ;  and  one  of  the 
murdei'ers  who  were  present,  struck  with  remorse  and  terror,  in- 
voluntarily exclaimed,  "  Behold  the  avengers  of  Ibycus  I"  and  thus 
occasioned  the  detection  of  the  criminals.  The  poetiy  of  Ibycus 
was  chiefly  of  an  amatory  character.  He  wrote  in  a  dialect  which 
was  a  mixture  of  the  Doric  and  iEolic. 

Bacchylides  was  a  native  of  lulls  in  the  island  of  Ceos,  and 
the  nephew  and  fellow-townsman  of  Simonides,  He  lived  with 
Simonides  and  Pindar  at  the  court  of  Hiero  at  Syracuse.  His 
odes  and  songs  turned  on  the  same  subjects  as  those  of  the  poets 
just  named  ;  but  though  he  seems  to  have  rivalled  his  uncle  in 
the  grace  and  finish  of  his  compositions,  he  was  far  from  attaining 
to  the  strength  and  energy  of  Pindar.  He  wrote  in  the  Doric 
dialect,  with  a  mixture  of  the  Attic. 

Such  were  the  principal  characteristics  of  the  poetry  of  the 
epoch  which  we  ar<3  considering,  and  such  the  chief  jjoets  Avho 
flourished  in  it.  Our  attention  must  now  be  directed  to  a 
striking  feature  in  the  literature  of  the  period, — the  rise  of  com- 
position in  prose,  and  of  history  properly  so  called. 

^  5.  The  Greeks  had  arrived  at  a  high  pitch  of  civilization 
before  they  can  be  said  to  have  possessed  a  history.  Nations 
far  behind  them  in  intellectual  development  have  infinitely  ex- 
celled them  in  this  respect.  Many  of  the  eastern  nations  had 
continuous  chronicles  from  a  very  remote  antiquity,  as  the  Egyp- 
tians, the  Babylonians,  and  the  Jews.  But  among  the  Greeks 
this  branch  of  literature  was  singularly  neglected.  Their  imagi- 
nation seems  to  have  been  entirely  dazzled  and  faschiated  with 


234  lIISrrORV  OK  C.liV.V.rVl  Chai'.  XXI. 

the  glories  of  ilic  licroic  iifrcs,  and  lu  liuvu  taken  but  little  in- 
terest ill  lh(!  evciuts  which  were  daily  jtassiiii^  around  them.  But 
a  more  eritieal  and  incjuiriiifi  spirit  wa.s  now  heirinnin<r  to  spring 
up,  especially  aiiioiiji;  tlic  hiniaiis  of  Asia  Minor.  We  have 
alreaily  recorded  the  rise  of  natural  philosojdiy  amon<(  that 
people,  and  we  are  now  to  view  them  as  the  (jri<rinators  of  liis- 
tory  in  jirose.  This  iiniovation  of  course  iui]»lies  a  more  ex- 
tended use  of  the  art  (.f  \vritin<r,  without  which  a  lonf(  prose 
comj)osition  could  not  he  remeinhered. 

^  6.  The  uf.^e  of  ])rose  in  wrilinj^  was  prohaljly  coeval  with  the 
art  of  writing;  itself;  but  its  first  a])])lication  was  only  to  (jbjectB 
of  essential  utility,  and  it  was  lon<r  beiiire  it  came  to  be  culti- 
vated as  a  branch  of  literature.  The  first  essays  in  literary  prose 
cannot  be  placed  earlier  than  the  sixth  centurj'  beffjre  the  Chris- 
tian a;ra.  Three  nearly  conteiiiporaiy  authors,  who  flourished 
about  the  middle  of  that  century,  lay  claim  to  the  hon(Jur  of 
having  been  the  first  prose  writers  ;  namely,  Cadmus  of  Mi- 
letus, Pherecydes  of  Syros,  and  Acusilaus  of  Argos ;  but  He- 
catfcus  of  Miletus,  to  wliom  Herodotus  frequently  refers  by 
name,  nuist  be  regarded  as  the  first  historical  pro.se  -wTiter 
of  any  importance.  He  was  apparently  a  man  of  wealth  and 
importance,  and  distinguished  him.self  by  the  sound  advice  which 
he  gave  the  lonians  at  the  time  of  their  revolt  from  Persia 
(b.c;.  5U0).  He  lived  till  the  clo.se  of  the  Persian  wars  in  Greece. 
Like  many  other  early  Greek  historians,  Hecata-us  was  a  great 
traveller,  for  at  first  geography  and  history  were  almost  iden- 
tical. Egypt  especially  he  seems  to  have  carefully  explored. 
Two  works  are  ascribed  to  him  ;  one  of  a  geographical  nature, 
callcnl  "  Pei'iodus,"  or  travels  round  the  earth,  and  the  other  of 
an  historical  kind,  which  is  sometimes  cited  by  the  name  of 
"Genealogies,"  and  sometimes  by  that  of  "Histories."  The 
former  of  these  seems  to  have  constituted  the  first  regular 
system  of  Grecian  geography  ;  but  it  was  probably  little  more 
than  a  "  Periplus,"  or  circunuiavigation  of  the  MediteiTanean, 
and  its  adjoining  seas.  The  "  Genealogies"  related  to  the  descent 
and  exploits  of  the  heroes  of  mythology. 

Charon  of  Lampsacus,  an  Ionic  city  on  the  Hellespont,  is  re- 
markable as  the  first  prose  writer  whose  subjects  were  selected 
from  the  historical  times,  and  treated  in  a  rational  and  discrimi- 
nating manner;  and  he  has  therefore  some  title  to  be  regarded 
as  the  first  historian  really  deserving  of  the  name.  He  flourished 
in  the  first  half  of  the  fifth  century  h-c,  and  was  certainly  alive 
in  B.C.  4G 1. 

The  only  other  prose  writer  previous  to  Herodotus.  Avbom  it 
is  necessarj-  to  mention,  is  Hellanicus  of  Mytilene.     Hellanicus 


Chap.  XXI.  EARLY  PROSE  WRITERS.  235 

was  alive  at  the  commencement  of  the  Peloponnesian  war,  and 
was  therefore  a  contemporary  of  Herodotus,  tlion<rh  probably  a 
little  older.  He  was  by  far  the  most  eminent  and  most  volu- 
minous writer  of  history  before  the  time  of  Herodotus,  and 
seems  to  have  been  the  author  of  at  least  ten  or  twelve  workis  of 
considerable  size.  Many  others  were  ascribed  to  him  which  in 
all  probability  were  spurious.  Like  liis  predecessors,  a  large 
portion  of  his  labors  was  dedicated  to  irnaginaiy  pedigrees,  but 
some  of  them  were  liislorical  and  chronological.  He  seems  to 
have  been  acquainted  with  the  early  history  of  Italy  and  Rome. 
He  nui.st  be  regarded  as  forming  the  ciiief  link  between  the 
earlier  logographers  and  Herodotus  ;  but  his  works  were  pro- 
bably very  far  from  exhibiting  the  unity  of  design  which  we  lind 
in  that  of  the  latter  writer. 

^  7.  According  to  the  strict  order  of  chronology,  neither  He- 
rodotus nor  some  others  of  the  authors  just  mentioned  belong  to 
the  period  which  we  are  now  considering ;  but  the  subject  of  Hero- 
dotus connects  him  so  intimately  with  the  Persian  wars,  that  we 
have  preferred  to  give  an  account  of  him  here,  rather  than  in 
a  subsequent  book.  Herodotus  was  born  in  the  Dorian  colony 
of  Halicaniassus  in  Caria,  in  the  year  464  B.C.,  and  accordingly 
about  the  time  of  the  Persian  expeditions  into  Greece.  He  was 
descended  from  a  distingui.'^hed  family,  but  respecting  his  youth 
and  education  we  are  totally  in  the  dark.  One  of  the  earliest 
events  of  liis  life  with  which  we  are  acquainted  is  his  retirement 
to  tSamos,  in  order  to  escape  tlu;  tyranny  of  Lygdamis,  a  grand- 
son of  queen  Artemisia,  who  had  fouglit  so  bravely  at  tSalamis. 
It  was  perhaps  in  Samos  that  Herodotus  acquired  the  Ionic 
dialect.  The  celebrity  of  the  Ionian  writers  of  history  had 
caused  that  dialect  to  be  regarded  as  the  apjn-opriate  vehicle  for 
that  species  ol"  composition  ;  but  though  Herodotus  made  iise  of 
it,  his  language  has  been  observed  not  to  be  so  pure  as  that  of 
Hecata;us,  who  was  an  Ionian  by  birth.  Herodotus  was  pro- 
bably rather  more  than  thirty  years  of  age  when  he  went  to 
Samos.  How  long  he  remained  there  cannot  be  determined. 
He  seems  to  have  been  recalled  to  his  native  city  by  some  poli- 
tical crisis  ;  for  on  his  return  he  took  a  prominent  part  in  deli- 
vering it  from  the  tyrant  Lygdamis.  The  dissensions,  however, 
which  prevailed  at  Halicaniassus  after  that  event,  compelled 
Herodotus  again  to  emigrate  ;  and  it  was  probably  at  this  period 
that  he  undertook  the  travels  of  which  he  sj)eaks  in  his  "work. 
The  extent  of  them  may  be  estimated  from  the  fact  that  there 
was  scarcely  a  town  in  Greece,  or  on  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor, 
with  wdiich  he  was  not  acquainted  ;  that  he  had  cx])lored  Tlnvace 
ttiid  the  coasts  of  tlie  Black  Sea  ;  that  in  Egypt  he  had  i)enctra1ed 


236  HISTORY   oi    (.i:i;i:rM  Chap.  XXI 

as  far  soiitli  as  Elephaiitiin'';  Jiiid  that  in  Asia  he  had  visited  the 
cities  of  liabylon,  ICehataiia,  and  Siisa.  Tlie  latt<T  jiart  of  liis 
life  was  spent  at  Thnrii,  a  colony  lonridc(l  by  the  Athenians  in 
Italy  in  n.c  1 43  ;  and  it  was  jirobahiy  at  this  plaee  that  he  com- 
posed thi;  jrreater  ]>ortion  of  his  history.  The  date  of  liis  settle- 
ment at  Ttiurii  cannot  be  accurately  lixed.  Some  accounts  make 
him  accompanv  the  first  colonists  thither;  but  there  are  reasons 
for  bclievin<^  that  he  did  not  take  up  his  alx)dc  tlicre  till  several 
years  afterwards.  Accordinj^  to  a  well-known  story  in  Lucian, 
Herodotus,  when  he  had  completed  his  work,  recited  it  publicly 
at  the  great  Olympic  festival,  as  the  best  means  of  procurintr  for 
it  that  celebrity  to  which  he  felt  that  it  was  entitled.  Posting 
himself  on  the  platform  of  the  temple  of  Jove,  he  recited,  or 
rather  chaunted,  the  whole  of  his  work  to  the  assembled  Greeks. 
The  effect  is  described  as  immediate  and  complete.  The  de- 
lighted audience  at  once  assigned  the  names  of  the  nine  Mu.scs 
to  the  nine  books  into  which  it  is  divided ;  whilst  the  celebrity 
of  the  author  became  so  great,  that  it  even  eclipsed  that  of  the 
victors  in  the  games.  A  still  later  author  (Suidas)  adds,  that 
Thucvdides,  then  a  boy,  was  present  at  the  festival  with  liis 
father  Olonis,  and  was  so  aff'ected  by  the  recital  as  to  shed  tears ; 
upon  which  Herodotus  congratulated  Olorus  on  ha\'ing  a  sou 
who  possessed  so  early  such  a  zeal  for  knowledge.  But  there 
are  many  objections  to  the  probability  of  these  tales. 

The  time  and  manner  of  the  death  of  Herodotus  are  uncertain, 
but  we  know,  from  some  allusions  in  his  history,  that  he  was 
alive  subsequentlv  to  the  year  406  B.C.  According  to  one  tradi- 
tion he  died  at  Thurii,  according  to  another  at  PeUa  in  Mace- 
donia. The  former  account  is  hardly  probable,  since  Thurii 
revolted  from  Athens  in  412,  when  the  old  Athenian  colonists 
■who  sided  with  the  mother-country  were  driven  into  exile.  Un- 
less therefore  we  assume  that  Herodotus  took  part  with  the  in- 
siurgents,  it  seems  most  likely  that  he  quitted  Thurii  at  this 
period,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that,  like  Lysias  the  orator,  he 
returned  to  Athens. 

^  8.  Herodotus  interwove  into  his  history-  all  the  varied  and 
extensive  knowledge  acquired  in  his  travels,  and  by  his  o^vn  per- 
sonal researches.  The  real  subject  of  that  masniticent  work  is 
the  conflict  between  the  Greek  race,  in  the  widest  sense  of  the 
term,  and  including  the  Greeks  of  Asia  Minor,  with  the  Asiatics. 
This  is  the  ground-plan  of  the  book,  and  was  founded  on  a  notion 
then  current  of  an  ancient  enmity  between  the  Greeks  and 
Asiatics,  as  exemplified  in  the  stories  of  lo.  Medea,  and  Helen. 
Thus  the  historian  had  a  vast  epic  subject  presented  to  liim, 
which  was  brought  to  a  natural  and  glorious  termination  by  the 


CuAr.  XXI.  HERODOTUS.  237 

defeat  of  the  Persians  in  their  attempts  upon  Greece.  He  touches 
the  ancient  and  mythical  times,  however,  but  hghtly,  and  hastens 
on  to  a  more  recent  and  authentic  historical  period.  Croesus, 
king  of  Lydia,  the  earliest  Asiatic  monarch  who  had  succeeded 
in  reducing  a  portion  of  the  Greek  race  to  subjection,  first  en- 
gages his  attention  at  any  length.  The  quarrel  between  Croesus 
and  Cyrus,  king  of  Persia,  brings  the  latter  power  upon  the  stage. 
The  destruction  of  the  Lydian  monarchy  by  the  Persians  is  re- 
lated, and  is  followed  by  a  retrospective  view  of  the  rise  of  the 
Persian  power,  and  of  the  Median  empire.  This  is  succeeded 
by  an  account  of  the  reduction  of  the  rest  of  Asia  Minor  and  of 
Babylonia ;  and  the  first  book  closes  with  the  death  of  Cyrus  in 
an  expedition  against  the  Massagetfe,  a  race  inhabiting  the  plains 
beyond  the  Caspian  Sea.  Cambyses,  the  son  of  Cyrus,  under- 
takes an  expedition  against  Egypt,  which  gives  occasion  to  o. 
desci'iption  of  that  country  occupying  the  whole  of  the  second 
book.  In  the  third  book  the  annexation  of  Egypt  to  the  Persian 
empire  is  related,  as  well  as  the  abortive  attempts  of  Cambyses 
against  the  ^l^thiopians  and  Ammonians.  The  death  of  Cambyses, 
the  usurpation  of  the  false  Smerdis,  and  the  accession  of  Darius 
form  the  remainder  of  the  third  book.  The  fourth  book  is  chiefly 
occupied  with  the  Scythian  expedition  of  Darius ;  whilst  at  the 
same  time  a  Persian  armament  fitted  out  in  Egypt  for  the  con- 
quest of  Libya,  serves  to  introduce  an  account  of  the  discovery 
and  colonization  of  the  latter  country  by  the  Greeks.  In  the 
fifth  book  the  termination  of  the  Thracian  expedition  under  the 
satrap  Megabazus  is  related,  and  a  desci'iption  given  of  the 
Tiiracian  people.  This  book  also  contains  an  account  of  the 
origin  of  the  quarrel  between  Persia  and  the  Greek  colonies  in 
Asia  Minor.  The  history  of  the  wars  between  the  Greeks  and 
Persians  then  runs  on  with  little  interruption  in  the  remainder 
of  tins  book,  and  in  the  four  last  books.  The  work  concludes 
with  the  reduction  of  Sestos  by  the  Athenians. 

^  9.  The  love  and  admiration  of  Herodotus  for  Athens  are  ap- 
parent throughout  his  work  ;  he  sided  with  her  with  all  his  suul, 
and  declared  her  to  be  the  saviour  of  Grecian  liberty.  This  at- 
tachment was  not  unrewarded  by  the  Athenians,  and  a  ^;.vc- 
phis}na,  or  vote  of  the  people,  is  recorded,  granting  him  tlie  sum 
of  1 0  talents  out  of  the  public  treasury.  It  was  this  not  unfounded 
admiration  of  Herodotus  for  Athens  that  gave  occasion  to  Plu- 
tarch, or  some  writer  Avho  assumed  Plutarch's  name,  to  charge 
him  with  partiality,  and  malice  towards  other  Grecian  states. 

HO.  The  ease  and  simplicity  of  the  style  of  Herodotus  lend 
it  an  indescribable  charm,  and  we  seem  rather  to  be  conversing 
with  an  intelligent  traveller  than  reading  an  elaborately  com 


238  IIISTORV  ()!•   ClthllCM  Ciiai-.  XXL 

])()se{l  history.  Uii  IIk.;  (;llicr  hand  a  certain  want  of"  wkill  in 
composition  may  be  observed  in  it.  Vnmo  style  ilocs  not  arrive 
at  pcrteetion  till  nmcli  has  been  written,  and  with  Herodotus  it 
was  still  in  its  inlancy.  Nor  rmist  we  seek  in  him  for  that 
dej)th  ol  ])hiloHoj»hieal  relieetion  which  we  find  in  Thu»;ydide9. 
Sometimes,  indeed,  fie  exliibits  an  almost  chifdi.sli  credii/ity. 
Yet  he  had  formed  a  hifjh  notion  of  tfie  value  of  historj',  and 
was  evidently  a  sincere  lover  of  truth.  He  may  sometimes  have 
received  the  accounts  of  others  with  too  truslinj^  a  simplicity, 
yet  lie  always  jjives  them  for  what  they  are  worth,  leavinr^  tlie 
reader  to  form  liis  own  judfrment,  and  often  cautioninj^  him  as 
to  their  source  and  value.  On  the  other  hand,  where  he  speaks 
from  his  own  observation,  his  accounts  may  be  implicitly  relied 
upon ;  and  many  of  them,  which  were  formerly  doubted  as  im- 
probable, have  been  confirmed  by  the  researches  of  modern  tra- 
vellers. Ill  short,  Herodotus  is  the  Homer  of  liistory.  He  has 
all  the  majesty  and  simplicity  of  the  great  epic  bard,  and  all 
the  freshness  and  vivacity  of  colouring  which  mark  th'3  foundei 
of  a  new  hterary  epoch. 


The  Theseum  at  Athens. 


BOOK  IV. 


THE  ATHENIAN  SUPREMACY  A}(D  THE 
PELOPO]!(NESIAI  WAR. 

B.C.  477—404. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

FEOM    THE    EXPULSION    OF    THE    PERSIANS    TO    THE    DEATH    OF 
THEMISTOCLES. 

1.  Further  proceedings  against  the  Persians.  §  2.  Misconduct  and 
treason  of  Pausanias.  §  3.  The  maritime  supremacy  transferred  to  the 
Athenians.  §4.  Confederacy  of  Delos.  §5.  The  combined  fleet  under 
Cimon.  §6.  Growth  of  the  Athenian  power.  Plans  of  Themistocles. 
§  7.  Rebuilding  of  Athens.  The  Lacedjemonians  attempt  to  prevent  its 
being  fortified.  §  8.  Fortification  of  Piraeus.  §  9.  Strife  of  parties  at 
Athens.  Misconduct  of  Themistocles.  §  10.  He  is  ostracised.  §11. 
Pausanias  convicted  of  J/(°rfis»«.  §  12.  Themistocles  implicated  in  hi? 
guilt.  He  escapes  into  Asia.  §13.  He  is  magnificently  received  by 
Artaxerxes.     His  death  and  character.     8  14  Death  of  Aristides. 


?  1 .  The  last  campaign  had  effectually  delivered  Greece  from  all 
fear  of  the  Persiaji  voke  ;  but  the  Persians  still  held  some  posts 


240  IIISTORV  OF  (JllKHCM  Ciiac.  XXIL 

from  wl.icli  il  coimtjrm'd  Ijotli  the  inten-nls  ami  tlu;  lioiiour  of 
llu!  (i reeks  to  expel  tlictii.  Tlury  were  in  jHiH-scHi-ioii  of  the 
island  ol"  Cyprus  and  of  the  important  town  ol*  Byzantium  ;  to- 
gether witli  liion  on  the  Strymon,  JJorisens,  and  wjveral  other 
places  in  'f  hraee.  A  Ueet  was  therel()re  fitted  out  (ii.c.  ■17'')  the 
year  after  the  battle  of  PlatiKa,  and  plaeed  under  the  roimnand 
of  the  Spartan  re'rent,  Pausanias.  Of  this  (le(;t  only  twenty  Hhips 
belonged  to  the  I'eloponnesians,  whilst  thirty,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Aristides  and  Cimon,  were  furnished  Ity  Athens  alone. 
After  delivering  most  of  the  Grecian  towns  in  (Jyjirus  from  the 
Persians,  this  armament  sailed  up  the  Bosporus  and  laid  siege 
to  Byzantium,  which  was  garrisoned  by  a  large  Persian  force 
commanded  by  some  kinsmen  of  Xerxes.  The  town  surrendered 
after  a  protracted  siege  :  but  it  was  during  this  expedition  that 
the  conduct  of  the  Spartan  commander  struck  a  fatal  blow  at  the 
interests  of  his  country. 

^  2.  The  immense  booty,  as  well  as  the  renown,  which  Pau- 
sanias had  acquired  at  Plataja,  had  fdled  him  with  pride  and 
ambition.  When  he  returned  home,  he  felt  it  irk.some  to  con- 
ibrm  to  the  simplicity  and  sobriety  of  a  Spartan  life,  and  to 
submit  to  the  commands  of  the  Ephors.  He  had  given  a  signal 
instance  of  the  pride  with  which  he  was  inflated  by  causing 
Simonides  to  attribute  the  glory  of  the  Persian  defeat  solely  to 
himself  in  the  epigram  which  he  compo.sed  for  the  tripod  dedi- 
cated at  Delphi ;  a  piece  of  vanity  wliich  gave  such  ofil'nce  to 
the  Lacedccmonians  that  they  caused  the  inscription  to  be 
erased,  and  another  to  be  substituted  in  its  jjlace.  Nevertheless, 
in  spite  of  tliese  symptoms,  he  had  been  again  entrusted  with 
the  command.  During  the  whole  course  of  it  his  conduct  was 
marked  by  the  greatest  vanity  and  insolence  ;  towards  the  end 
it  was  also  sullied  by  treason.  After  the  captiue  of  Byzantium, 
lie  put  himself  in  communication  with  the  Persian  court,  through 
Gongylus,  an  Eretrian  exile  and  subject  of  Persia.  He  sent  Gon- 
gylus  clandestinely  to  Xerxes  with  those  members  of  the  royal 
family  who  had  been  taken  at  Byzantimn,.and  assured  the  allies 
that  they  had  escaped.  At  the  same  time  he  despatched  the 
following  letter  to  Xerxes  : — 

"  Pausanias,  the  Spartan  coramander,  wishing  to  oblige  thee, 
sends  back  these  prisoners  of  war.  I  am  minded,  if  it  please 
thee,  to  marry  thy  daughter,  and  to  bring  Sparta,  and  the  rest 
of  Greece  under  thy  dominion.  This  I  hold  myself  able  to  do 
with  the  help  of  thy  counsels.  If  therefore,  the  project  at  all 
pleases  thee,  send  down  some  trustworthy  man  to  the  coast, 
through  whom  we  may  carry  on  our  future  correspondence." 

Xerxes  was  highly  delighted  with  this  letter,  and  sent  a  reply 


13.  C.  478.  MARITIME  SUPREMACY  OF  ATHENS.  241 

in  wliich  he  urged  Pausanias  to  pursue  his  project  night  and  day, 
and  promised  to  supply  him  with  all  the  money  and  troops  that 
might  be  needful  for  its  execution.  At  the  same  time  he  appointed 
Artahazus,  who  had  been  second  in  command  in  Bceotia,  to  he  sa- 
trap of  Dascylium,  where  he  Avould  be  able  to  co-operate  with  the 
Spartan  commander.  But  the  childish  vanity  of  Pausanias  be- 
trayed his  plot  before  it  was  ripe  for  execution.  Elated  by  the 
confidence  of  Xerxes,  and  by  the  money  with  which  he  was 
lavishly  supplied,  he  acted  as  if  he  had  already  married  the 
Great  King's  daughter.  He  assumed  the  Persian  dress ;  he 
made  a  progress  through  Thrace,  attended  by  Persian  and 
Egyptian  guards  ;  and  copied,  in  the  luxury  of  his  table  and  the 
dissoluteness  of  his  manners,  the  example  of  his  adopted  coun- 
try. Above  all,  he  offended  the  allies  by  his  haughty  reserve 
and  imperiousness. 

^  3.  His  designs  were  now  too  manifest  to  escape  attention. 
His  proceedings  reached  the  ears  of  the  Spartans,  who  sent  out 
Dorcis  to  supersede  him.  But  when  Dorcis  arrived,  he  found 
that  the  allies  had  transferred  the  command  of  the  fleet  to  th.. 
Athenians. 

There  were  other  reasons  for  this  step  besides  the  disgust 
occasioned  by  the  conduct  of  Pausanias.  Even  before  the  battle 
of  Salamis,  the  preponderating  naval  power  of  Athens  had  raised 
the  question  whether  she  was  not  entitled  to  the  command  at 
sea  ;  and  the  victory  gained  there,  under  the  auspices  of  Themis- 
toclcs,  had  strengthened  her  claim  to  that  distinction.  But  the 
dehvery  of  the  Ionian  colonies  from  the  Persian  yoke  was  the 
immediate  cause  for  her  attaining  it.  The  lonians  were  not  only 
attracted  to  Athens  by  affinity  of  race,  but,  from  her  naval  su- 
periority, regarded  her  as  the  only  power  capable  of  securing 
them  in  their  newly  acquired  independence.  Disgusted  by  the 
iufiolence  of  Pausanias,  the  lonians  now  serving  in  the  combined 
Grecian  fleet  addressed  themselves  to  Aristides  and  Cimon, 
whose  manners  formed  a  striking  contrast  to  those  of  the  Spar- 
tan leader,  and  begged  them  to  assume  the  command.  Aristides 
was  the  more  inclined  to  listen  to  this  request  as  it  was  made 
precisely  at  the  time  when  Pausanias  was  recalled.  The  Spartan 
squadron  had  accompanied  him  home  ;  so  that  when  Dorcis 
arrived  with  a  few  ships,  he  found  himself  in  no  condition  to  as- 
sert his  pretensions. 

5  4.  This  event  was  not  a  mere  empty  question  about  a  point 
of  honour.  It  was  a  real  revolution,  terminated  by  a  solemn 
league,  of  which  Athens  was  to  be  the  head  ;  and  though  it  is 
wrong  to  date  the  Athenian  cmjdrc  from  this  period,  yet  it  can- 
not be  doubted  that  this  confederacy  formed  her  first  step  toward;-; 

M 


212  IIISTOJIY  OK  (JUKKCI'l  (imp.  XXII. 

it.  Arislides  took  tlic  \ci'ul  in  tliiH  rriatlcr,  for  which  Jiin  pro- 
verbial justice  and  jiroliily,  and  his  conr-iiiatory  nianuerh,  emi- 
nently (inalified  him.  The  leaptic  ohlaincd  the  name  of  "  the 
Conlcderacy  ol  Delos,"  from  it.s  heinfr  arran^red  that  dejnities  of 
the  allies  belonffinf^  to  it  should  meet  jxTiodically  ior  deliheratioii 
in  the  temple  <jf  Apollo  and  Arlemis  in  that  i.sland.  Tlie  leafrne 
was  nol,  however,  confined  lo  the  lonians.  Jt  was  joined  by  all 
who  souffht,  in  the  maritime  power  of  Atliens,  a  protection 
afjainst  the  attacks  of  Persia.  Besides  tlie  Ionic  islands  of  hfamos 
and  Chios,  it  was  joined  by  llhodes,  Cos,  Lesbos,  and  Tenedos. 
Among  the  continental  towns  belonfriiiff  to  it  we  find  Miletus, 
the  Greek  tcmiis  on  the  peninsula  of  Chalcidice,  and  tlie  recently 
delivered  Byzantium.  Each  state  was  assessed  in  a  certain  con- 
tribution either  of  money  or  ships,  as  proposed  by  tlie  Athenians 
and  ratified  by  the  Synod.  The  assessment  was  intrusted  to 
Aristides,  whose  justice  and  impartiality  were  universally  ap- 
plauded. Of  the  details,  however,  we  only  know  that  the  first 
assessment  amounted  to  4G0  talents  (about  160,000/.  sterling); 
that  certain  officers  called  Hellenotamiai  were  appointed  by  the 
Athenians  to  collect  and  administer  the  contributions ;  that 
Delos  was  the  treasury  ;  and  that  the  tax  was  called  j))ioros  ;  a 
name  which  afterwards  became  odious  when  the  tribute  was 
abused  for  the  purposes  of  Athenian  ambition. 

S  5.  Such  was  the  origin  of  the  Confederacy  of  Delos.  Scon 
after  its  formation  Aristides  was  succeeded  in  the  command  of 
the  combined  fleet  by  Cimon,  whose  first  important  action  seems 
to  have  been  the  capture  of  Eion  on  the  Strymon.  This  place 
was  bravely  defended  by  Bnges,  the  Persian  Governor,  who  re- 
fused all  oliers  of  capitulation  ;  and  when  his  provisions  were 
exhausted  and  all  further  defence  impracticable,  he  caused  a  large 
funeral  pile  to  be  kindled  into  which  he  cast  his  wives,  his  con- 
cubines, and  children,  and  lastly  himself 

The  next  event  of  any  moment  was  the  reduction  of  the  island 
of  Scyros,  probably  in  B.C.  470.  A  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Scyros,  had  been  condemned  bythe  Amphictyonic  council  as  guilty 
of  piracy,  and  in  order  to  avoid  payment  of  the  fine  imposed  upon 
them,  appealed  to  Cimon  ;  who  took  possession  of  the  island,  and 
after  expelling  the  natives,  colonised  it  with  Athenians.  The 
hero  Theseus  had  been  buried  in  Scyros  ;  and  now,  by  command 
of  an  oracle,  his  bones  were  disinten-ed  and  carried  to  Athens, 
where  they  were  deposited  with  much  solemnity  in  a  temple 
called  the  Theseum,  which  exists  at  the  present  day. 

,  \  G.  The  isle  of  Scvros  is  smalland  barren,  but  its  position  and 
excellent  harbour  rendered  it  ai^miportant  naval  station.  The 
occupation  of  it  by  the  Athenians  seems  to  iiave  been  the  first 


B.C.  477.  CONFEDERACY  OF  DELOS.  243 

actual  step  taken  by  them  ixi  the  career  of  aggrandizement  on 
which  they  were  now  about  to  enter  ;  but  the  rapid  growth  of 
their  maritime  power,  and  especially  the  formation  of  the  Con- 
federacy of  Delos,  had  already  roused  the  jealousy  and  suspicion 
of  Sparta  and  other  states.  It  was,  probably,  a  lingering  dread 
of  the  Persians,  against  whose  attacks  the  Athenian  fleet  was 
indispensably  necessary,  which  had  prevented  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians, from  at  once  resenting  that  encroachment  on  their  supre- 
macy. Up  to  that  time  Sparta  had  been  regarded  as  entitled  to 
take  the  lead  in  Grecian  affairs,  and  for  a  moment  the  league 
formed  at  Platsea  after  the  defeat  of  Mardonius  seemed  to  con- 
firm her  in  that  position.  But  she  was  soon  deprived  of  it 
by  the  misconduct  of  her  leaders,  and  by  the  skill  and  enterprise 
of  Athens. 

That  city  was  the  only  one  Avhich,  during  the  Persian  wars, 
had  displayed  ability  and  heroism  equal  to  the  crisis.  She  had 
taken  a  large  share  in  the  battle  of  Platsea,  whilst  the  glory  of 
Marathon,  and  Salamis,  and  Mycale  was  almost  entirely  her  own. 
Above  all,  the  sufferings  which  she  had  voluntarily  undergone  in 
the  common  cause  entitled  her  to  the  love  and  sympathy  of 
Greece.  It  was  not,  however,  the  gratitude  of  her  allies  which 
placed  her  in  the  commanding  situation  she  was  now  about  to 
seize.  She  owed  it  rather  to  the  eminent  qualities  of  two  of  her 
citizens — to  the  genius  of  Themistocles,  and  to  the  virtue  of 
Aristides.  It  was,  as  we  have  seen,  through  the  immediate 
agency  of  Aristides  that  the  Confederacy  of  Delos  was  esta- 
blished :  a  matter  which  his  able  but  unprincipled  rival,  owing 
to  the  want  of  confidence  felt  in  his  character,  would  hardly  have 
been  able  to  carry  out.  But  it  was  Themistocles  who  had  first 
placed  Athens  in  a  situation  which  enabled  her  to  aspire  to  the 
chief  command.  His  genius  had  mastered  all  the  exigencies  of 
the  crisis.  His  advice  to  the  Athenians  to  rely  on  their  ships, 
and  to  abandon  their  city  to  its  fate,  had  not  only  saved  Athens 
but  Greece.  He  was  now  engaged  in  measures  which  might 
enable  Athens  by  the  same  means  to  consolidate  and  extend  her 
power ;  and  the  Confederacy  of  Delos  promised  to  bring  his 
plans  to  an  earlier  maturity  than  even  he  had  perhaps  ventured 
to  anticipate.  But  in  order  to  understand  the  plans  of  Themis- 
tocles, it  will  be  necessary  to  revert  to  the  city  of  Athens 
itself,  and  to  trace  its  progress  after  the  close  of  the  Persian  war. 

^  1 .  The  Athenians,  on  their  return  to  Attica  after  the  defeat 
of  the  Persians,  found  their  city  ruined  and  their  countrj'^  deso- 
late. Their  fii'st  care  was  to  provide  shelter  for  the  hcuseless  fa- 
milies which  had  been  transported  back  from  TroBzen,  Mgin^i,  and 
Salamis.      \Yhen   this   had    been   accomplished,  they  began   to 


244  HISTORY  OF  CWKV/E.  Chap.  XXIL 

rol)iiil(l  tliuir  city  on  a  larj^er  f-cule  lliaii  IhAuiv,  and  U>  fortify  it 
willi  a  wall.  Tlio.-^c  allies  to  wlioni  the  iiicrea-sing  iiiaritiuie 
j)i)\viT  of  Athens  was  au  object  of  sns]iicion,  and  especially  the 
ylij^'inetans,  to  whom  it  was  more  jiarticularly  l(»rmidahle,  beheld 
her  ri.sin;^  forlilications  with  di.smay.  In  order  to  prevent  the 
completioM  of  these  fortiheations,  they  endeavored  to  inspire 
I  he  Lacediemonians  with  tlicir  own  fi-ars,  and  urjred  them  to 
arrcist  the  work.  But,  thou<,di  Sparta  shared  the  jc-aluusy  of  the 
yEiriuetans  on  this  occasion,  .she  could  not  with  any  decency 
inter((.'rc  by  force  to  j)revent  a  friendly  city  from  exerci.siiig  a 
rijjlit  inherent  in  all  indejiendent  states.  She  a.s.sumed,  therc- 
iure,  the  hypocritical  garb  of  an  adviser  and  coun.sellor.  Con- 
cealing her  jealousy  under  the  pretence  of  zeal  for  the  common 
interests  of  Greece,  she  represented  to  the  Athenians  that,  iii 
the  event  of  anotlicr  Persian  invasion,  fqf tilled  towns  would  serve 
the  enemy  for  carnps  and  strongholds,  as  Thebes  had  done  in  the 
last  war  ;  and  proposed  that  the  Athenians  should  not  only  desLst 
IVom  completing  their  own  fortifications,  but  help  to  demolish 
those  which  already  existed  iu  other  towns. 

The  object  of  this  propcsal  was  too  transparent  to  deceive  so 
acute  a  statesman  as  Thcmistoclcs.  Athens  was  not  yet,  how- 
ever, in  a  condition  to  incur  the  danger  of  opeidy  rejecting  it ;  and 
he  therefore  advised  the  Athenians  to  dismiss  the  Spartan  envoys 
with  the  assurance  that  they  would  send  ambassadors  to  Sparta 
to  explain  their  views.  He  then  caused  himself  to  be  ap])ointed 
one  ol"these  ambassadors,  together  with  Aristidesand  Abronychus ; 
and  setting  oU"  at  once  for  Sparta,  directed  his  colleagues  to  linger 
behind  as  long  as  possible.  At  Sparta,  the  absence  of  his  colleagues, 
at  Avhich  he  allected  to  be  surprised,  aliin'ded  him  an  excuse  for 
not  demanding  an  audience  of  the  Ephors.  During  the  interval 
thus  gained  the  whole  population  of  Athens,  of  both  sexes  and 
every  age,  worked  day  and  night  at  the  walls,  Avhich.  when  Ans- 
tides  and  Abronychus  at  length  arrived  at  Sparta,  had  attained  a 
height  sullicient  to  afibrd  a  tolerable  defence.  MeanwhUe,  the 
suspicions  of  the  Spartans  had  been  more  than  once  aroused  by 
messages  from  the  .^Eginetans  respecting  the  progress  of  the 
walls.  Themistocies,  however,  positively  denied  their  state- 
ments, and  urged  the  Spartans  to  send  messengers  of  their  own 
to  Athens  in  order  to  learn  the  true  state  of  aliairs  ;  at  the  same 
time  instructing  the  Athenians  to  detain  them  as  hostages  for 
the  safety  of  himself  and  colleagues.  As  there  was  now  no 
longer  any  motive  of  concealment,  Themistocies  openly  avowed 
the  progress  of  the  works,  and  his  intention  of  securing  tho 
independence  of  Athens,  anil  enabling  her  to  act  for  herself.  As 
tlie  walls  were  now  too  far  advanced  to  be  easily  taken,  the 


B.C.  478.  FORTIFICATION  OF  ATHENS.  245 

Spartans  found  themselves  compelled  to  acquiesce,  and  the  works 
were  completed  without  further  hindrance. 

§  8.  Having  thus  secured  the  city  from  all  danger  of  an  imme- 
diate attack,  Themistocles  pursued  his  favourite  project  of  ren- 
dering Athens  the  gi'eatest  maritime  and  commercial  power  of 
Greece.  The  large  fleet  which  he  had  called  into  existence,  and 
which  he  had  persuaded  the  Athenians  to  increase  by  building 
twenty  triremes  every  year,  was  destitute  of  a  strong  and  com- 
modious harbour  such  as  might  afford  shelter  both  against  the 
weather  and  the  attacks  of  an  enemy.  The  open  roadstead  of  Pha- 
lerum  was  quite  inadequate  for  these  purposes  ;  and  during  his 
administration  three  years  before,  Themistocles  had  persuaded  his 
countrymen  to  improve  the  natural  basins  of  Pira;us  and  Muny- 
chia.  The  works  had  been  interrupted  and  perhaps  ruined  by 
the  Persians  ;  but  he  now  resumed  his  scheme  on  a  still  more 
magnificent  scale.  Pira!us  and  Munychia  were  both  enclosed  in 
a  wall  as  i.irge  in  extent  as  that  of  the  city  itself,  but  of  vastly 
greater  height  and  thickness.  In  his  own  magnificent  ideas, 
which  already  beheld  Athens  the  undisputed  mistress  of  the  sea, 
the  wall  which  sheltered  her  fleet  was  to  be  perfectly  unassaila- 
ble. Its  height  was  to  be  such  that  boys  and  old  men  might 
suffice  for  its  defence,  and  leave  the  men  of  military  age  to  act 
on  board  the  fleet.  It  seems,  however,  to  have  been  found  either 
unnecessary  or  impossible  to  carry  out  the  design  of  Themistocles. 
The  wall  rose  only  to  about  sixty  feet,  or  half  the  projected 
height ;  but  this  was  always  found  amply  sufficient.*" 

^  9.  The  ancient  rivalry  between  Themistocles  and  Aristides 
had  been  in  a  good  degree  extinguished  by  the  danger  which 
threatened  their  common  country  during  the  Persian  wars. 
Aristides  had  since  abandoned  his  former  prejudices,  and  was 
willing  to  conform  to  many  of  the  democratical  imiovations  of 
his  rival.  In  fact,  the  crisis  through  which  Athens  had  recently 
passed,  had  rendered  the  progress  of  the  democratical  sentiment 
irresistible.  Whilst  the  greater  part  of  the  male  population  was 
serving  on  shipboard  without  distinction  of  rank,  and  the  re- 
mainder dispersed  in  temporary  exile,  political  privileges  had 
been  necessarily  suspended  ;  and  the  whole  body  of  the  people, 
rendered  equal  by  the  common  danger,  became  also  equal  in 
their  civil  rights.  The  eflect  of  this  was  to  produce,  soon  after 
their  return  to  Attica,  a  still  further  modification  of  the  consti- 
tution of  Clisthenes.  The  Thetes,  the  lowest  of  the  four  classes 
of  Athenian  citizens,  were  declared  eligible  for  the  magistracy, 
from  which  they  had  been  excluded  by  the  laws  of  Solon.    Thus 

*  For  a  further  account  of  the  topography  of  Athens  and  the  Pirteufi; 
see  Chap.  XXXIV. 


•^It;  HlsToliV  (il    (.KKKCIC.  (iiai-.  XXII. 

iKil  only  tiic  .'iiclKJiisliij),  Imt  (■oiiscijuciilly  lln-  Council  of  Areo- 
|i;i<fUH,  was  thrown  ()])('ii  to  llicin  ;  and,  Htraiige  to  say,  IIiIh  relbnn 
was  ])r()j)of=iul  liy  Aristidcs  liim.si'lf. 

Noverlliclcss,  ])arty  spirit  still  ran  lii<rli  at  Atlicris.  Cimoii 
and  Alcinaoii  were  violent  ojipont'nt.s  ol'  TiifrniHlocJci',  and  of 
Ihuir  ])arty  Aristidep  Tva?  still  the  head.  The  jiopnlarily  of  Arig- 
tide.s  was  never  greater  than  at  the  j)re.sent  time,  owinj:  not  only 
f(i  the  moderation  and  the  more  liheral  spirit  which  lie  exhihited, 
but  also  to  his  great  services  in  e.stahlishing  the  Confederacy  of 
iJelos.  lie  was,  therefore,  more  than  ever  to  be  drearled  as  an 
adversary  ;  and  the  conduct  of  Themistocles  soon  laid  him  ojien 
to  the  attacks  of  his  enemies.  He  oIlL-nded  the  Athenians  by 
his  ostentation  and  vanity.  He  was  continually  boasting  of  his 
services  to  the  state  ;  hut  worse  than  all  this,  his  conduct  was 
stained  with  ])ositive  guilt.  There  was  much  to  be  done  after 
the  close  of  the  Persian  wars  in  restoring  order  in  the  Grecian 
eommunities  ;  iu  deposing  corrupt  magistrates,  in  punishing  evil 
doers,  and  in  replacing  fugitives  and  political  exiles  in  their 
possessions.  All  these  things  opened  up  a  great  field  for  bribery 
and  corruption  ;  and  whilst  Themistocles,  at  the  head  of  an 
Athenian  squadron,  was  sailing  among  the  Greek  islands  for  the 
ostensible  purpose  of  executing  justice,  there  is  little  room  to 
doubt  that  he  corrupted  its  very  source  by  accepting  large  sums  of 
money  from  the  cities  which  he  visited. 

§  10.  The  influence  of  the  Lacedcemonians  was  still  considera- 
ble at  Athens.  The  conservative  party  there,  and  espedally  Ci- 
mon,  one  of  its  principal  leaders,  regarded  with  love  and  venera- 
tion the  stable  institutions  of  Sparta,  which  formed  a  striking 
contrast  to  the  democratical  innovations  which  were  making  such 
rapid  progress  in  their  own  city.  The  Laceda-monians  on  their 
side  were  naturally  inimical  to  the  Athenian  democracy,  as  the 
party  most  opposed  to  their  interests  and  poAver  ;  and  to  Themis- 
tocles himself  they  were  j)ersonally  hostile,  on  account  of  the 
deception  which  he  had  lately  practised  ujwn  them.  Hence  when 
Pausanias  became  suspected  o(  Jlcdism,  they  urged  the  political 
opponents  of  Themistocles  to  accuse  him  of  being  implicated 
in  the  same  crime.  This  accusation  was  at  all  events  prema- 
ture ;  nor  is  it  surprising  that  the  Athenian  statesman  should 
have  been  acquitted  of  a  charge  which  could  not  at  that  time  be 
brought  home  to  Pausanias  himself.  The  result,  however,  of  this 
accusation  was  to  embitter  party  spirit  at  Athens  to  such  a  de- 
gree that  it  was  found  necessary  to  resort  to  ostracism,  and 
Themistoclts  was  condeiinied  to  a  temporary  banishment  (i;.c. 
47 1).  He  retired  to  Argos,  and  had  been  residing  in  that  city  for  a 
space  of  about  five  years  when  indubitable  proofs  were  cUscovered 


B.C.  471.         TREASON  A^D  FALL  OF  i'AL.SAM^^.  247 

of  his  being  implicated  in  the  treasonable  correspondence  of 
Pausanias  with  the  Persians.  But  in  order  to  explain  the  fall  of 
the  Athenian  statesman,  we  must  first  relate  that  of  the  Spartan 
regent  with  which  it  was  intimately  connected. 

Hi-  The  recall  of  Pausanias  from  Byzantium  has  been  already 
mentioned.  On  his  .arrival  at  home  he  seems  to  have  been  ac- 
quitted of  any  definite  charges  ;  yet  the  general  presumption  of 
his  guilt  was  so  strong  that  he  was  not  again  entrusted  with  the 
command  of  the  fleet.  This  was  perhaps  an  additional  motive 
with  him  to  complete  his  treachery.  Under  pretence  of  serving 
as  a  volunteer,  he  returned  to  Byzantium  with  a  single  trireme, 
and  renewed  his  negotiations  with  Artabazus.  Here  he  seems 
to  have  again  enjoyed  a  sort  of  ascendency,  till  liis  conduct 
obliged  the  Athenians  to  expel  him  from  this  city.  He  then 
retired  to  Colonse,  in  the  Troad,  where  he  still  pursued  his  de- 
signs ;  employing  both  Persian  gold,  and  perhaps  the  influence 
of  the  Spartan  name,  in  order  to  induce  various  Grecian  cities 
to  participate  in  his  schemes. 

At  the  news  of  these  proceedings  the  Spartans  again  ordered 
Pausanias  home,  under  pain  of  being  denounced  as  a  public 
enemy.  With  this  order  he  deemed  it  prudent  to  comply ;  fore- 
seeing that,  if  proscribed,  his  influence  would  be  at  an  end,  and 
relying,  probably,  on  his  riches  to  bribe  his  judges  and  procure 
an  acquittal.  But,  though  at  first  imprisoned  by  the  Ephors, 
nobody  was  bold  enough  to  come  forward  as  his  accuser.  His 
treachery,  though  sufficiently  palpable,  seems  to  have  offered  no 
overt  and  legally  tangible  act,  and  he  was  accordingly  set  at 
hberty.  He  now  employed  himself  in  hatching  treason  nearer 
home.  He  tampered  with  the  Helots,  and  by  promises  of  en- 
franchisement and  political  rights,  endeavoured  to  persuade 
them  to  overthrow  the  Ephors,  and  make  him  sole  sovereign. 
Though  these  jjlots  were  communicated  to  the  Ephors,  they 
were  stfll  either  unable  or  unwilling  to  prosecute  so  powerful  a 
criminal.  Meanwhile,  he  continued  his  correspondence  with 
Persia;  and  an  accident  at  length  afforded  convincing  proofs  of 
liis  guilt. 

A  favourite  slave,  to  whom  he  had  entrusted  a  letter  to  Ar- 
tabazus, observed  with  dismay  that  none  of  the  messengers 
employed  in  this  service  had  ever  returned.  Moved  by  these 
fears,  he  broke  the  seal  and  read  the  letter,  and  finding  his 
suspicions  of  the  fate  that  awaited  him  confirmed,  he  carried  the 
document  to  the  Ephors.  But  in  ancient  states  the  testimony 
of  a  slave  was  always  regarded  with  suspicion.  The  Ephors  re- 
fused to  believe  the  evidence  offered  to  them  unless  the  slave 
placed  them,  in  a  position  to  have  it  confirmed  by  their  own 


•24S  Ill^roliV  OF  (;I>vP:ECI-1  Chai-.  xxii, 

oars  For  tliis  j)iir])nH(!  tliey  (lircctcd  liitii  lo  plant  hiriiw^'lf  as  a 
sii|i|»liaiil.  in  tliu  ^rovc  ol"  Poseidon,  nriar  ( .ajx-  Ta-narus,  in  a  hut 
licliind  which  two  of  their  hody  nii^dit  fonecal  themselves. 
J'ausanias,  as  they  had  expected,  anxious  and  surjirised  at  the 
step  taken  hy  his  slave,  hastened  to  the  spt)t  to  rpiestion  hirn 
ahout  it.  The  conversation  which  ensued  hetween  them,  and 
which  was  overheard  hy  the  J'^])iiors,  rendered  it  impo.«sihle  for 
tlieui  any  longer  to  douht  the  jruilt  of  Pausanias.  They  now 
(Ictennined  to  arrest  him  on  his  return  to  Sparta.  They  met 
him  in  the  street  near  the  temple  of  Athena  Olialcioecus  (of  the 
Brazen  House) ;  when  Pausanias,  cither  alarmed  by  his  pruilty 
conscience,  or  put  on  his  guard  by  a  secret  signal  from  one  of 
the  Ephors,  turned  and  lied  to  the  temple,  where  lie  took  refuge 
in  a  small  chamber  belonging  to  the  building,  From  this  sanc- 
tuaiy  it  was  unlawful  to  drag  him ;  but  the  Ephors  caused  the 
doors  to  be  built  up  and  the  roof  to  be  removed  ;  and  liis  own 
mother  is  said  to  have  placed  the  first  stone  at  the  doors.  \Vhen 
at  the  point  of  death  from  starvation,  he  was  carried  from  the 
sanctuary  before  he  polluted  it  with  his  corpse. 

^  \2.  Such  was  the  end  of  tlie  victor  of  Plata?a.  After  his 
death  proofs  were  discovered  among  his  correspondence  that 
Themistocles  was  implicated  in  his  guilt.  The  Laceda-monians 
now  again  called  upon  the  Athenians  to  prosecute  their  great 
statesman  before  a  synod  of  the  allies  assembled  at  Sparta ;  and 
joint  envoys  were  sent  from  Athens  and  Sparta  to  anest  him. 

Themi.stocles  avoided  the  impending  danger  by  flying  from 
Argos  to  Corcyra.  The  CorcyraDans,  however,  refusing  to  shelter 
him,  he  passed  over  to  the  continent ;  where,  being  still  pursued, 
he  Avas  forced  to  seek  refuge  at  the  court  of  Admetus,  king  of 
the  Molossians,  though  he  had  made  Admetus  his  peisonal  ene- 
my by  opposing  him  on  one  occasion  in  some  favour  which  the 
king  begged  of  the  Athenians.  Fortunately,  Admetus  happened 
to  be  from  home.  The  forlorn  condition  of  Themistocles  ex- 
cited the  compassion  of  the  wife  of  the  Molossian  king,  who 
placed  her  child  in  his  arms,  and  bade  him  seat  himself  on  the 
hearth  as  a  suppliant.  As  soon  as  the  kuig  arrived,  Themis- 
tocles explained  his  peril,  and  adjured  him  by  the  sacred  laws 
of  hospitality  not  to  take  vengeance  upon  a  fallen  foe.  Admetus 
accepted  his  appeal  and  raised  him  from  the  hearth ;  he  refused 
to  deliver  him  up  to  his  pursuers,  and  at  last  only  dismissed  him 
on  his  own  expi'essed  desire  to  proceed  to  Persia.  Having  tra- 
versed the  mountains,  Themistocles  reached  Pydna,  on  the  Ther- 
maic  gulf,  where,  under  an  assumed  name,  he  took  a  passage  in 
a  merchant  vessel  bound  for  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor.  The  ship 
was  driven  by  stress  of  weather  to  the  island  of  Is  axos,  which 


B.C.  449.  DEATH  OF  THEMISTOCLES.  249 

happened  at  that  verj'  moment  to  he  hlcckaded  by  an  Athenian 
fleet.  In  this  conjuncture  Themistccles  adopted  one  of  those 
decisive  resolutions  which  never  failed  him  in  the  hour  of  dan- 
ger. Having  summoned  the  master  of  the  vessel,  he  disclosed 
to  him  his  real  name,  and  the  peril  which  menaced  Ihm  ui  case 
of  discovery.  He  then  conjured  the  master  not  to  make  the 
land,  at  the  same  time  threatening  that,  if  detected,  he  would 
involve  him  in  his  own  ruin  hy  representing  him  as  the  accom- 
plice of  his  flight ;  promising,  on  the  other  hand,  a  large  reward 
if  he  would  secure  his  escape.  These  representations  induced 
the  ma.«ter  to  keep  the  sea  in  spite  of  the  weather  ;  and  Themis- 
tccles landed  safely  at  Ephesus. 

^  13.  Artaxerxes,  the  son  of  Xerxes,  was  now  upon  the  throne 
of  Persia,  and  to  him  Themistocles  hastened  to  announce  himself 
Having  been  conducted  to  Susa,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Per- 
sian king,  in  which  he  claimed  a  reward  for  his  past  services  in 
favouring  the  escape  of  Xerxes,  and  promised  to  efiect  much  for 
Persian  interests  if  a  year  Avere  allowed  him  to  mature  his  plans. 
Artaxerxes  welcomed  the  arrival  of  the  illustrious  stranger  and 
readily  granted  liis  request.  According  to  the  tales  current  at  a 
later  period,  the  king  was  so  transported  with  joy  as  to  start 
from  his  sleep  at  night  and  thrice  to  cry  out,  "  I  have  got  The- 
mistocles the  Athenian."  At  the  end  of  the  year,  Themistccles 
having  acquired  a  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  Persian  language 
to  be  able  to  converse  in  it,  entertained  Artaxerxes  with  magni- 
ficent schemes  for  the  subjugation  of  Greece,  and  succeeded 
in  gaining  his  entire  confidence  and  favour.  Artaxerxes  loaded 
him  with  presents,  gave  him  a  Persian  Avife,  and  appointed  Mag- 
nesia, a  toAAiT.  not  far  from  the  Ionian  coast,  as  his  place  of 
residence.  In  accordance  with  Eastern  magnificence,  the  reve- 
nues of  that  place,  amounting  to  the  yearly  sum  of  fifty  talents, 
Avere  assigned  to  him  for  bread,  whilst  Mycs  was  to  supply  con- 
diments, and  Lampsocus  wine.  At  Magnesia  Themistccles  was 
joined  by  his  family ;  and  after  living  there  some  time,  was 
carried  off  by  disease  at  the  age  of  sixty-five,  without  having 
realized,  or  apparently  attempted,  any  of  these  plans  Avith  which 
he  had  dazzled  the  Persian  monarch.  Rumour,  which  eA^er  dogs 
the  footsteps  of  the  great,  ascribed  his  death  to  poison,  Avhich  he 
took  of  his  owii  accord,  from  a  consciousness  cf  his  inability  to 
perform  his  promises ;  but  this  report,  Avhich  Avas  current  in  the 
time  of  Thucydides,  is  rejected  by  that  historian,  though  it  was 
subsequently  adopted  by  Avriters  of  no  mean  note.  The  tale  Avas 
probably  propagated  by  the  friends  of  Themistccles,  Avho  also 
asserted  that,  at  his  express  command,  they  bad  carried  hir. 
bones  to  Attica,  and  had  secretly  buried  them  in  his  natiA'^e  land 

M* 


2fiO  lII>T()ia'  OF  <;ii):i:CK.  CuAr.  XXII 

III  llic  lime  of  iIh-  Roniaii  empire  hiK  loriib  was  h>H)wri  upon  tho 
jjromoiitory  at  llie  ii;^flit  liaiid  of  llie  entrance  of  the  fp^eat  har- 
bour of  rira-us.  Tlii.s  was  doubtless  the  invention  of  a  later 
age  ;  but  tlie  imagination  could  not  liave  chosen  a  fitter  spot  for 
the  aslies  of  the  founder  of  the  maritime  greatness  of  Athens. 
Hence  we  find  in  an  ancient  epigram,  supposed  to  have  been 
inscribed  upon  his  tomb  : — 

"By  the  sen's  inarniri,  oti  llic  watery  ntrand, 
Tliy  nioniinicnt,  Tlu-Tiiistocles,  shall  stand: 
liy  this  directed  to  tliy  native  sliore 
The  ineieliant  sliall  convey  his  freighted  store; 
And  ■when  our  fleets  are  suiiinioned  to  tlie  fi(rht, 
Athens  shall  conquer  with  thy  tomb  in  sight." 

Themistocles  is  one  of  those  characters  which  exhibit  at  once 
all  the  greatness  and  all  the  meanness  of  human  nature.  Acute- 
ness  ill  foret-eeing,  readines-s  and  wisdom  in  contriving,  combined 
■with  vigour  and  decision  in  acting,  were  the  characteristics  of 
this  great  statesman,  and  by  these  qualities  he  not  only  rescued 
his  country  from  the  imminent  danger  of  the  Persian  yoke,  but 
enabled  her  to  become  one  of  the  leading  states  of  Greece.  Yet 
his  lofty  genius  did  not  secure  him  from  the  seductions  of 
avarice  and  pride,  which  led  him  to  sacrifice  both  his  honour 
and  his  country  for  the  tinsel  of  Eastern  pomp.  But  the  riches 
and  luxury  wdiich  surrounded  him  served  only  to  heighten  his 
infamy,  and  were  dearly  bought  Avith  the  hatred  of  his  country- 
men, the  reputation  of  a  traitor,  and  the  death  of  an  exile. 

^  14.  Aristides  died  about  four  years  after  the  banishment  of 
Themistocles.  The  common  accounts  of  his  poverty  are  pro- 
bably exaggerated,  and  seem  to  have  been  founded  on  the  circum- 
stances of  a  public  iuiieral,  and  of  handsome  donations  made  to 
his  three  children  by  the  state.  But  in  ancient  times  these  were 
no  unusual  marks  of  respect  and  gratitude  towards  merit  and 
virtue  ;  and  as  he  was  archoii  cponymiis  at  a  time  when  only  th.e 
first  class  of  the  Solonian  census  \\as  admissible  to  this  office, 
he  must  have  enjoyed  a  certain  amount  of  property.  But  what- 
ever his  property  may  have  been,  it  is  at  least  certain  that 
he  did  not  acquire  or  increase  it  by  unlaw^ful  means ;  and  not 
even  calumny  has  ventured  to  assail  his  well  earned  title  of  the 
Just. 


Pericles  and  Aspasia. 


'  CHAPTER  XXm. 

RISE     AND     GROWTH     OF     THE     ATHENIAN     EMPIRE. FROM     THE 

BATTLE   OF   EURYMEDON   TO    THE    THIRTY   Y'EARS'   TRUCE    WITH 
SPARTA. 

§  1.  Cimon  leader  of  the  aristocratieal  party  at  Athens.  §  2.  Revolt 
of  Naxos.  §  3.  Battle  of  Eurymedon.  §  4.  The  Athenians  blockade 
Thasos,  and  attempt  to  found  colonies  in  Thrace.  §  5.  Earthquake 
at  Sparta  and  revolt  of  the  Helots.  §  6.  Decline  of  Spartan  po^ver. 
§  7.  Cimon  assists  tlie  Spartans  to  suppress  the  revolt,  but  without 
success.  The  Spartans  oS'end  the  Athenians  by  dismissing  their  troops. 
§  8.  Parties  at  Atliens.  Character  of  Pericles.  §  9.  Attack  upon  the 
Areopagus.  §  10.  Ostracism  of  Cimon.  §  11.  Administration  and 
foreign  policy  of  Pericles.  §  12.  Expedition  of  the  Athenians  into 
Egypt  against  the  Persians.  §  13.  Hostilities  with  Corinth  and  Jlgina. 
Defeat  of  the  Corinthians  at  Megara.  §  14.  The  long  walls  of  Athens 
commenced.  §  15.  The  Lacedsemonians  march  into  Boeotia.  Battle 
ofTanagra.  §16.  Recall  of  Cimon.  §17.  Battle  of  (Enophyta,  and 
conquest  of  Boeotia.  Conquest  of  ^gina.  §18.  The  five  years' truce. 
Expedition  of  Cimon  to  Cyprus.  His  death.  §19.  Conclusion  of  the 
"war  witii  Persia.  §  20.  The  Athenian  power  at  its  height.  §  21. 
Decline  of  Athenian  power.  Revolution  in  Bceotia.  Other  Athe- 
nian reverses.  Invasion  of  Attica  by  the  Lacedfemonians  under 
Pleistoanax.  §  22.  Pericles  recovers  Eubaa.  Thirty  years'  truce 
with  Sparta. 


M-  On  the  death  of  Aristides,  Cimon  became  the  undisputed 
leader  of  the  aristocratieal  or  conservative  party  at  Athens.  Cimon 


2r,2  HISTORY  OF  C.RVM'Vl  (map.  aXIIL 

was  f^eiicroiis,  aflablc,  ina<,'iiilici-iil ;  ami,  uotwith.staiKlinjrliiH  p'^ 
liticai  viows,  of  exni'ciiiii<^'ly  jKtpiilar  uiaiimirs.  lie  liad  iiiherilod 
llio  military  <ri'iiiiiri  of  his  father,  and  was  uiidouhtediy  the 
frrealo.st  coiiiinaiider  of  his  time.  He  cmj)l(iyed  the  vast  wealth 
acfiuired  in  his  expeditions  in  adornin<,'  Athens  and  prralifying 
iiis  li'll()\v-citi/cns.  He  kept  open  house  for  sueh  of  his  drmos 
(the  Laeiadio)  as  were  in  want  of  a  meal,  and  appeared  in  j)ub- 
['n\  attended  by  well-dressed  slaves,  who  were  often  directed  to  cx- 
eliange  their  comfortable  franrients  with  the  thread-bare  clothes 
of  needy  citizens.  But  his  mind  was  uncMiltivated  by  arts  or 
letters,  and  what  elofpience  he  possessed  was  rough  and  soldier- 
like. 

k  2.  The  capture  of  Eion  and  reduction  of  Scyros  by  Cimon 
have  been  already  related.  It  was  two  or  three  years  after  the 
latter  event  that  we  hud  the  first  symptoms  of  discontent  amonj^ 
the  mombcrs  of  the  Confederacy  of  Delos.  Naxos,  one  of  the 
confederate  islands,  and  the  largest  of  the  Cyclades,  revolted  in 
B.C.  4G6,  probably  from  a  feeling  of  the  growing  oppressiveness 
of  the  Athenian  headship.  It  was  immediately  invested  by  the 
confederate  fleet,  and  after  a  blockade  of  unknown  duration  re- 
duced and  made  tributary  to  Athens.  It  was  during  this  block- 
ade that  Themistocles,  as  before  related,  passed  the  island  in  his 
flight  to  Asia.  This  was  another  step  towards  dominion  gained 
by  the  Athenians,  whose  pretensions  were  assisted  by  the  im- 
prudence of  the  allies.  Many  of  the  smaller  states  belonging  to 
the  confederacy,  wearied  with  perpetual  hostilities,  commuted 
for  a  money  payment  the  ships  which  they  were  bound  to 
supply;  and  thus,  by  depriving  themselves  of  a  navy,  lost  the 
only  means  by  whicli  they  could  assert  their  independence. 

<j  3.  The  same  year  was  marked  by  a  memorable  action  against 
the  Persians.  Cimon,  at  the  head  of  200  Athenian  triremes,  and 
100  furnished  by  the  allies,  proceeded  to  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor, 
where  he  expelled  the  Persians  from  several  Grecian  town.s  in 
Caria  and  Lycia.  Meanwhile  the  Persians  had  assembled  a  large 
fleet  and  army  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Eurymedon  in  Pam- 
phylia.  Their  fleet  already  consisted  of  200  vessels,  chiefly  PhcE- 
nician ;  and  as  a  reinforcement  of  80  more  was  expected,  Cimon 
resolved  to  lose  no  time  in  making  an  attack.  After  speedily 
defeating  the  fleet,  Cimon  landed  his  men  and  marched  agahist 
the  Persian  army,  which  was  drawn  up  on  the  shore  to  protect 
the  fleet.  Tlie  laud-force  fought  with  bravery,  but  was  at  length 
put  to  the  rout.  These  victories  were  still  further  enhanced  by 
the  destruction  of  the  80  vessels,  with  which  Cimon  happened 
ta  fall  in  on  his  return.  A  victory  gained  on  the  same  dav  hoih 
bv  sea  and  laud  added  crrentlv  to  the  renown  of  Cimon,  and  was 


B.C.  466.  BATTLES  AT  THE  EURYMEDON.  253 

commemorated  on  the  tripod  dedicated  to  Apollo  as  one  of  the 
most  glorious  ot"  Grecian  exploits. 

§  4.  The  successes  of"  the  Athenians,  and  their  undisputed 
power  at  sea,  led  them  to  extend  their  empire  by  means  of  co- 
lonies. Some  of  the  Athenians  who  had  settled  at  Eion  on  the 
Strymon  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Persians,  had  an  opportunity 
of  becoming  acquainted  with  the  surrounding  country,  which 
was  principally  occupied  by  Edonian  Thracians,  and  was  distin- 
guished not  only  by  the  lertility  of  its  soil,  but  also  by  its  gold 
mines  on  Mount  PangtEus.  But  in  their  attempts  to  form  a 
permanent  settlemsnt  on  this  coast,  the  Athenians  were  opposed 
by  the  inhabitants  of  the  opposite  island  of  Thasos,  who  were 
possessed  of"  considerable  territory  upon  the  continent  of  Thrace, 
and  derived  a  large  revenue  from  the  mines  of  Scapte  Hyle  and 
other  places. 

The  island  of  Thasos  was  a  member  of  the  Confederacy  of 
Delos,  with  which,  however,  this  quarrel  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  in  any  way  connected.  The  ill-feeling  soon  reached  such  a 
pitch,  that  Cimon  was  despatched  in  b.c.  4G5  with  a  powerful 
Heet  against  the  Thasians.  In  this  expedition  the  Athenians 
gained  various  successes  both  by  sea  and  land,  but  totally  failed 
in  their  attempt  to  found  a  colony  on  the  main  land,  near  Eion. 
This  result,  however,  was  owing  to  the  hostility  of  the  native 
tribes.  A  body  of  ten  thousand  Athenians  and  their  allies,  who 
had  taken  possession  of  Ennea  Hodoi,  a  place  on  the  StrjTiion, 
about  three  miles  above  Eion,  were  attacked  by  the  Thracians 
and  nearly  all  of  them  slain.  Nevertheless  the  Athenians  did 
not  abandon  the  blockade  of  Thasos.  After  a  siege  of  more  than 
two  years  that  island  surrendered,  when  its  fortifications  were 
razed,  its  fleet  and  its  possessions  in  Thiace  were  confiscated, 
and  it  was  condemned  to  pay  an  annual,  as  well  as  an  imme- 
diate, tribute. 

^  5.  The  expedition  to  Thasos  was  attended  with  a  circum- 
stance which  first  gives  token  of  the  coming  hostilities  between 
Sparta  and  Athens.  At  an  early  period  of  the  blockade  the 
Thasians  secretly  applied  to  the  Lacedaemonians  to  make  a  diver- 
sion in  their  favour  by  invading  Attica ;  and  though  the  Lace- 
daemonians were  still  ostensibly  allied  with  Athens,  tlicy  were 
base  enough  to  comply  with  this  request.  But  their  treachery 
was  prevented  by  a  terrible  calamity  which  befel  themselves. 
In  the  year  B.C.  464,  their  capital  was  visited  by  an  earthquake 
which  laid  it  in  ruins  and  killed  20,000  of  the  citizens,  besides  a 
large  body  of  their  chosen  youth,  who  were  engaged  in  a  build- 
ing in  their  gjTnnastic  exercises.  But  this  was  only  i)art  of  the 
calamity.     The  earthquake  was  immediately  followed  by  a  revolt 


a:. I  IIKIOIIV  UK  (iUKKCI-l  CiiAi'.  X.XIIL 

ol'  111.'  Helots,  wlio  wtTc  alwiiys  ready  to  avail  tlicrnw-'lves  of  the 
weakiiestf  ol  llieir  tyrants.  iSoriu;  ot  that  ojijirc-.-iod  jjeoj)lc  liad 
heeii  dra<rfr<'d  Iroiii  the  sanctuary  of  I'o.^eiihjii  at  TaeiiaruK  proba- 
lily  ill  coiiiiuxioii  with  the  ailiiir  ol  I'au.saiiias,  related  in  tlie  prc- 
<-ediiifr  chapter  ;  and  now  the  whole  race,  and  even  the  Lacc- 
(lajuionians  thernselvea,  believed  that  the  earthquake  was  caui<C'd 
by  the  anjjer  ol"  that  "  eartb-shakiufif"  di-ity.  Encouraped  by  this 
signal  of  the  divine  favour,  ami  bein<r  joined  by  W)m«!  of  the 
I'eriu'ci,  the  Helots  rushed  to  anus,  and  marched  stiiifrht  upon 
Sparta.  In  this  attein})t  to  seize  the  capital  they  were  repul.H-d  ; 
nevertheless  they  were  still  able  to  keep  the  jield  ;  and  bei.ig 
joined  by  the  Messenians,  Ibrtified  themselves  in  Mount  Itboine 
in  ]\les.<enia.  Hence  this  revolt  is  sometimes  called  the  third 
Me.-;senian  war.  Alter  two  or  three  years  spent  in  a  vain  at- 
tempt to  dislo(i<fe  them  from  this  position,  the  Laceda-rnonians 
l()uud  tliem.selves  obliged  to  call  in  the  assistance  of  their  allies, 
and  among  the  rest  of  the  Athenians. 

^  G.  That  Sparta  should  thus  have  condescended  to  solicit  the 
assistance  of  her  rival  to  quell  a  domestic  feud,  shows  that  she 
umst  have  fallen  greatly  from  her  former  power  and  station. 
During  the  period,  indeed,  in  which  we  ha^e  traced  the  rise  of 
Athens,  Sparta  had  been  proportionahly  declining.  Of  the  cau.ses 
of  this  decline  we  can  oidy  mention  some  of  the  more  prominent. 
Foremost  among  them  was  the  misconduct  of  her  leaders.  The 
misconduct  of  Pausanias,  by  which  the  maritime  supremacy  was 
transferred  to  Athens,  has  been  already  related.  His  inlarny  found 
a  couutei-part  in  the  infamy  of  Leotycliides,  another  of  her  kings, 
and  the  conqueror  of  Mycale  ;  who,  being  employed  in  arranging 
the  affairs  of  Thessaly  after  its  evacuation  by  the  Persians,  was 
convicted  of  taking  bribes  from  the  Persian  king.  The  Lacedaemo- 
nians committed,  moreover,  a  great  pohtical  bhuider  in  the  set- 
tlement of  Boeotia,  whose  alliiirs  had  been  so  thoronglilv  shaken 
by  the  Persian  invasion.  Thebes,  convicted  of  J/«//sw.  was, 
with  the  conciurence  of  Sparta,  degraded  from  her  former  rank 
and  inlluence  ;  whilst  Plata-a  and  Thespia\  which  stood  opposed 
to  the  capital,  were  strengthened,  and  the  latter  repeopled.  Thus 
the  influence  of  Athens  in  Boeotia  was  promoted,  in  proportion 
as  Thebes,  her  ancient  enemy,  was  weakened  and  degraded.  The 
aliairs  of  the  Pelopomiesus  itself  had  been  mifavourable  to  the 
Spartans.  They  liad  been  engaged  in  a  harassuig  war  with  the 
Arcadians,  and  were  also  cramped  and  menaced  by  the  growing 
po^\•er  of  Elis.  And  now  all  these  causes  of  weakness  were  aggra- 
vated by  the  earthquake,  and  consequent  revolt  of  the  Helots. 

§  7.  It  was  Avith  great  diliiculty  that  Cimon  pei-suaded  his 
oountrj'men  to  assist  the  Lacedaemonians  in  quelling  tliis  revolt. 


B.C.  464.  REVOLT  OF  THE  MESSENIANS.  255 

His  power  waL'  now  somewhat  waning  before  the  rising  influence 
of  Pericles.  Notwithstanding  what  he  had  accompHshed  at 
Thasos,  it  is  even  said  that  more  liad  been  expected  by  the  Athe- 
nians, and  that  Pericles  actually  accused  him,  though  without  suc- 
cess, of  having  been  diverted  from  the  conquest  of  Macedonia,  by 
the  bribes  of  Alexander,  the  king  of  that  country.  Cimon,  however, 
at  length  succeeded  in  persuading  the  Athenians  to  despatch  him 
with  a  force  of  4000  hoplites,  to  the  assistance  of  the  Lacede- 
monians ;  but  the  ill-success  of  this  expedition  still  further 
strengthened  the  hands  of  his  political  opponents. 

The  aid  of  the  Athenians  had  been  requested  by  the  Lacedse- 
monians  on  account  of  their  acknowledged  superiority  in  the  art 
of  attacking  foiiihed  places.  As,  however,  Cimon  did  not  succeed 
in  dislodging  the  Helots  from  Ithome,  the  LacedEemonians,  pro- 
bably from  a  consciousness  of  their  own  treachery  in  the  atl'air 
of  Thasos,  began  to  suspect  that  the  Athenians  were  playing 
them  false.  The  conduct  of  the  latter  does  not  seem  to  have 
afibrded  the  least  ground  for  this  suspicion,  and  Cimon,  their 
general,  was  notoriously  attached  to  Sparta.  Yet  the  Lacedae- 
monians, fearing  that  the  Athenians  intended  to  join  the  Helots, 
abruptly  dismissed  them,  stating  that  they  had  no  longer  any 
occasion  for  their  services ;  although  the  other  allies  were  re- 
tained, and  the  siege  of  Ithome  still  proceeded. 

§  8.  This  rude  dismissal  gave  great  offence  at  Athens,  and 
annihilated  for  a  time  the  political  influence  of  Cimon.  The  de- 
mocratical  party  had  from  the  first  opposed  the  expedition  ;  and 
it  afibrded  them  a  great  triumph  to  be  able  to  point  to  Cimon  re- 
turning not  only  unsuccessful  but  insulted.  That  party  was  now 
led  by  Pericles.  A  sort  of  hereditary  feud  existed  between  Pe- 
ricles and  Cimon  ;  for  it  was  Xanthippus,  the  father  of  Pericles, 
who  had  impeached  Miltiades,  the  father  of  Cimon.  The  cha- 
racter of  Pericles  was  almost  the  reverse  of  Cimon's.  Although 
the  leader  of  the  popular  party,  his  manners  were  reserved.  He 
was  of  high  family,  being  descended  on  his  mother's  side  from 
the  princes  of  Sicyoir  and  the  Alcnifeonidae,  whilst,  on  his 
father's,  he  was  connected  with  the  family  of  Pisistratus,  to 
which  tyrant  he  is  said  to  have  borne  a  striking  personal  resem- 
blance. He  appeared  but  little  in  society  or  in  public,  reserving 
himself  for  great  occasions  ;  a  conduct  which,  when  he  did  come 
forward,  enhanced  the  effect  of  his  dignified  bearing  and  impres- 
sive eloquence.  His  military  talents  were  but  slender,  and  in 
fact  in  this  department  he  was  frequently  unsuccessful.  But  his 
mind  had  received  the  highest  polish  which  that  period  was 
capable  of  givmg.  He  constantly  conversed  with  Anaxagoras, 
Protagoras,  Zeno,  and  other  eminent  philosophers.     To  oratory 


2r.(i  HISTORY  OF  (;l:l.l.<  K.  Chap.  XMII. 

ill  particular  Ik^  liiul  drtvotcd  niiifli  altciilion,  as  an  iiiflispcrihubik! 
iiislniiiii'iil.  lor  H\vayiii<;  llie  ',)tiljli(t  aswiiiblicH  of  Athens  ;  and  liu 
is  said  to  liavc  been  the  first  who  coimiiittfd  his  spcwherf  to 
\vritiii<r.  He  was  not  niucdi  distiii^rnishcd  lor  private  liberality; 
but  be  made  amends  lor  the  popularity  wliirdi  be  lr)st  in  this  way 
by  his  lavish  distribution  of  tbc^  ]Miblic  money.  Siieh  was  the 
man  who  Ibr  a  considerable  period  was  to  administer  the  aflLiirs 
of  Athens. 

^  9.  Pericles  seized  the  occasion  presented  by  the  ill-.«uccess  of 
Cimon,  both  to  ruin  that  leader  and  to  strike  a  fatal  blow  at  the 
aristocratical  party.  The  latter  object  be  sought  to  accompli.--li 
by  various  changes  in  the  Athenian  constitution,  and  particu- 
larly by  an  attack  upon  the  Areopagus.  That  venerable  and 
time-honoured  assembly  contained  the  very  pith  and  marrow 
of  Athenian  ari.-*rcracy.  Besides  its  high  judicial  functions,  it 
exercised  a  kind  of  ge..L.al  censorship  over  the  citizens.  By  the 
nature  of  its  constitution  it  was  composed  cf  men  of  advanced 
years,  and  of  high  position  in  the  state.  The  measure  of  Aris- 
tides,  already  mentioned,  opened  it,  at  least  ostensibly,  even 
to  the  loAvcst  class  of  citizens ;  but  this  innovation,  which  was 
perhaps  only  designed  to  stave  ofl^  those  more  serious  changes 
which  the  rapid  progress  of  democratical  opinion  seemed  to 
threaten,  was  probably  but  of  little  practical  ellbct.  80  long  as 
magistracies  continued  to  be  elective,  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  rich  Avould  carry  them,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  poor. 
A  fatal  blow  to  aristocratical  power  was,  hoAvever,  stmck  about 
this  time  by  rendering  the  election  to  magistracies  dependent 
upon  lot ;  though  it  is  uncertain  whether  this  measure  was  ori- 
ginated by  Pericles.  We  are  also  ignorant  of  the  precise  nature 
of  the  changes  which  he  introduced  into  the  constitution  and 
functions  of  the  Areopagus,  though,  Avith  regard  to  their  result, 
it  is  certain  that  they  left  that  august  body  the  mere  shadow  of 
its  former  influence  and  power.  Other  changes  which  accom- 
panied this  revolution — ibr  such  it  must  be  called — were,  the 
institution  of  paid  dicastcrics  or  jury-court<,  and  the  almost 
entire  abrogation  of  the  judicial  power  of  the  Senate  of  Five 
Hundred.  As  the  seal  and  symbol  of  these  momentous  innova- 
tions, Ephialtes,  the  friend  of  Pericles,  caused  the  tablets  con- 
taining the  laws  of  Solon  to  be  brought  do^n fi'ora  the  Acropolis 
and  deposited  in  the  market-place,  as  if  to  signify  that  the  guar- 
dianship of  the  laws  had  been  transferred  to  the  people. 

^  10.  It  cannot  be  supposed  that  such  fundamental  changes 
were  etlected  without  violent  party  strife.  Even  the  thcalre 
became  a  vehicle  to  express  the  passions  and  the  principles  of 
the  agora.     In  the  drama  of  the  Eumenidcs,  .iEschylus  in  vain 


B.C.  458.  ADMINISTRATION  OF  PERICLES.  257 

exerted  all  the  powers  of  his  genius  iu  support  of  the  aristocra- 
tical  party  and  of  the  tottering  Areopagus ;  his  exertions  on 
this  occasion  resulted  only  in  his  own  flight  from  Athens.  The 
same  fate  attended  Cimon  himself  In  the  heat  of  political  con- 
tention, recourse  was  had  to  ostracism,  the  safety-valve  of  the 
Athenian  constitution,  and  Cimon  was  condemned  to  a  ten 
years'  banishment.  Nay,  party  violence  even  went  the  length  of 
assassination.  Epliialtes,  who  had  taken  the  lead  in  the  attacks 
njjon  the  Areopagus,  and  whom  Pericles,  in  conformity  with  his 
policy  and  character,  seems  to  have  put  forward  throughout  as 
the  more  active  and  ostensible  agent,  fell  beneath  the  dagger 
of  a  Basotian,  hired  by  the  conservative  party  to  despatch  him. 
This  event  took  place  after  the  banisiirnent  of  Cimon,  who  was 
guiltless  of  all  participation  in  so  foul  a  deed. 

k  11.  It  was  from  this  period  that  the  long  administration  of 
Pericles  may  be  properly  said  to  have  commenced.  The  effects  of 
his  accession  to  power  soon  became  visible  in  the  foreign  rela- 
tions of  Athens.  Pericles  had  succeeded  to  the  political  prin- 
ciples of  Themistocles,  and  his  aim  was  to  render  Athens  the 
leading  power  of  Greece.  The  Confederacy  of  Delos  had  already 
secured  her  maritime  ascendency ;  Pericles  directed  his  policy 
to  the  extension  of  her  influence  in  continental  Greece.  The 
insult  offered  by  Sparta  to  Athens  in  dismissing  her  troops  had 
highly  inflamed  the  Athenians  against  that  power,  whose  sup- 
porters at  Athens  were  designated  with  the  contemptuous  name 
of  Laco?uzers.  Pericles  and  the  democratic  party  improved  the 
conjuncture  not  only  by  persuading  the  people  to  renounce  the 
Spartan  alliance,  but  to  join  her  bitterest  enemies.  Argos,  the 
ancient  rival  of  Sparta,  claimed  the  headship  of  Greece  rather 
from  the  recollections  of  her  former  mythical  renown  than  from 
her  present  material  power.  But  she  had  availed  herself  of  the 
embarrassment  which  the  revolt  of  the  Helots  occasioried  to 
Sparta,  to  reduce  to  subjection  Mycenae,  Tiryns,  and  some  other 
neighbouring  towns.  AYith  Argos  thus  strengthened  Athens 
now  formed  a  defensive  alliance  against  Sparta,  which  the  Thes- 
salians  "were  also  induced  to  join.  Soon  afterw^ards  Athens  still 
further  extended  her  influence  in  continental  Greece  by  an  alli- 
ance with  ilegara.  This  step,  which  gave  signal  oflcnce  both 
at  Sparta  and  Corinth,  greatly  increased  the  power  of  the  Athe- 
nians,, not  only  by  opening  to  them  a  communication  with  the 
Crissajan  gulf,  but  also  by  giving  them  the  key  to  the  passes  of 
Mount  Gcraneia,  and  thus  enabling  them  to  arrest  the  progress 
of  an  invading  army  from  Peloponnesus.  In  order  to  strengthen 
Megara  the  Athenians  adopted  a  contrivance  which  they  after- 
wards applied  to  their  own  ^Qr.     Megara  was  seated  on  a  hill. 


yAa^ 


268  mSTOUY  OF  GKEF/;!-!  Chap.  XXIII. 

at  Oic  distance  of  nearly  a  riiile  from  its  port,  Nj»a;a.  To  jire- 
voiit  tlie  coniinuiiication  between  tlie  ])ort  and  city  from  Ixjiii'r 
cut  oli,  the  Athenians  cansed  tliein  to  Ije  eonncrcted  tof^ether  by 
two  parallel  lines  of  wall,  and  placed  a  permanent  garrison  of 
their  own  in  the  place. 

^  12.  Whilst  these  things  were  passing  in  Greece,  the  Athenians 
Avere  still  actively  engaged  in  jirosecuting  the  war  against  Persia. 
The  conl'edcrale  fleet  was  hovering  about  the  coasts  of  Cypnis 
and  riiii'iiicia  ;  and  the  revolt  of  Inarus  (i;.c.  400)  gave  them 
an  opportiniity  to  carry  the  war  into  Egjpt.  Inaros,  a  Libyan 
prince,  and  son  of  Psannnetichus,  was  bent  en  expelling  the  Per- 
sians from  Egyjjt  and  obtaining  the  sovereignty  ol'  tliat  country ; 
and  with  this  view  he  sohcited  tlie  assistance  of  the  Greeks. 
The  Athenian  fleet  at  Cyprus,  amounting  to  200  triremes,  accord- 
ingly sailed  to  the  jS^ile,  and  proceeded  up  that  river  as  far  as 
Memphis.  From  this  city  tliey  succeeded  in  expelling  the  Per- 
sians, M'ho,  however,  maintained  themselves  in  a  kind  of  citadel 
or  fortification  called  "  the  White  Fortress."  The  siege  of  this 
fortress  had  already  lasted  four  or  five  years,  when  Artaxerxes 
sent  a  large  army,  together  with  a  Phoenician  fleet,  into  Egj'pt, 
under  the  command  of  Megabyzus,  who  compelled  the  Athenians 
to  raise  the  siege  and  to  retire  to  an  island  in  the  Nile,  called 
Prosopitis,  as  the  Persians  had  prevented  their  further  retreat 
by  obstructing  the  lower  part  of  the  river.  Here  the  Atlicnians 
offered  a  long  and  heroic  resistance,  till  at  length  Megabyzus, 
having  diverted  one  of  the  channels  which  formed  the  island, 
was  enabled  to  attack  them  by  land.  The  Athenians,  who  had 
previously  burnt  their  ships,  were  now  obliged  to  capitulate. 
The  barbarians  did  not,  however,  observe  the  temis  of  the  capi- 
tulation, but  perfidiously  massacred  the  Athenians,  with  the 
exception  of  a  small  body,  who  succeeded  in  cutting  their  way 
through  the  enemy,  and  escaping  to  Cyrene,  and  thence  to 
Greece.  Inaros  himself  was  taken  and  crucified.  As  an  aggra- 
vation of  the  calamity,  a  reinforcement  of  oO  Athenian  vessels, 
whose  crews  were  ignorant  of  the  defeat  of  their  countrymen, 
fell  into  the  power  of  the  enemy  and  were  almost  entirely  de- 
stroyed. Thus  one  of  the  finest  aimaments  ever  sent  forth  from 
Athens  was  all  but  annihilated,  and  the  Persians  regained  pos- 
session of  the  greater  part  of  Egypt  (b.c.  4oo.) 

§  13.  It  may  well  excite  our  astonishment  that  while  Athens 
was  employing  so  large  an  armament  against  the  Persians,  she 
was  still  able  to  maintain  and  extend  her  power  in  Greece  by 
force  of  arms.  Corinth,  Epidaurus,  and  .Egina,  were  watching 
her  progress  with  jealousy  and  awe.  At  the  time  of  the  Mega- 
rian  alliance  no  actual  blow  liad  yet  been  sti-uck ;  but  that 


B.C.  457.  LOXG  WALLS  OF  ATHENS.  259 

important  accession  to  the  Athenian  power  was  speedily  followed 
by  open  war.  The  ^ginetans,  in  conjunction  with  the  Co- 
rinthians, Epidaurians,  and  other  Peloponnesians,  fitted  out  a 
large  fleet.  A  battle  ensued  near  the  island  of  ^gina,  in  which 
the  Athenians  gained  a  decisive  victory,  and  entirely  ruined  the 
naval  power  of  the  /Eginetans.  The  Athenians  captured  seventy 
of  their  ships,  and,  landing^fi.  large  force  upon  the  island,  laid  siege 
to  the  capital.  -72  \'  ld\.'J^\ 

The  growth  of  the  Athenian  power  was  greatly  promoted  by 
the  continuance  of  the  revolt  of  the  Helots,  which  was  not  put 
down  till  the  year  B.C.  455.  This  circumstance  prevented  the 
Laceda?monians  from  opposing  the  Athenians  as  they  Avould 
otherwise  probably  have  done.  All  the  assistance  aflbrded  by 
the  allies  to  the  iEginetans  consisted  of  a  miserable  detachment 
of  300  men  ;  but  the  Corinthians  attempted  to  divert  the  Athe- 
nians by  making  an  attack  upon  Megara.  Hereupon  Myronides 
marched  from  Athens  at  the  head  of  the  boys  and  old  men,  and 
gave  battle  to  the  enemy  near  Mtgara.  The  allair  was  not  very 
decisive,  but  the  Corinthians  retired,  leaving  their  adversaries 
masters  of  the  field.  On  their  return  home,  however,  the  taunts 
which  they  encountered  at  having  been  defeated  by  so  unwarlika 
a  force  incited  them  to  try  their  fortune  once  more.  The  Athe- 
nians again  marched  out  to  the  attack,  and  this  time  gained  a 
decisive  victor)^  rendered  still  more  disastrous  to  the  Corinthians 
by  a  large  body  of  their  troops  having  marched  by  mistake  into  an 
enclosed  place,  where  they  were  cut  up  to  a  man  by  the  Athenians. 

S  14.  It  was  about  this  time  (b.c.  458 — 457)  that  the  Athe- 
nians, chiefly  through  the  advice  of  Pericles,  began  to  construct 
the  long  walls  which  connected  the  Pira>us  and  Phalerum  with 
Athens.  They  were  doubtless  suggested  by  the  apprehension 
that  the  Lacedaemonians,  though  now  engaged  with  domestic 
broils,  would  sooner  or  later  take  part  in  the  confederacy  which 
had  been  organized  against  Athens.  This  gigantic  undertaking 
was  in  conformity  with  the  policy  of  Themistocles  for  rendering 
the  maritime  power  of  Athens  wholly  unassailable  ;  but  even  the 
magnificent  ideas  of  that  statesman  might  perhaps  have  deemed 
the  work  chimerical  and  extravagant.  The  wall  from  Phalerum 
was  35  stadia,  or  about  4  miles  long,  and  that  from  Piianis 
40  stadia,  or  about  4^^  miles  in  length.  The  plan  of  these  Malls 
was  probably  taken  from  those  already  erected  at  Megara,  which 
had  been  recently  tried,  and  perhaps  found  to  be  of  good  service 
in  the  war  Avhich  had  taken  place  there.  The  measure  was  vio- 
lently opposed  by  the  aristocratic  party,  but  without  success. 

S  15.  The  progress  of  Athens  had  now  awakened  the  serious 
jealousy  of  Sparta,  and  though  she  was  still  engaged  in  the  eiege 


200  HISTORY  OP  fMlEECE.  CitAi-.  XXIII. 

iif  Illiorno,  slie  roHolvcd  on  l.aldii;^  sonic  stops  af^aiiist  llie  Atho 
/li.'iiis.  Under  pictiMico  ol' assist iii<^  the  Dnriaiis,  wlios*^  territorj' 
liiid  Itccii  iiiv;i(lc(l  by  llie  Plioeians,  1 'OOtJ  Spartan  hoplites,  khj)- 
portcil  |)y  10,000  allies,  were  despatelied  into  iJoris.  The  mere 
a]i])r()ach  of  so  larj^c  a  force  speedily  elleeted  the  ostensibltj 
objecit  of  the  expedition,  and  compelled  the  Phocians  to  retire. 
The  Lacedajnionians  now  proceeded  to  eflect  their  real  dcsiprn, 
which  was  to  prevent  the  Athenians  from  fraininf^  sucli  an  ascend- 
ency in  Bicotia  as  ihey  had  gained  in  other  jjlaces.  In  conse- 
qnence  of  the  part  she  haii  played  during  the  Persian  wars, 
Thebes  had  lost  much  of  her  lonner  induence  and  power ;  and 
the  conduct  of  Sparta  herself  in  the  subsequent  settlement  of 
Greece,  had,  as  belore  related,  been  conducive  to  the  same  result. 
The  Lacedannonians  seem  to  have  now  become  sensible  of  the 
mistake  M'hicli  they  had  committed  ;  and  though  their  geiieral 
policy  was  adverse  to  the  confederation  of  cities,  yet  they  were 
now  induced  to  adopt  a  diliercnt  course,  and  to  restore  the  power 
of  Thebes  by  way  of  counterpoise  to  that  of  Athens,  ^yith  this 
view  tlie  Lacechemonian  troops  were  marched  into  Roeotia,  where 
they  were  employed  in  restoring  the  fortifications  of  Thebes,  and 
in  reducing  the  Ba-otian  cities  to  her  obedience.  The  designs 
of  Sparia  were  assisted  by  the  traitorous  co-operation  of  some 
of  the  oligarchical  party  at  Athens.  The  faction,  llndhig  itself 
foiled  in  its  attempt  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  long  walls,  not 
only  invited  the  Lacediemonians  to  assist  them  in  this  attempt, 
but  also  to  overthrow  the  democracy  itself  The  Lacedaemonians 
listened  to  these  proposals,  and  their  army  took  up  a  position  at 
Tanagra,  on  the  very  borders  of  Attica.  The  Athenians,  suspect- 
ing that  some  treason  was  in  progress,  now  considered  it  high 
time  to  strike  a  blow.  With  such  of  their  troops  as  were  not 
engaged  at  ^-Egina,  together  with  a  thousand  Argeians,  and  some 
Thessalonian  horse,  they  marched  out  to  oppose  the  Laceda-- 
monians  at  Tauagi'a.  Here  a  bloody  battle  ensued  (n.c.  '157), 
in  which  the  Lacedajmonians  gained  the  advantage,  chiefly 
through  the  treacherous  desertion  of  the  Thessalians  in  the  veiy 
heat  of  the  engagement.  The  victory  was  not  sutliciently  deci- 
sive to  enable  the  Lacedtemonlans  to  invade  Attica ;  but  it  ser\-ed 
to  secure  thein  an  unmolested  retreat,  after  partially  ravaging 
the  Megarid,  through  the  passes  of  the  Geraneia. 

^16.  Previously  to  the  engagement,  the  ostracised  Cimon, 
who  was  grievously  suspected  of  being  implicated  in  the  treach- 
erous correspondence  of  some  of  his  party  with  the  Laceda'mo- 
nians,  presented  himself  hefore  the  Athenian  army  as  soon  as  it 
had  crossed  the  border,  and  earnestly  entreated  permission  to 
place  himself  in  the  ranks  of  the  hoplites.     His  request  being 


B.C.  456.  BATTLE  OF  O^NOPHYTA.  261 

refused,  he  left  his  armour  with  some  friends,  conjuring  them  to 
wipe  out,  by  their  conduct  in  the  field,  the  imputation  under 
which  they  laboured.  Stung  by  the  unjust  suspicions  of  their 
countrj'men,  and  incited  by  the  exhortations  of  their  beloved 
and  banished  leader,  a  large  band  of  his  most  devoted  followers, 
setting  up  his  armour  in  their  ranks,  fought  side  by  side  with 
desperate  valour,  as  if  he  still  animated  them  by  his  presence. 
A  hundred  of  them  fell  in  the  engagement,  and  proved  by  their 
conduct  that,  with  regard  at  least  to  the  majority  of  Cimon's 
party,  they  were  unjustly  suspected  of  collusion  with  the  enemy. 
Cimon's  request  had  also  stimulated  Pericles  to  deeds  of  extra- 
ordinary valour  ;  and  thus  both  parties  seemed  to  be  bidding  for 
public  favour  on  the  field  of  battle  as  they  formerly  had  done  in 
the  bloodless  contentions  of  the  Athenian  assembly.  A  happy 
result  of  this  generous  emulation  was  that  it  produced  a  gi'eat 
change  in  public  feeling.  Cimon's  ostracism  was  revoked,  and 
the  decree  for  that  purpose  was  proposed  by  Pericles  himself 

M7.  The  healing  of  domestic  faction  gave  a  new  impulse  to 
public  spirit  at  Athens.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year  e.g.  456, 
and  only  about  two  months  after  their  defeat  at  Tanagi-a,  the 
Athenians  again  marched  into  Boeotia.  The  Ba>otians  went  out 
to  meet  them  with  a  numerous  army  ;  but  in  the  battle  of  (Eno- 
phyta,  which  ensued,  the  Athenians  under  Myronides  gained  a 
brilliant  and  decisive  victory,  by  which  Thebes  itself,  and  conse- 
quently the  other  Boeotian  towns,  fell  into  their  power.  The 
Athenians  now  proceeded  to  reverse  all  the  arrangements  which 
had  been  made  by  the  Lacedajraonians,  banished  all  the  leaders 
who  were  favourable  to  Spartan  ascendency,  and  established  a. 
democratical  form  of  government.  To  these  acquisitions  Phocis 
and  Locris  were  soon  afterwards  added. 

From  the  gulf  of  Corinth  to  the  straits  of  Thermopylae 
Athenian  influence  was  now  predominant.  In  the  year  after  the 
battle  of  (Enophyta  (e.g.  455),  the  Athenians  finished  the  build- 
ing of  the  long  walls  and  completed  the  reduction  of  iEgina, 
which  became  a  subject  and  tributary  ally.  Their  expedition 
into  Egj'pt,  and  its  unfortunate  catastrophe  in  this  year,  has  been 
already  related.  But  notwithstanding  their  eflbrts  and  reverses 
in  that  quarter,  they  were  strong  enough  at  sea  to  scour  the 
coasts  of  Greece,  of  which  they  gave  a  convincing  proof  An 
Athenian  fleet,  lender  the  command  of  Tolmides,  sailed  round 
Peloponnesus,  and  insulted  the  Lacedaemonians  by  burning  their 
ports  of  Methone  and  Gythium.  Naupactus,  a  town  of  the  Ozo- 
lian  Locrians  near  the  mouth  of  the  Gulf  of  Corinth,  was  cap- 
tured ;  and  in  the  latter  place  Tolmides  established  the  Helots 
and  Messenians,  who  in  the  course  of  this  year  had  been  sid^dued 


202  IIISTOIIY  OF  GREIX'E.  Ciiai-.  .XAIIL 

hy  tlif  Lar-fda  inoiiians,  and  coinpelk-d  to  evacuate  Itlujiiic. 
J)uriiiR  tbo  roui^c  of  tlie  fame  cxiK-dition  tJie  ii^lands  of  Za- 
ryntlius  and  Ccpliallcnia  wore  pained  over  1o  the  Athenian  alli- 
unee,  ;ind  j)r(ilial)ly  also  porne  towns  on  the  roast  of  Aeliaia. 

H  ^.  After  the  battle  of  Tanapra  the  Laeeda  inonian»  made  for 
a  while  no  lurllier  attemifis  to  oijpcsc  it.s  progress,  and  (|uietly 
beheld  the  oeenpation  of  I5<x'otia  and  Plioeis.  Even  afler  the 
surrender  of  Itliomc  they  still  remained  inactive  ;  and  three 
years  after  that  event  (li.c.  152),  concluded  a  live  years  truce 
with  the  Athenians.  This  tnice  was  eflected  through  the  medi- 
ation of  Cimon,  who  was  anxious  that  no  dread  ol  liostililies 
at  home  should  divert  him  from  resuming  operations  again.«t  the 
Persians  ;  nor  perhaps  was  Pericles  unwilling  that  so  formidable 
a  rival  should  be  absent  on  foreign  sersice.  Cimon  sailed  to 
Cypnis  with  a  fleet  of  200  triremes  belonging  to  the  confede- 
racy ;  whence  he  despatched  GO  vessels  to  Egypt,  to  assist  the 
rebel  prince  Amyrta'us,  who  still  held  out  against  the  Persians 
among  the  marshes  of  the  Delta.  But  this  expedition  proved 
fatal  to  the  great  Athenian  commander.  "VA'ith  the  remainder 
of  the  fleet,  Cimon  undertook  the  siege  cf  Citium  in  Cyprus ; 
but  died  during  the  progress  of  it,  either  from  disease  or  from 
the  efl'ects  of  a  wound.  The  command  now  devolved  on  Anaxi- 
crates  ;  who,  being  straitened  by  a  want  of  provisions,  raised  the 
siege  of  Citium,  and  sailed  for  Salamis,  a  town  in  the  same 
island,  in  order  to  engage  the  Pha-nician  and  Cilician  fleet. 
Here  he  gained  a  complete  victory  both  on  sea  and  land,  but 
was  deterred,  either  by  pestilence  or  famine,  from  the  further 
prosecution  of  the  war ;  and  ha-\-ing  beeir  rejoined  by  the  sixty 
ships  from  EgA'pt,  sailed  home  to  Athens. 

^  19.  After  these  events  a  pacification  was  concluded  with 
Persia,  which  has  sometimes,  but  erroneously,  been  called  "  the 
peace  of  Cimon."  It  is  stated  that  by  this  compact  the  Persian 
monarch  agreed  not  to  tax  or  molest  the  Greek  colonies  on  the 
coast  of  Asia  Minor,  nor  to  send  any  vessels  of  war  westwards  of 
Phaselis  in  Lycia.  or  within  the  Cyanean  rocks  at  the  junction 
of  the  Euxine  with  the  Thracian  Bosporus  ;  the  Athenians  on 
their  side  imdertaking  to  leave  the  Persians  in  undisturbed  pos- 
session of  Cyprus  and  Egj'pt.  Even  if  no  treaty  was  actually 
concluded,  the  existence  of  such  a  state  of  relations  between 
Greece  and  Persia  at  this  time  must  be  recognized  as  an  histo- 
rical fact,  and  the  war  between  them  considered  as  now  brought 
to  a  conclusion. 

^  20.  During  the  progress  of  these  CA-ents  the  states  which 
formed  the  Confederacy  of  Delos.  with  the  exception  of  Chios, 
Lesbos,  and  Samos,  had  graduallv  become,  instead  of  the  active 


B.C.  447.         DECLINE  OF  THE  ATHENIAN  POWER.  263 

allies  of  Athens,  her  disarmed  and  passive  tributaries.  Even  the 
custody  of  the  fund  had  been  transferred  from  Deles  to  Athens,  but 
we  are  unable  to  specify  the  precise  time  at  which  this  change  took 
place.  This  transfer  marked  the  subjection  of  the  confederates 
as  complete  ;  yet  it  is  said  to  have  been  made  ^^^ith  the  con- 
currence of  the  Samians ;  and  it  is  probable  that  Delos  would 
have  been  an  unsafe  place  for  the  deposit  of  so  large  a  treasure. 
The  purpose  for  which  the  coniederacy  had  been  originally  orga- 
nized disappeared  with  the  Persian  peace  ;  yet  what  may  now  be 
called  imperial  Athens  continued,  lor  her  own  ends,  to  exercise 
her  prerogatives  as  head  of  the  league.  Her  alliances,  as  Ave 
have  seen,  had  likev.'ise  been  extended  in  continental  Greece, 
where  they  embraced  Megara,  Boeotia,  Phocis,  Locris ;  together 
with  Troezen  and  Achaia  in  Peloponnesus.  Of  these  allies  some 
were  merely  bound  to  militar)"^  service  and  a  conformity  of 
foreign  policy,  whilst  others  were  dependent  tributaries.  Of  the 
former  kind  were  the  states  just  mentioned,  together  with  Chios, 
Lesbos,  and  Samos  ;  whilst  in  the  latter  were  comprehended  all 
the  remaining  members  of  the  Confederacy  of  Delos,  as  well  as 
the  recently  conquered  ^Egina.  Such  was  the  position  of  Athens 
in  the  year  4-48  B.C.,  the  period  of  her  greatest  power  and  pros- 
perity. From  this  time  her  empire  began  to  decline  ;  whilst 
Sparta,  and  other  watchful  and  jealous  enemies,  stood  ever  ready 
to  strike  a  blow. 

s^  21.  In  the  following  year  (b.c.  447)  a  revolution  in  Bceotia 
deprived  Athens  of  her  ascendency  in  that  country.  This,  as 
we  have  seen,  was  altogether  political,  being  founded  in  the  de- 
mocracies which  she  had  established  in  the  Boeotian  towns  after 
the  battle  of  ffinophyta.  These  measures  had  not  been  etiected 
without  producing  a  numerous  and  powerful  class  of  discon- 
tented exiles,  who,  being  joined  by  other  malcontents  from 
Phocis,  Locris,  and  other  places,  succeeded  in  seizing  Orcho- 
rnenus,  ChtBronea,  and  a  few  more  unimportant  toA\ais  of  Bceotia. 
With  an  overweening  contempt  of  their  enemies,  a  small  band  of 
1000  Athenian  hoplites,  chiefly  composed  of  youthful  volunteers 
belonging  to  the  best  Athenian  families,  together  with  a  few 
auxiliaries,  marched  under  the  command  of  Tolmides  to  put 
down  the  revolt,  in  direct  opposition  to  the  advice  of  Pericles, 
who  adjured  them  to  wait  and  collect  a  more  numerous  force. 
The  enterprise  proved  disastrous  m  the  extreme.  Tolmides  suc- 
ceeded, indeed,  in  retaking  Cha;ronea  and  garrisoning  it  with  an 
Athenian  force  ;  but  whilst  his  small  army  was  retiring  from  the 
place,  it  was  surprised  by  the  enemy  and  totally  defeated.  Tol- 
mides himself  fell  in  the  engagement,  together  with  many  of  the 
hojihtes,  whilst  a  still  larger  number  wero  taken  prisoners.     This 


264  lll>T()ltV  OF  (;lli;i:CM  CiiAi-.  XXIIL 

last  circuni:;'.:!!!'-*;  provcii  fatal  to  tliu  iiitcresta  of  Athens  in 
Boiotia.  Ill  order  to  rt-rovcr  tliose  prisoners,  «lic  aj^ecd  to  eva- 
cuate lituotia,  to  restore  the  exiles,  and  to  permit  the  re-esta- 
blishinentolthe  aristocracies  whifh  she  had  liinnerly  overthrown. 
Thus  all  Ba-otia,  with  the  exception  olTlataia,  once  more  sIikkI 
opposed,  and  indeed  doubly  hostile,  to  Athens. 

But  the  Athenian  reverses  did  not  end  here.  The  ex- 
pulsion ol"  the  partizans  of  Athens  from  the  f^ovenunent  of 
I'hoeis  and  Locris,  and  the  revolt  of  Euha-a  and  Mejrara,  were 
announceil  in  quick  succession  ;  whilst  to  crown  all,  the  Spartans, 
who  were  now  set  I'ree  to  act  by  the  terminati(jn  rjf  the  five 
years'  truce,  were  preparing  to  invade  Attica  itself  The  youthful 
Pleisloanax,  king  of  Sparta,  actually  penetrated,  with  an  army  of 
Lacedannonians  and  relo])onne.-<ian  allies,  as  far  as  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Eleusis  ;  and  the  capital  it.<elf,  it  is  said,  was  saved 
only  by  Pericles  having  bribed  the  Spartan  monarch,  as  well  as 
Cleaudrides,  his  adjutant  and  counsellor,  to  evacuate  tlie  country. 
The  stoiy  was  at  least  believed  at  Sparta  ;  for  both  Pleistoanax 
and  Cleaudrides  were  found  guilty  M"  corruption  and  sent  into 
banishment. 

§  22.  Pericles  had  been  recalled  by  the  Spartan  invasion  from 
an  expedition  which  he  had  undertaken  for  the  recoi'.quest  of  Eu- 
boca,  and  which  he  resumed  as  soon  as  the  Spartans  had  departed 
from  Attica.  AVith  an  overwhelming  force  of  50  triremes  and 
5000  hoplites  he  soon  succeeded  in  reducing  the  island  to  obe- 
dience, in  some  parts  of  Avliich  the  landowners  were  expelled  and 
their  properties  given  to  Athenian  cleruchs  or  colonists.  But 
this  was  the  only  possession  which  Athens  succeeded  in  recover- 
ing. Her  empire  on  land  had  vanished  more  speedily  than  it 
had  been  acquired  ;  whilst  in  the  distance  loomed  the  danger  of 
an  extensive  and  formidable  confederacy  agamst  her,  realized 
some  years  afterv.'ards  by  the  Peloponnesian  war,  and  not  imde- 
servedly  provoked  by  her  aggressive  schemes  of  conquest  and 
empire.  Thus  both  her  present  position  and  her  futiu-e  prospects 
were  well  calculated  to  lill  the  Athenians,  and  their  leader  Peri- 
cles, with  apprehension  and  alarm  ;  and  imder  tliese  feelings  of 
despondency  they  were  induced  to  conclude,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  year  b.c.  445,  a  tliirty  years'  truce  with  Sparta  and  her  allies, 
by  which  they  consented  to  abandon  all  the  acquisitions  wliich 
they  had  made  in  Peloponnesus,  and  to  leave  Megara  to  be 
included  among  the  Pelopomiesian  allios  of  Sparta. 


The  Acropolis  restored. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


FROM  THE  THIRTY  YEARS  TRUCE  TO  THE  WAR  BET^\■EE^'  C.RINTH 
AND  CORCYRA. 

§  1.  State  of  parties  at  Athens.  Thucydides.  §  2.  Opposite  political 
views.  §  3.  Ostracism  of  Thucydides.  Administration  of  Pericles. 
He  adorns  Athens.  His  foreign  policj*.  §  4.  Athenian  colonization. 
Cleruchife.     Thurii  and  Amphipolis.      §  5.   Xature  of  the  Athenian 


maritime  empire.     Amount  of  tribute.     Oppressions, 
of  Samos.     Reduction  of  the  island  by  Pericles. 


6.  Revolt 


^  1.  The  aristocratical  party  at  Athens  had  heen  nearly  anni- 
hilated by  the  measures  of  Pericles  recorded  in  the  preceding 
chapter.  In  order  to  make  a  final  eflbrt  against  the  policy  of 
that  statesman,  the  remnant  of  this  party  had  united  them- 
selves under  Thucydides,  the  son  of  Melesias.  Thucydides — 
who  must  not  be  confounded  with  his  namesake,  the  great 
historian — was  a  relative  of  Cimon's,  to  whose  political  prin- 
ciples he  succeeded.  In  ability  and  character  he  difi'ered 
considerably  from  Cimon.  He  was  not  much  distinguished 
as  a  military'  man  ;  but  as  a  statesman  and  orator  he  might 
even  bear  some  comparison  with  liis  great  opponent  Pericles. 
Thucydides,  however,  had  not  the  advantage  of  being  on  the 
popular  side  ;  and  his  manner  of  leading  the  opposition  soon 
proved  the  ruin  both  of  himself  and  of  his  party.  The  high 
character  and  great  services  of  Aristides  and  Cimon,  the  con- 
ciliatory manners  of  both,  and  esjiecially  the  afTable  and  generous 

N 


2«fi  IIISTORV  OF  GRHKCF'l  Chap.  XXIV. 

U;iii|)cr  (j1  Ciinon,  li.'ul,  in  Rpile  of  llicir  unpopular  views,  se- 
cured them  considerable  inlluence.  Tliurydides,  on  the  con- 
trary, doe.s  not  appear  to  liavc  been  di.-itiiij,'ui.shr;d  by  any  of 
these  qualities  ;  and  thouj^h  the  steps  which  he  to<jk  to  give  his 
party  a  stronger  organization  in  the  assembly  at  first  enabled 
him  to  make  head  against  Perieles,  yet  they  ultimately  proved 
the  cause  of  his  overthrow.  Kot  only  were  his  adiicrents  urged 
to  a  more  regular  attendance  in  the  as-sernbly,  but  they  were 
also  instructed  to  take  up  a  separate  and  distinct  position  on 
the  beuchcs  ;  and  thus,  instead  of  being  mixed  as  Lefore  with 
the  general  mass  of  citizens,  they  became  a  regularly  organized 
party.  This  arrangement  seemed  at  first  to  lend  them  strength. 
Their  applause  or  di.ssent,  being  more  concentrated,  produced  a 
greater  ellect.  At  any  sudden  turn  in  a  debate  they  were  in  a 
better  position  to  concert  their  measures,  and  could  more  readily 
put  forwards  their  best  speakers  according  to  emergencies.  But 
these  advantages  were  counterbalanced  by  still  greater  draw- 
backs. A  little  knot  of  men,  who  from  a  particular  corner  of 
the  ecclesia  were  constantly  opposing  the  most  popular  mea- 
sures, naturally  incurred  a  great  share  of  odium  and  suspicion ; 
but  what  was  still  worse,  the  paucity  of  their  numbers — and 
from  their  position  they  could  easily  be  counted — was  soon  re- 
marked ;  and  they  then  began  to  fall  into  contempt,  and  were 
designated  as  The  Few. 

k  2.  The  points  of  dispute  between  the  two  parties  were  much 
the  same  as  they  had  been  in  the  time  of  Cimon.  Thucydides  and 
his  followers  were  for  maintaining  amicable  relations  wath  the 
rest  of  Greece,  and  were  opposed  to  the  more  popular  notion  of 
extending  the  Athenian  dominion  even  at  the  risk  of  incurring 
the  hostility  of  the  other  Grecian  states.  They  were  of  opinion 
that  all  their  eilbrts  should  be  directed  against  the  common 
enemy,  the  Persians  ;  and  that  the  advantages  which  Athens 
derived  from  the  Confederacy  of  Delos  should  be  strictly  and 
honestly  applied  to  the  purposes  for  which  that  confederacy 
had  been  formed.  With  regard  to  this  subject  the  administra- 
tion of  Pericles  had  produced  a  fresh  point  of  contention.  The 
vast  amount  of  treasure  accumulated  at  Athens  from  the  tribute 
paid  by  the  allies  was  more  than  sufficient  for  any  apprehended 
necessities  of  defence,  and  Pericles  applied  the  surplus  to 
strengthening  and  beautifying  the  city.  Thucydides  complained 
that,  by  this  misapplication  of  the  common  fund,  Athens  was  dis- 
graced in  the  eyes  of  Greece.  Pericles,  on  the  other  hand,  con- 
tended that  so  long  as  he  resei-ved  sufficient  to  guarantee  secu- 
rity against  the  Persians,  he  M-as  perfectly  at  liberty  to  apply  the 
surplus  to  Athenian  purposes.      This  argiuiient  is  the  argument 


B.C.  445.  PERICLES  ADORKS  ATHENS.  267 

of  the  strongest,  and,  if  valid  in  this  case,  might  at  any  time  be 
apjilied  to  justify  the  grossest  abuses  of  power.  The  best  that 
we  can  say  in  favour  of  the  Athenians  is  that,  if  they  M^ere  strong 
enough  to  commit  this  injustice,  they  were  also  enlightened 
enough  to  apply  the  proceeds  in  producing  works  of  art  that 
have  excited  the  wonder  and  admiration  of  the  world.  Other 
conquerors  have  often  contented  themselves  with  carrying  off 
the  works  of  others — the  Athenians  had  genius  enough  to  pro- 
duce their  own.  But  we  can  hardly  justify  the  means  by  point- 
ing to  the  result. 

§  3.  From  the  opposition  of  Thucydides,  Pericles  was  released 
by  ostracism ;  though  by  which  party  such  a  step  was  proposed 
cannot  be  determined.  Thucydides  went  into  banishment.  This 
event,  which  probably  took  place  about  two  years  after  the  con- 
clusion of  the  Thirty  Years'  Truce,  completely  broke  up  the 
aristocratical  party ;  and  for  the  remainder  of  his  life  Pericles 
enjoyed  the  sole  direction  of  afliiirs.  His  views  M^ere  of  the 
most  lofty  kind.  Athens  was  to  become  the  capital  of  Greece, 
the  centre  of  art  and  refinement,  and  at  the  game  time  of  those 
democratical  theories  which  formed  the  bccm  ideal  of  the  Athe- 
nian notions  of  government.  In  her  external  appearance  the 
city  was  to  be  rendered  worthy  of  the  high  position  to  which 
she  aspired  by  the  beauty  and  splendour  of  her  public  buildings, 
by  her  works  of  art  in  sculpture,  architecture,  and  painting,  and 
by  the  pomp  and  magnificence  of  her  religious  festivals.  All 
these  objects  Athens  was  enabled  to  attain  in  an  incredibly 
short  space  of  time,  through  the  genius  and  energy  of  her  citi- 
zens and  the  vast  resources  at  her  command.  No  state  has  ever 
exhibited  so  much  intellectual  activity  and  so  great  a  progress 
in  art  as  was  displayed  by  Athens  in  the  period  which  elapsed 
between  the  Thirty  Years'  Truce  and  the  breaking  out  of  the 
Peloponnesian  war.  But  of  the  literature  of  this  period,  as  well 
as  of  the  great  works  of  art  produced  in  it,  an  account  is  given 
in  another  place,*  and  it  will  suffice  to  mention  briefly  here  the 
more  important  structures  with  which  Athens  was  adorned  dur- 
ing the  administration  of  Pericles.  On  the  Acropolis  rose  the 
magniiicent  temple  of  Athena,  called  the  Parthenon,  built  from 
the  plans  of  Ictinus  and  Callicrates,  but  under  the  direction  of 
Phidias,  who  adorned  it  with  the  most  beautiful  sculptures,  and 
especially  with  a  colossal  statue  of  Athena  in  ivory,  47  feet  in 
height.  At  the  same  time  a  theatre  designed  for  musical  per- 
formances, called  the  Odeum,  was  erected  at  the  south-eastern 
foot  of  the  Acropolis.      Both  these  structures  appear  to  have  been 

*  See  below,  Chap.  XXXIV.,  XXXV. 


268  HISTORY  OF  GIIEECK  <  hai-.  XXIV. 

finished  Ijy  437  li.c.  Somt-what  later  were  erected  Uie  Pnjjjy- 
l.ra,  (ir  ma^Miific'ciit  eiilraiice  to  tlic  AcropoliH,  on  the  western 
side.  Besides  tlieso  va.st  •works,  olliers  were  coiiiiiieiiced  which 
were  interruj)te(l  liy  the  breaking;  out  of  the  rcloponnesian  war, 
as  the  roconstructioii  of  the  Ereohtheiirn,  or  ancient  li^rnple  of 
Athena  PoHas;  the  buildiiifi  of  a  great  tr-mpic  of  Dcnieter,  at 
Elcusis,  for  the  celebration  of  the  Eleu.sinian  mysteries  ;  an- 
other of  Athena  at  Suninin,  and  one  of  Nemesis  at  lihamnus. 
Besides  these  ornamental  works,  Pericles  undertook  others  of  a 
more  useful  kind.  In  order  to  render  the  comriuuiication  be- 
tween Athens  and  Pirieus  still  more  secure,  he  constructed  a 
third  long  wall  between  the  two  already  built,  nuniinp  jiarallel 
to,  and  at  a  short  distance  from,  the  one  which  united  the  city 
to  Pira;us.  At  the  same  time  Pirajiis  itself  was  improved  and 
beautified,  and  a  new  dock  and  arsenal  constructed,  said  to  have 
cost  1000  talents.  The  whole  cost  of  these  improvements  was 
estimated  at  3000  talents,  or  nearly  700,000Z. 

In  this  part  of  his  plans  Pericles  may  be  said  to  have  been 
entirely  successful.  The  beautiful  works  which  arose  under  his 
superintendence  established  the  emj)ire  of  Athenian  taste,  not 
only  for  his  own  time  but  for  all  succeeding  ages.  But  the  other 
and  more  substantial  ])art  of  his  projects — the  establishment  of 
the  material  empire  of  Athens,  of  which  these  works  were  to 
be  but  the  type  and  ornament — was  Ibunded  on  a  miscalcula- 
tion of  the  physical  strength  and  resources  of  his  country- ;  and 
after  involving  Athens,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel,  in  a  long 
series  of  sufiering  and  misfortune,  ended  at  last  in  her  degrada- 
tion and  ruin. 

§  4.  Colonization,  for  which  the  genius  and  inclination  of  the 
Athenians  had  always  been  suited,  was  another  and  safer  method 
adopted  by  Pericles  for  extending  the  influence  and  empire  of 
Athens.  The  settlements  made  under  his  auspices  were  of  two 
kinds,  Clc?-ucJiics*  and  regular  colonies.  The  former  mode  was 
exclusively  Athenian.  It  consisted  in  the  allotment  of  land  in 
conquered  or  subject  countries  to  certain  bodies  cf  Athenians, 
who  continued  to  retain  all  their  original  rights  of  citizenship. 
This  circumstance,  as  well  as  the  convenience  of  entering  upou 
land  already  in  a  state  of  cidtivation,  instead  of  having  to  re- 
claim it  from  the  rude  condition  of  nature,  seems  to  have  render- 
ed such  a  mode  of  settlement  much  preferred  by  the  Athenians. 
The  earliest  instance  which  we  lind  of  it  is  in  the  year  r..c.  506, 
when  four  thousand  Athenians  entered  u})on  the  domains  of  the 
Chalcidian  knights.      But  it  was  under  Pericles  that  this  .system 

*  K/.iipovxtai. 


B.C.  443.  ATHENIAN  COLONIES.  269 

was  most  extensively  adopted.  Durin<]f  his  administration  1000 
Athenian  citizens  were  settled  in  the  Thraciau  Chei'sonese,  500 
in  Naxos,  and  250  in  Andros.  His  expeditions  for  this  purpose 
even  extended  into  the  Euxine.  From  Sinope,  on  the  shores  of 
that  sea,  he  expelled  the  despot  Timesilaus  and  his  party,  whose 
estates  were  confiscated,  and  assigned  for  the  maintenance  of 
600  Athenian  citizens.  The  islands  of  Lemnos,  Imbros,  and 
Scyros,  as  well  as  a  large  tract  in  the  north  of  Euboea,  were  also 
completely  occupied  by  Athenian  proprietors. 

The  most  important  colonies  settled  by  Pericles  were  those  of 
Thurii  and  Amphipolis.  Since  the  destruction  of  Sybaris  by  the 
Crotoniates,  in  B.C.  509,  the  former  inhabitants  had  lived  dis- 
persed in  the  adjoining  territory  along  the  gulf  of  Tarentum. 
They  had  in  vain  requested  Sparta  to  recolonize  them,  and  now 
applied  to  Pericles,  who  granted  their  request.  In  B.C.  443  he 
sent  out  a  colony  to  found  Thurii,  near  the  site  of  the  ancient 
Sybaris.  But  though  established  under  the  auspices  of  Athens, 
Thurii  can  hardly  be  considered  an  Athenian  colony,  since  it 
contained  settlers  from  almost  all  parts  of  Greece.  Among 
those  who  joined  this  colony  were  the  histoi'ian  Herodotus  and 
the  orator  Lysias.  The  colony  of  Amphipolis  was  founded  some 
years  later  (b.c.  437),  under  the  conduct  of  Agnon.  But  here 
also  the  proportion  of  Athenian  settlers  was  small.  Amphipolis 
was  in  fact  only  a  new  name  for  Ennea  Hodoi,  to  colonize 
which  place  the  Athenians,  as  before  related,  had  already  made 
some  unsuccessful  attempts.  They  now  succeeded  in  maintain- 
ing their  ground  against  the  Edonians,  and  Amphipolis  became 
an  important  Athenian  dependency  with  reference  to  Thrace  and 
Macedonia. 

^  5.  Such  were  the  schemes  of  Pericles  for  promoting  the  em- 
pire of  Athens.  That  empire,  since  the  conclusion  of  the  Thirty 
Years'  Truce,  had  again  become  exclusively  maritime.  Yet  even 
among  the  subjects  and  allies  united  with  Athens  by  the  Con- 
federacy of  Delos,  her  sway  was  borne  with  growing  discontent. 
One  of  the  chief  causes  of  this  dissatisfaction  was  the  amount  of 
the  tribute  exacted  by  the  Athenians,  as  well  as  their  misappli- 
cation of  tlie  proceeds.  During  the  administration  of  Pericles, 
the  rate  of  contribution  was  raised  upwards  of  thirty  per  cent., 
although  tire  purpose  for  which  the  tribute  was  originally  levied 
had  almost  entirely  ceased.  In  the  time  of  Aristides  and  Cimon, 
when  an  active  war  was  carrying  on  against  the  Persians,  the 
sum  annually  collected  amounted  to  460  talents.  In  the  time  of 
Pericles,  although  that  war  had  been  brought  to  a  close  by  what 
has  been  called  the  peace  of  Cimon,  and  though  the  only  arma- 
ment  still   maintained  for  the  ostensible  purposes  of  the  con- 


270  IIISTOIIV  OF  (MlKECI'l  Oiai-.  XXIV. 

fcdcr.'icy  wji.s  a  iln-t.  of  sixty  Iriiciiics,  wliidi  cniii-ni  in  tlio 
iEji[ii!;iii,  tlie  Iriliulu  Jiad  uevurllielf.s.s  iiicn-affcd  to  the  annual 
KUin  of  GOO  talents.  TIh;  itiiportancc  of  tliis  trihutc  to  the 
Atlii-nians  may  be  e.stiniatcd  from  llie  faet  that  it  Ibrincd  con- 
siderahly  more  than  halfol'  tlieir  whole  revenue;  for  their  in- 
come from  other  sourees  amounted  only  to  400  talents.  It  may  be 
said,  indeed,  that  Greece  was  not  even  yet  wliolly  secure  from 
another  Persian  invasion  ;  and  that  Athen.s  was  thcrelbrejustified 
in  continuing  to  collect  the  tribute,  out  of  which  it  umst  in  ju.sticc 
to  Pericles  be  admitted,  a  large  sum  had  been  laid  by,  amounting, 
when  the  Peloponncsian  war  broke  out,  to  GOOO  talents.  But 
that  there  was  no  longer  nuich  danger  to  be  apprehended  from 
the  Persians  is  shown  by  sub-^efjuent  events  ;  and  though  it  is 
true  that  Pericles  saved  a  large  sum,  yet  he  had  spent  much  in 
decorating  Athens  ;  and  the  sur])lus  was  ultimately  applied,  not 
for  the  purposes  of  the  league,  but  in  defending  Athens  from 
enemies  which  her  aggressive  policy  had  provoked. 

But  the  tribute  was  not  the  only  grievance  of  w!iich  tlie  allies 
had  to  complain.  Of  all  the  mcinbers  of  the  C  mfederacy  of 
Delos,  the  islands  of  Chios,  Samos,  and  Lesbos  -were  the  only 
states  which  now  field  the  footing  of  independent  a  Hies  :  that  is, 
they  alone  were  allowed  to  retain  their  ships  and  fortifications, 
and  were  only  called  upon  to  furnish  military  aad  naval  aid 
when  required.  The  other  members  of  the  league,  some  of  them 
indeed  with  their  own  consent,  had  been  deprived  of  their  navy 
and  reduced  to  the  condition  of  tributaries.  The  deliberative 
synod  for  discussing  and  conducting  the  affairs  of  the  league 
had  been  discontinued,  probably  from  the  time  when  the  trea- 
sury was  removed  from  Delos  to  Athens  ;  whilst  the  Helleno- 
tamia;  had  beeji  converted  into  a  board  consisting  solely  of 
Athenians.  Notwithstanding,  therefore,  the  seeming  independ- 
ence of  the  three  islands  just  mentioned,  the  Athenians  Avere  in 
fact  the  sole  arbiters  of  the  aiiiiirs  of  the  league,  and  the  sole 
administrators  of  the  fund.  Another  gi'ievance  was  the  trans- 
ference to  Athens  of  all  lawsuits,  at  least  of  all  public  suits  ;  for 
on  this  subject  we  are  unable  to  draw  the  line  distinctly.  In 
criminal  cases,  at  all  events,  the  allies  seem  to  have  been 
deprived  of  the  power  to  inflict  capital  punishment.  It  can 
scarcely  be  doubted  that  even  private  suits  in  which  an  Athe- 
nian was  concerned  were  relerrcd  to  Athens.  In  some  cases,  it 
is  true,  the  allies  may  have  derived  benefit  from  a  trial  before 
the  Athenian  people,  as  the  dicasteries  were  then  constituted  ; 
but  on  the  whole,  the  practice  can  only  be  regarded  as  a  means 
and  a  badge  of  their  subjection.  Besides  all  these  causes  of 
complaint,  the  allies  had  often  to  endure  the  oppressions  and 


B.C.  440.  EEDUCTION  OF  SAMOS.  271 

exactions  of  Athenian  officers  Loth  mihtary  and  naval,  as 
well  as  of  the  rich  and  powerful  Athenian  citizens  settled  among 
them. 

Many  of  these  abuses  had  no  doubt  arisen  before  the  time  of 
Pericles  ;  but  the  excuse  for  them  had  at  all  events  ceased  to 
exist  with  the  death  of  Cimon  and  the  extinction  of  the  Persian 
war.  To  expect  that  the  Athenians  should  have  voluntarily 
relinquished  the  advantages  derived  from  them  might  be  to  de- 
mand too  much  of  human  nature,  especially  as  society  was  then 
constituted  ;  and  the  Athenians  perhaps,  on  the  whole,  did  not 
abuse  their  power  to  a  greater  extent  than  many  other  nations 
both  in  ancient  and  modern  times.  With  this  argument  for 
their  exculpation  we  must  rest  content ;  for  it  is  the  only 
one.  They  were  neither  better  nor  worse  than  other  people. 
The  allurement,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  a  splendid  one.  By 
means  of  the  league  Athens  had  become  the  mistress  of  many 
scattered  cities,  formerly  her  equals  ;  and  the  term  of  desfot  over 
them  was  applied  to  her  not  only  by  her  enemies,  but  adopted 
in  her  overweening  confidence  and  pride  by  herself. 

§  6.  The  principal  event  in  the  external  history  of  Athens 
during  the  period  comprised  in  the  present' chapter  was  the 
subjugation  of  the  island  of  Samos,  the  most  important  of 
the  three  islands  which  still  retained  their  independence.  In 
B.C.  440,  the  Milesians,  who  had  been  defeated  by  the  Samians 
in  a  war  respecting  the  possession  of  Priene,  lodged  a  formal 
complaint  in  Athens  against  the  Samians  ;  and  it  was  seconded 
by  a  party  in  Samos  itself,  who  were  adverse  to  the  oligar- 
chical form  of  government  established  there.  As  the  Sa- 
mians refused  to  submit  to  the  arbitration  of  the  Athenians, 
the  latter  resolved  to  reduce  them  to  obedience  by  force  ;  and 
for  that  purpose  despatched  an  annam^^nt  of  forty  ships  to 
Samos,  under  the  command  of  Pericles,  who  established  a  demo- 
cratical  form  of  government  in  the  island,  and  carried  away 
hostages  belonging  to  the  first  Samian  families,  whom  he  de- 
posited in  the  isle  of  Lemnos.  But  no  sooner  had  Pericles 
departed  than  some  of  the  oligarchical  party,  supported  by 
Pissuthnes,  satrap  of  Sardis,  passed  over  in  the  night  time  to 
Samos,  overpowered  the  small  Athenian  garrison  which  had  been 
left  by  Pericles,  and  abolished  the  democracy.  They  then  pro- 
ceeded to  Lemnos,  and  having  regained  possession  of  the  hos- 
tages, proclaimed  an  open  revolt  against  Athens,  in  which  they 
wei'e  joined  by  Byzantium. 

"When  these  tidings  reached  Athens  a  fleet  of  sixty  trireme? 
immediately  sailed  for  Samos.  Pericles  was  again  one  of  the  ten 
strategi  or  generals  in  command  of  the  expedition,  and  among  his 


272  inSTol;^    <>l'   (air.rXT.  CnAr.  XXIV. 

(•(i1lc;i;;u('s  wa«  Snphoclcs,  llu;  traffic  ]»f)ct.  A ftor  several  erifrage- 
iiiciils  hetwecn  IIk;  hostile  fleets,  llie  Sarriiaiis  were  ohlifred  to 
al)aii(l()ii  the  8ea  and  lake  relii^'e  in  tlu-ir  eily,  wliieh,  after  en- 
duriiiff  a  nieffc  ol  iiiiie  months,  was  lltreod  to  <rapitulate. 

Tile  Saiiiiaus  were  coiii])elled  to  ra/e  their  lorlilications,  to 
Burreiider  their  lleet,  to  give  hostages  lor  their  future  conduct, 
and  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  war,  amounting  to  1000  talents. 
The  Byzantines  suhrnitied  at  the  same  time.  During  these 
operations,  it  was  a  jtoinl  disputed  among  the  states  opjK>sed  to 
Athens  whether  the  Samians  should  be  assisted  in  their  revolt; 
a  question  decided  in  the  negative,  chiefly  through  the  influence 
of  the  Corinthians,  who  maiiitaineil  the  right  of  every  confe- 
deracy to  punish  its  refractory  members. 

The  triumphs  and  the  power  of  Athens  were  no  doubt 
regarded  with  fear  and  jealousy  by  her  rivals  ;  but  the  conquest 
of  iSamos  was  not  followed  by  any  open  manifestation  of  hos- 
tility. A  general  impression  however  prevailed  that  sooner 
or  later  a  war  must  ensue  ;  but  men  looked  forwards  to  it 
with  fear  and  trembling  from  a  conviction  of  the  internecine 
character  which  it  iimst  necessarily  assume.  It  was  a  hollow 
peace,  which  the  ^nost  trifling  events  might  disturb.  The  train 
was  already  laid  ;  and  an  apparently  unimportant  event,  which 
occurred  in  B.C.  435  in  a  remote  corner  of  Greece,  kindled  the 
sparic  which  was  to  produce  the  conflagration.  This  was  the 
quarrel  between  Oorinth  and  Corcyra,  which  will  be  detailed  in 
the  following  chapter. 


•susi;  of  the  poet  Sophoclsc. 


The  Propylsa  of  the  Acropolis. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


CAUSES    OF    THE    PELOPONNESIAN    WAR. 


§  1.  Quarrel  between  Corinth  and  Corcyra.  §  2.  Corcyrean  embassy 
to  Athens.  Decision  of  the  Athenians.  §  3.  They  send  a  fleet  to 
Corcyra.  Naval  engagements.  Defeat  of  the  Corinthians.  §  4.  Re- 
volt of  Potidaja.  §  5.  Congress  of  the  Peloponnesian  allies  at  Sparta. 
The  Spartans  decide  for  war.  §  6.  Second  congress.  The  allies  re- 
solve upon  war.  §  7.  The  Lacedaemonians  require  the  Athenians  to 
expel  Pericles.  §  8.  Attacks  upon  Pericles,  Aspasia,  and  Anaxagoras. 
Imprisonment  and  death  of  Phidias.  §  9.  Further  i-equisitions  of  the 
Lacedsemoiiians.  Rejected  by  the  Athenians.  §  10.  The  Thebans 
surprise  Plataia.  §  11.  The  Athenians  prepare  for  war.  Portents. 
§  I'i.  Forces  of  the  Lacedaemonians  and  Athenians.  §  13.  The  Pelo- 
ponnesian army  assembles  at  the  isthmus  of  Corinth. 

^  1.  On  the  coast  of  lUyria,  near  the  site  of  the  modern  Du- 
razzo,  the  Corcyrjeans  had  founded  the  city  of  Epidamnus.  Cor- 
cyra (now  Corfu)  was  itself  a  colony  of  Corinth  ;  and,  though 
long  at  enmity  with  its  mother  country,  was  forced,  according  to 
the  time-hallowed  custom  of  the  Greeks  in  such  matters,  to 
select  the  founder  or  occist  of  Epidamnus  from  the  Corinthians. 
Accordingly  Corinth  became  the  metropolis  of  Epidamnus  also. 
At  the  time  of  which  we  speak,  the  Epidamuians  were  hard 
pressed  by  the  lUyrians,  led  by  some  oligarchical  exiles  of  their 
own  city,  whom  they  had  expelled  in  consequence  of  a  domestic 
sedition.     In  their  distress  they  applied  to  Corcyra  for  assist- 

N* 


274  llIS'njRV  OF  (]IU:i:CE.  Chap.  XXV. 

aiicu  ;  wliicli  llio  Corcyra^an.s,  bciiif^  priiir-ipally  connected  with 
llii!  Kpiilainiiiau  olifraichy,  refused.  Tlie  Jijndainnians,  after  con- 
.sidtiiiff  tlie  oracle  ol  Del])lii,  then  t-ouglit  ludp  from  the  Corin- 
thiaii.s,  who  undertook  to  as.sist  thcni,  and  organized  an  exjM;di- 
tion  for  that  purpose,  con.si.st:ng])artly  of  new  settlers,  and  partly 
of  a  military  force.  The  Corcyneans  highly  resented  thi.H  inter- 
ference, proceeded  to  restore  the  J']pidarnnian  oligarch.s,  and  with 
a  fleet  of  40  ships  blockaded  the  town  and  its  new  Corinthian 
garrison.  Hereii))i)n  the  Uorinthians  fitted  out  a  still  stronger 
expedition,  for  which  they  collected  both  sliips  and  money  from 
their  allies.  The  Corcyra^ans,  having  made  a  fruitless  attempt 
to  persuade  the  Corinthians  to  refer  the  matter  to  arbitration, 
])repared  to  meet  the  hlow.  Their  ilect,  the  best  in  Greece  after 
that  of  Athens,  comi)letely  defeated  the  Corintluans  ofT  Cape 
Actium  ;  and  on  the  same  day  Epidamnus  surrendered  to  their 
blockading  squadron  (d.c.  435). 

^  2.  Deeply  humbled  by  this  defeat,  the  Corinthians  spent  tlie 
two  following  years  in  active  preparations  for  retrieving  it. 
They  got  ready  90  well-manned  ship.s  of  their  own ;  and  by  active 
exertions  among  their  allies,  they  were  in  a  condition,  in  the 
third  year  after  their  disgrace,  to  put  to  sea  with  a  fleet  of  150 
sail.  The  Corcyra;ans,  who  had  not  enrolled  themselves  either 
in  the  Lacedsemonian  or  Athenian  alliance,  and  therefore  stood 
alone,  were  greatly  alarmed  at  these  preparations.  They  now 
resolved  to  remedy  this  dellciency  ;  and  as  Corinth  belonged  to 
the  LacedEemonian  alliance,  the  Corcyra^ans  had  no  option,  and 
were  obliged  to  apply  to  Athens.  Ambassadors  were  accord- 
ingly despatched  to  that  city,  who,  being  introduced  into  the 
assembly,  endeavoured  to  set  in  a  striking  light  the  great  acces- 
sion of  naval  power  which  the  Athenians  would  derive  from  an 
alliance  with  the  Corcyra?ans.  The  Corintliians,  who  had  also 
sent  an  embassy  to  Athens,  replied  to  the  arguments  of  the 
Corcyrajan  envoys,  appealing  to  the  terms  of  the  Thirty  Years' 
Truce,  and  reminding  the  Athenians  that  it  was  through  the 
representations  of  the  Corinthians  that  the  Peloponnesian  allies 
had  not  assisted  the  Samians  in  their  late  revolt.  The  opinions 
of  the  Atheiriau  assembly  were  much  divided  on  the  subject ; 
but  the  views  of  Pericles  and  other  speakers  at  length  pre- 
vailed. They  urged  that  whatever  course  might  now  be  taken, 
war  could  not  ultimately  be  avoided  ;  and  that  therefore  the 
more  prudent  course  was  to  avail  themselves  of  the  increase 
of  strength  olFered  by  the  Corcyra'an  alliance,  rather  than  to  be 
at  last  driven  to  undertake  the  war  at  a  comparative  disadvantage. 
To  avoid,  however,  an  open  infringement  of  the  Thirty  Years' 
Truce,  a  middle  course  was  adopted.     It  was  resolved  to  con- 


B.C.  433.  CORINTH  AND  CORCYRA.  275 

elude  only  a  defensive  alliance  with  Corcyra  ;  that  is,  to  defend 
the  Corcyrseans  in  case  their  territories  were  actually  invaded  by 
the  Corinthians,  but  beyond  that  not  to  lend  them  any  active 
assistance. 

§  3 .  By  entering  upon  this  merely  defensive  alliance  the  Athe- 
nians also  hoped  to  stand  aloof  and  see  the  Corinthian  and  Cor- 
cyreean  fleets  mutually  destroy  one  another  ;  and  it  was  probably 
in  accordance  with  this  policy  that  only  a  small  squadron  of 
ten  triremes,  under  the  command  of  Laccdsemonius  the  son  of 
Cimon,  was  despatched  to  the  assistance  of  the  Corcyra?ans. 
The  Corinthian  lleet  of  150  sail  took  up  its  station  at  Cape  Chei- 
merium  on  the  coast  of  Epirus  ;  where  the  Corinthians  establish- 
ed a  naval  camp,  and  summoned  to  their  assistance  the  friendly 
Epirot  tribes.  The  Corcyra3an  fleet  of  110  sail,  together  with 
the  10  Athenian  ships,  were  stationed  at  one  of  the  adjoining 
islands  called  Sybota.  A  battle  speedi-ly  ensued,  which  tor  the 
number  of  ships  engaged,  was  the  greatest  yet  fought  betAveen 
fleets  entirely  Grecian.  Neither  side,  however,  had  yet  adopted 
the  Athenian  tactics.  They  had  no  conception  of  that  mode  of 
attack  in  which  the  ship  itself,  by  the  method  of  handling  it, 
became  a  more  important  instrument  than  the  crew  by  which 
it  was  manned.  Their  only  idea  of  a  naval  engagement  was  to 
lay  the  ships  alongside  one  another,  and  to  leave  the  hoplites  on 
deck  to  decide  the  combat  after  the  fashion  of  a  land  fight.  At 
first  Lacedffimonius,  in  accordance  with  his  instructions,  took  no 
part  in  the  battle,  though  he  allorded  all  the  assistance  he  could 
to  the  Corcyrajans  by  manoeuvring  as  if  he  were  preparing  to 
engage.  After  a  hard  fought  day,  victory  finally  declared  in 
favour  of  the  Corinthians.  The  Athenians  now  abandoned  their 
neutrality,  and  did  all  in  their  power  to  save  the  flying  Corcy- 
rseans from  their  pursuers.  This  action  took  place  early  in  the 
morning ;  and  the  Corinthians,  after  returning  to  the  spot  where 
it  had  been  fought  in  order  to  pick  up  their  own  dead  and 
wounded,  prepared  to  renew  the  attack  in  the  afternoon,  and  to 
effect  a  landing  at  Corcyra.  The  Corcyrseans  made  the  best 
preparations  they  could  to  receive  them,  and  the  Athenians, 
who  were  now  within  the  strict  letter  of  their  instructions,  de- 
termined to  give  their  new  allies  all  the  assistance  in  theiv 
power.  The  war  psean  had  been  sounded,  and  the  Corinthian 
line  was  in  full  advance,  when  suddenly  it  tacked  and  stood  away 
to  the  coast  of  Epirus.  This  unexpected  retreat  was  caused  by 
the  appearance  of  20  Athenian  vessels  in  the  distance,  which  the 
Corinthians  believed  to  be  the  advanced  guard  of  a  still  larger 
fleet.  But  though  this  was  not  the  case,  the  succour  proved 
sufficient  to  deter  the  Corinthians  from  any  further  hostihties. 


ro  HISTORY  r)F  fSREECE  Ciiap.  XXV. 

Dr.'iwiiifr  up  th<'ir  ships  iiUm<f  tin;  cofiHt  of  Itipirus,  lliey  Hcrit  a 
lew  men  ill  a  Kinnll  boat  to  remonstrate  with  the  Atlienians  for 
haviii^f  viohited  tiie  truce  ;  and  lindinj,'  from  the  parley  that  the 
Athenians  (Hd  not  mean  to  nnd(;rtak(!  oliijusive  operations  against 
tliem,  thi-y  sailed  homewards  with  their  whole  lleet,  after  erect- 
in<r  a  tr(i|)!iy  at  Syhota.  On  reaehiu'^  Corinth  800  of  their  pri- 
soners were  sold  as  slaves  ;  hut  the  remainini(  2o0,  many  of  whom 
belonj^ed  to  the  first  families  in  (Joroyra,  though  detained  in 
custody  were  treated  with  peculiar  kindness,  in  the  liope  that 
they  would  eventually  cstahli>h  in  that  island  a  ])arty  favourable 
to  (Joriuth.     These  events  took  place  in  the  year  v.c.  432. 

^  1.  The  Corinthians  were  naturally  incensed  at  the  conduct 
of  Athens,  and  it  is  not  surprising,'  that  they  should  have  watched 
for  an  opportunity  of  revenge.  This  was  soon  aflbrded  them  by 
the  enmity  of  the  Macedonian  prince  Perdiccas  towards  the 
Athenians.  Oflended  with  the  Athenians  for  having  received 
into  their  alliance  his  two  brothers  Philip  and  Derdas,  with  whom 
he  was  at  open  variance,  Perdiccas  exerted  all  his  ellbrts  to  injure 
Athens.  He  incited  her  tributaries  among  the  Chalcidians  and 
Botticcans  to  revolt,  including  Potidica,  a  town  seated  on  the 
isthmus  of  Palleue.  Potidasa,  though  now  a  tributary  of  Athens, 
was  originally  a  colony  of  the  Corinthians,  towards  whom  it  still 
owed  a  sort  of  metropolitan  allegiance,  and  received  from  them 
certain  aiuiual  magistrates  called  Epideniiurgi.  Aware  of  the 
hostile  feeling  entertained  at  Corinth  against  the  Athenians, 
Perdiccas  not  only  sent  envoys  to  that  city  to  concert  measures 
for  a  revolt  of  Potidiea,  but  also  to  Sparta  to  induce  the  Pclopon- 
nesian  league  to  declare  war  against  Athens. 

The  Athenians  were  not  ignorant  of  these  proceedings.  They 
were  about  to  despatch  an  armament  to  the  Thermaic  gulf,  de- 
signed to  act  against  Perdiccas  ;  and  they  now  directed  the  com- 
mander of  this  armament  to  require  the  Potidsans  to  level  their 
walls  on  the  side  of  the  town  towards  the  sea,  to  dismiss  theii 
Corinthian  magistrates,  and  to  give  hostages,  as  a  pledge  of  theu 
future  fidelity.  Thereupon  the  Potidsans  openly  raised  the 
standard  of  revolt,  in  the  summer  apparently  of  b.c.  432.  In- 
stead of  immediately  blockading  Potidaja  the  Athenian  fleet 
Avasted  six  weeks  in  the  siege  of  Tlierma,  during  which  interval 
the  Corinthians  were  enabled  to  throw  a  reinlbrcement  of  2000 
troops  into  Potidjea.  Thereupon  a  second  armament  was  de- 
spatched from  Athens,  and  joined  the  former  one,  which  was 
now  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Pydna  on  the  Macedoniau  coast.  But 
as  the  town  promised  to  hold  out  for  some  time,  and  as  the 
necessity  for  attacking  Potida^a  seemed  pressing,  an  accommo- 
dation was  patched  up  with  Perdiccas,  and  the  whole  Athenian 


B.C.  432.     MEETING  OF  THE  PELOPONNESIAN  ALLIES.         277 

force  marched  overland  against  Potidsea.  Aristeus,  the  Corinthian 
general,  was  waiting  to  receive  them  near  Olynthus,  and  a  battle 
ensued  in  which  the  Athenians  were  victorious.  The  Corinthians 
ultimately  succeeded  in  eHecting  their  retreat  to  Potidaja  ;  and 
the  Athenians,  after  receiving  a  further  reinforcement,  com- 
pletely blockaded  the  town  both  by  sea  and  land. 

^  5.  Meanwhile  the  Lacedaemonians,  urged  on  all  sides  by  the 
complaints  of  their  allies,  summoned  a  general  meeting  of  the 
Peloponuesian  confederacy  at  Sparta.  Besides  the  Corinthians 
other  members  of  it  had  heavy  grievances  to  allege  against 
Athens.  Foremost  among  these  were  the  Megarians,  who  com- 
plained that  their  commerce  had  been  ruined  by  a  recent  decree 
of  the  Athenians,  which  excluded  them  from  every  port  within 
the  Athenian  jurisdiction.  The  pretexts  fortius  severe  measure 
were  that  the  Megarians  had  harboured  runaway  Athenian 
slaves,  and  had  cultivated  pieces  of  unappropriated  and  conse- 
crated land  upon  the  borders.  These  reasons  seem  frivolous  ; 
and  the  real  cause  of  the  decree  must  no  doubt  be  ascribed  to 
the  hatred  which  the  Athenians  entertained  towards  Megara, 
since  her  revolt  from  them  fourteen  years  befoi'e.  iEgina  was 
another,  though  not  an  open,  accuser.  No  deputy  from  that 
island  actually  appeared  at  the  congress ;  but  the  vEginetans 
loudly  complained  through  the  mouths  of  others,  that  Athens 
withheld  from  them  the  independence  to  which  they  were  entitled. 

Tha  assembly  having  been  convened,  the  deputies  from  the 
various  allied  cities  addressed  it  in  turn,  the  Corinthian  envoy 
reserving  him53lf  for  the  last.  He  depicted  in  glowing  language 
the  ambition,  the  enterprise,  and  the  perseverance  of  Athens, 
which  he  contrasted  with  the  over-cautious  and  inactive  policy 
of  Sparta.  Addressing  himself  to  the  Spartans,  he  exclaimed  : 
"  Tiie  Athenians  are  naturally  innovators,  prompt  both  in  de- 
cidirig  and  in  acting  :  whilst  you  only  think  of  keeping  what 
you  have  got,  and  do  even  less  than  what  positive  necessity  re- 
quires. Tkeij  are  bold  beyond  their  means,  venturesome  beyond 
their  judgment,  sanguine  even  in  desperate  reverses  ;  you  do 
even  less  than  you  are  able  to  perform,  distrust  your  own  con- 
clusions, and  when  in  difficulties  fall  into  utter  despair.  They 
never  hang  back  ;  ipu  never  advance  ;  thaj  love  to  serve  abroad, 
you  seem  chained  at  home  ;  t}iey  believe  that  every  new  movement 
will  procure  them  fresh  advantage  ;  you  fancy  that  every  new 
step  will  endanger  what  you  already  possess."  And  after  telling 
them  some  more  home-truths,  he  concluded  with  a  threat  that  if 
they  still  delayed  to  perform  their  duty  towards  their  confede- 
rates, the  Corinthians  would  forthwith  seek  some  other  alliance. 

An  Athenian  ambassador,  charged  with  some  other  busuiess. 


278  IIISTOIIV  OF  (JRKKCM  Ciui-.  XXV 

was  tlicii  residiii^f  at  Sparla  ;  ami  when  the  Corinthian  envoy 
had  cuiicluduil  his  a<klrc':«»,  he  rose  to  ri-jily  to  it.  After  dc- 
iiyiii^  tho  riffht  of  Sparta  to  interfere  in  a  (h-spute  between 
Corinth  and  Athens,  he  entered  into  a  f^'cneral  vindication  of  the 
Athenian  jtuUcy.  lie  contended  tiiat  empire  had  not  lx;en 
S()U<,'ht  hy  Atiiens,  but  thrust  upon  her,  and  that  she  could  not 
abdicate  it  witliout  endangerin^f  iier  very  existence.  He  alluded 
to  the  eminent  services  rendered  by  Atiiens  to  all  Greece  during 
the  Per.-.ian  war  ;  maintained  tiiat  lier  empire  was  tlie  natural 
re.'-uit  of  tliat  conjuncture,  and  denied  tiiat  it  had  been  exercised 
witii  more  severity  tlian  was  necessary,  or  tiian  would  iiave  been 
used  ijy  any  otlier  Grecian  power,  including,'  Sparta  herself  He 
concluded  by  caliint^  upon  tlie  Lacedtemonians  to  pau.sc  before 
takini;  a  step  wliicli  would  be  irretrievable,  and  to  compose  all 
present  dillerences  by  an  amicable  arbitration;  declaring  that, 
should  Sparta  begin  the  war,  Atiiens  was  prepared  to  resist  her, 
as  he  now  called  those  gods  to  witness  who  had  been  invoked  to 
sanctify  the  truce. 

After  these  speeches  had  been  delivered,  all  strangers,  in- 
cluding the  Pcloponnesian  allies,  were  ordered  to  withdraw  from 
the  assembly,  and  the  Laceda;moiiians  then  proceeded  to  de- 
cide among  themselves  the  question  of  peace  or  war.  In  this 
debate  the  Spartan  king  Archidamus  spoke  strongly  in  favour  of 
peace  ;  but  the  ephor  Slhenelaidas,  w^ho  presided  upon  this  occa- 
sion in  the  assembly,  called  upon  his  countrymen  in  a  short  and 
vigorous  speech  to  declare  immediate  war  against  Athens.  The 
Spartan  assembly  was  accustomed  to  vote  by  acclamation,  and, 
on  the  question  being  put,  the  vote  for  war  decidedly  predomi- 
nated. But  in  order  to  remove  all  doubts  upon  so  important  a 
subject,  Stheuelaidas,  contrary  to  the  usual  practice,  ordered 
the  assembly  to  divide,  when  a  vast  majority  declared  themselves 
for  war. 

§  6.  Before  their  resolution  was  publicly  announced,  the  Lace- 
daemonians, with  characteristic  caution,  sent  to  consult  the  oracle 
of  Delphi  upon  the  subject.  The  god  having  promised  them 
his  aid,  and  assured  them  of  success,  provided  they  exerted 
themselves  to  obtain  it,  another  congress  of  the  allies  was  sum- 
moned at  Sparta.  In  this,  as  in  the  former  one,  the  Corinthians 
took  the  most  prominent  part  in  the  debate.  The  majority  of 
the  congress  decided  for  war,  thus  binding  the  whole  Pelopomie- 
sian  confederacy  to  the  same  policy.  This  important  resolution 
was  adopted  towards  the  close  of  b.c  432,  or  early  in  the  fol- 
lowing year. 

^  7.  Previously  to  an  open  declaration  of  war,  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians sent  several  requisitions  to  Athens,  intended  apparently  to 


B.C.  432.  ATTACKS  UPOX  PERICLES.  279 

justify  the  step  they  were  about  to  take  against  her,  in  caee  she 
refused  to  comply  with  their  demands.  The  first  of  these  requi- 
sitions seems  to  have  been  a  pohtical  manoeuvre,  aimed  against 
Pericles,  their  most  constant  and  poweriul  enemy  iu  the  Athe- 
nian assembly.  Pericles,  as  we  have  said,  belonged  to  the  Alc- 
magonidsB  ;  a  family  regarded  as  having  incurred  an  inexpiable 
taint  through  the  sacrilege  committed  nearly  two  centiuies 
before  by  their  ancestor  Megacles,  in  causing  the  adherents  of 
Cylon  to  be  slaughtered  at  the  altar  of  the  Eumenides,  whither 
they  had  fled  for  refuge.*  The  Lacedaemonians,  in  now  demand- 
ing that  Athens  should  be  delivered  from  this  "  abomination," 
hardly  expected  that  she  would  consent  to  the  bainshment  of 
her  great  statesman  ;  but  they  at  all  events  gave  his  opponents 
in  the  assembly  an  opportunity  to  declaim  against  him,  and  to 
fix  upon  him  the  odium  of  being,  in  part  at  least,  the  cause  of 
the  impending  war. 

^  8.  For  Pericles,  despite  his  influence  and  power,  had  still 
many  bitter  and  active  enemies,  who  not  long  before  had  indi- 
rectly assailed  him  through  his  private  connections,  and  even 
endeavoured  to  wound  his  honour  by  a  charge  of  peculation. 
His  mistress  Aspasia  belonged  to  that  class  of  women  whom  the 
Greeks  called  hctarce,  literally  "  female  companions,"  or  as  we 
should  designate  them,  courtezans.  Many  of  these  women  were 
distinguished  not  only  for  their  beauty,  but  also  for  their  wit 
and  accomplishments,  and  in  this  respect  formed  a  striking  con- 
trast to  the  generality  of  Athenian  ladies  ;  who,  being  destined 
to  a  life  of  privacy  and  seclusion,  did  not  receive  the  benefit 
of  much  mental  culture.  Pericles,  after  divorcing  a  wife  with 
whom  he  had  lived  unhappily,  took  Aspasia  to  his  house,  and 
dwelt  with  her  till  his  death  on  terms  of  the  greatest  afiection. 
Their  intimacy  with  Anaxagoras,  the  celebrated  Ionic  philoso- 
pher, was  made  a  handle  for  wounding  Pericles  in  his  tenderest 
relations.  Paganism,  notwithstanding  its  licence,  w^as,  with  sur- 
prising inconsistency,  capable  of  producing  bigots  ;  and  even  at 
Athens  the  man  who  ventured  to  dispute  the  existence  of  a 
hundred  gcds  with  morals  and  passions  Somewhat  worse  than 
those  of  ordinary  human  nature,  did  so  at  the  risk  of  his  life. 
Anaxagoras  was  indicted  for  impiety.  Aspasia  was  included  in 
the  same  charge,  and  dragged  before  the  dicastery  by  the  comic 
poet  Hermippus.  Anaxagoras  prudently  fled  from  Athens,  and 
thus  probably  avoided  a  fate  which  in  consequence  of  a  similar 
accusation  afterwards  overtook  Socrates.  Pericles  himself  pleaded 
the  cause  of  Aspasia.  He  Avas  indeed  indirectly  implicated  in 
the  indictment  ;  but  he  felt  no  concern  except  for  his  beloved 
*  See  above,  p.  93 


280  IIISTORV  OF  CllVATll  Chap.  XXV. 

As|t;isi;i,  ;iii(l  on  llii.s  (K-iN'i.sioii  iho  cold  and  .somcwliut  liaii<,'hty 
statesman,  whom  the  most  violent  Htorms  of  llie  a«.sembly  could 
not  deprive  of  liirt  Heli-po.s.scs.sion,  was  for  once  Been  to  weep. 
I  lis  appi-al  to  tin;  dieastery  was  Bucccrisful,  but  another  trial  Hlill 
awaited  him.  An  indictment  wa.s  jncferred  a<,'ain.st  his  friend 
the  preat  sculptor  Phidia.s,  flir  emhezzlement  of  the  gold  in- 
temlcd  to  adorn  the  celebrated  ivory  statue  of  Athena  ;  and 
according;  to  some,  Pericle.-i  liimself  was  included  in  the  charge 
of  jx'culation.  Whether  Pericles  was  ever  actually  tried  on 
this  accusation  is  uncertain  ;  but  at  all  events  if  lie  was,  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  he  was  honourably  acquitted.  The  gold 
employed  in  the  statue  had  been  fixed  in  guch  a  manner  that  it 
could  be  detached  and  weiffhed,  and  Pericles  challenged  his  ac- 
cusers to  the  proof  But  Phidias  did  not  escape  so  fortunately. 
There  were  other  circumstances  which  rendered  him  unpopular, 
and  amongst  them  the  fact  that  he  had  introduced  portraits 
both  of  himself  and  Pericles  in  the  sculptures  which  adorned  the 
frieze  of  the  Parthenon.  Phidias  died  in  prison  before  the  day 
of  trial ;  and  some  even  whispered  that  he  had  been  poisoned  by 
the  enemies  of  Pericles,  in  order  to  increase  the  suspicions  which 
attached  to  the  latter.  Another  report,  equally  absurd  and  im- 
founded,  was  that  Pericles,  in  order  to  avoid  the  impending 
accusation,  kindled  the  Pcloponnesian  war. 

But  although  these  proceedings  proved  that  Pericles  had  many 
bitter  enemies  at  Athens,  still  the  majority  of  the  Athenians 
were  in  his  favour,  and  were  not  prepared  to  sacrifice  him  on 
account  of  the  absurd  and  obsolete  charge  which  the  Lacedaj- 
monians  now  thought  fit  to  bring  against  him.  They  retorted 
that  the  Spartans  themselves  had  some  accounts  to  settle  on  the 
score  of  sacrilege,  and  required  them  to  clear  themselves  from 
having  violated  the  sanctuary  of  Poseidon  at  Cape  Tajnarus  by 
dragging  away  and  slaying  the  Helots  who  had  taken  refuge 
there,  as  well  as  from  their  impiety  in  starving  to  death  the 
regent  Pausanias  in  the  temple  of  Athena  Chalcioecus. 

^  9.  Having  failed  in  this  requisition  the  LacedBemoiiians 
brought  forward  others  more  pertinent  to  the  matter  in  hand. 
They  demanded  that  the  Athenians  should  withdraw  their 
troops  from  Potidaja,  restore  the  independence  of  ^Egina,  and 
repeal  their  decree  against  the  Megarians.  On  the  last  of  these 
demands  they  laid  particular  stress,  and  intimated  that  war 
might  be  avoided  by  a  compliance  with  it.  But  this  was  rejected 
as  well  as  the  others.  The  Lacedaemonians  then  sent  their  ulti- 
matum. They  declared  that  they  Avished  for  peace,  and  that  it 
would  not  be  interrupted  if  the  Athenians  consented  to  recognise 
tlie  independence  of  the  other  Grecian  states. 


B.C.  431.  THE  THEBANS  SURPRISE  PLAT^EA.  281 

This  last  requisition,  so  diflerent  from,  and  so  much  more 
general  than  the  preceding  demands,  showed  clearly  enough  that 
the  Laceda;monians  were  resolved  upon  war.  The  character  of 
this  requisition  seems  to  indicate  that  it  had  been  adopted  as  a 
sort  of  manifesto  in  order  to  enlist  the  sympathy  of  all  Greece  in 
favour  of  the  Peloponnesian  league,  which  now  professed  to 
stand  forwards  as  the  champion  of  its  liberties.  That  this  was 
the  view  taken  of  it  by  the  Athenian  assembly  may  be  inferred 
from  the  debate  .that  ensued,  in  which  the  principal  topic  was 
the  Megarian  decree,  and  the  possibility  of  still  avoiding  a  war 
by  its  repeal.  On  this  point  a  warm  discussion  took  place.  A 
majority  of  the  assembly  seemed  still  inclined  for  peace.  IJut 
Pericles,  in  a  speech  of  surpassing  eloquence  and  power,  again 
contended  that  no  concessions  could  ultimately  avert  a  war,  and 
after  passing  in  review  the  comparative  forces  of  Athens  and  her 
opponents,  concluded  by  persuading  the  Athenians  to  return  for 
answer  that  they  were  reauy  to  give  satisfaction  respecting  any 
matter  which  properly  concerned  the  Thirty  Years'  Truue,  and 
that  they  would  ibrbear  from  commencing  hostilities  ;  bxit  that 
at  the  same  time  they  were  prepared  to  repel  force  by  force. 
This  answer  was  accordingly  adopted,  though  not  without  much 
reluctance,  and  communicated  to  the  Spartan  envoys. 

^10.  Before  any  actual  declaration  of  war,  and  wiiilst  both 
parties  stood  in  suspense,  hostilities  were  begun  in  the  sjiring  of 
B.C.  431  by  a  treacherous  attack  of  the  Thebans  upoii  Plat/ca. 
Though  Boeotians  by  descent,  the  Platwans  did  not  belong  to 
the  Boeotian  league  ;  but,  as  we  have  seen,  had  long  been  in  alli- 
ance with  the  Athenians,  and  enjoyed  in  some  degree  a  commu- 
nion of  their  civil  rights.  Hence  they  were  regarded  with  hatred 
and  jealousy  by  the  Thebans,  which  sentiments  were  also  shared 
by  a  small  oligarchical  faction  in  Plataea  itself.  The  state  of 
affairs  in  Greece  seemed  favourable  for  striking  a  .secret  and 
unexpected  blow.  Nauclides,  the  head  of  the  oligarchical  faction 
at  Plataja,  entered  into  a  correspondence  with  the  Thebans,  and 
it  was  agreed  to  surprise  the  town  at  a  time  when  the  citizens 
were  oil"  their  guard.  During  a  religious  festival  and  in  a  rainy 
night,  a  body  of  more  than  300  Thebans  presented  themselves 
before  one  of  the  gates  of  Platoea,  and  were  admitted  by  Nau- 
clides and  his  partisans.  The  latter  wished  to  conduct  the 
Thebans  at  once  to  the  houses  of  their  chief  political  opponents, 
in  order  that  they  might  be  secured  or  made  away  with.  The 
Thebans,  hovi^ever,  hesitated  to  commit  so  gross  a  piece  of  vio- 
lence. They  expected  to  be  reinforced  next  day  by  the  larger 
part  of  the  Theban  army,  when  they  shoidd  be  able  to  dictate 
their  own  tenns  without  havui":  recourse  to  the  invidious  act 


282  IIISTOIIY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XXV. 

wliicli  liad  been  proixiscd  lo  llicm.  They  arcovdingly  took  up 
a  position  in  llio  ajfora,  or  iiiarkid-placc,  and  directed  tlieir 
licrald  to  suniiiion  all  llic  inliahitanls  wlujse  political  viewH  coin- 
cided with  tlicir  own,  to  (•(-iiic  and  join  tlieir  ranks.  The  firnt 
icc'iinj,'  oi  the  I'latajans  was  one  ot  Hurpri.-o  and  alairn  on  Ijeiiif^ 
roused  iVom  their  nleep  with  the  astoundiuff  intelligence  that 
their  ancient  encinies  were  in  possession  ot  their  town.  But 
when  the  small  nundier  of  the  Thebans  Lcfran  to  be  ascertained, 
they  took  heart,  established  c(.ninuniicati<.n.s  with  one  another 
by  breaking  through  the  walls  ol' their  liou.ses,  and  having  barri- 
caded the  streets  with  Maggons,  fL-11  upon  the  enemy  a  little 
before  daybreak.  The  Thebans  icjimcd  in  close  order,  and  de- 
fended themselves  as  well  as  they  could.  But  they  were  ex- 
hausted by  tlieir  midnight  march  through  a  soaking  rain  ;  they 
were  iniacquaiuted  with  the  narrow  crooked  streets  ol"  the  town, 
now  choked  with  mud  and  ob.structed  by  barricades  ;  whilst  tlic 
women  luirling  the  tiles  from  the  housetops  with  loud  yells  and 
execrations,  completed  their  confusion  and  dismay.  A  verj'  few 
succeeded  in  escaping  over  the  walls.  The  great  majority,  mis- 
taking the  folding-doors  of  a  large  granarj'  for  the  city  gates, 
rushed  in  and  were  made  prisoners.  The  march  of  the  rein- 
forcement had  been  delayed  by  the  rain,  which  had  rendered  the 
river  Asopiis  scarcely  fordable  ;  and  when  they  at  last  arrived 
they  found  all  tlieir  coiuitrjiiien  either  slain  or  captured. 

The  Thebans  without  the  walls  now  proceeded  to  lay  hands  on 
all  the  persons  and  property  they  could  find,  as  pledges  lor  the 
restoration  of  the  prisoners.  Hereupon  the  PlatEeans  despatched 
a  herald  to  remonstrate  against  this  flagrant  breach  of  the  exist- 
ing peace,  promismg  at  the  same  time  that  if  they  retired  the 
prisoners  should  be  given  up,  but  if  not,  tliat  they  would  be  im- 
mediately put  to  death.  The  Thebans  withdrew  on  this  under- 
standing. But  no  sooner  were  they  gone  than  the  Platseans, 
instead  of  observmg  the  conditions,  removed  all  their  moveable 
property  from  the  comitry  into  the  toMii,  and  then  massacred 
all  the  prisoners  to  the  number  of  180. 

^  11.  At  the  first  entrance  of  the  Thebans  into  Plata^a  a  mes- 
senger had  been  despatched  to  Athens  with  the  news,  and  a 
second  one  after  their  capture.  The  xVthenians  immediately  sent 
a  herald  to  enjoin  the  Plata^ans  to  take  no  steps  without  their 
concurrence  ;  hut  he  arrived  too  late,  and  the  prisoners  were 
already  slain.  So  striking  an  incident  as  this  attempt  on  the 
part  of  tlie  Thebans  coidd  not  fail  to  produce  an  immediate  war, 
and  the  Athenians  concerted  their  measures  accordingly.  They 
immediately  issued  orders  for  seizing  all  Boeotians  who  might 
happen  to  be  in  Attica,  placed  an  Atheniaii  garrison  in  Plata?a, 


B.C.  431.  FORCES  OF  SPARTA  AKD  ATHENS.  285 

and  removed  thence  all  the  -women  and  other  inhabitants  inca- 
pable of  taking  a  part  in  its  defence.  "War  was  now  fairly  kuidled. 
All  Greece  looked  on  in  suspense  as  its  two  leading  cities  were 
about  to  engage  in  a  strife  of  Avhicli  no  man  could  foresee  the 
end  ;  but  the  youth,  with  which  both  Athens  and  Peloponnesus 
then  abounded,  having  had  no  experience  of  the  bitter  calamities 
of  war,  rushed  into  it  with  ardour.  Every  city,  nay,  almost 
every  individual,  seemed  desirous  of  taking  a  part  in  it ;  most  of 
them,  however,  from  a  feeling  of  liatred  against  Athens,  and  with 
a  desire  either  of  avoiding  or  of  being  relieved  from  her  yoke. 
The  predictions  of  soothsayers  and  oracles  were  heard  on  all 
sides,  whilst  natural  portents  were  eagerly  inquired  after  and  in- 
terpreted. A  recent  earthquake  in  Delos,  which  had  never 
before  experienced  such  a  calamity,  seemed  to  foreshadow  the 
approaching  struggle,  and  to  form  a  fitting  introduction  to  a 
period  which  was  to  be  marked  not  only  by  the  usual  horrors  of 
war,  but  by  the  calamities  of  earthquakes,  drought,  famine,  and 
pestilence. 

M2.  The  nature  of  the  preparations  and  the  amount  of  forces 
on  both  sides  were  well  calculated  to  excite  these  ajiprehensions. 
On  the  side  of  Sparta  was  ranged  the  whole  of  Peloponnesus — 
except  Argos  and  Achaia, — together  with  the  Megarians,  Boeo- 
tians, Phocians,  Opuntian  Locrians,  Ambraciots,  Leucadians,  and 
Anactorians.  The  force  collected  from  these  tribes  consisted 
chielly  of  hoplites,  or  heavy-armed  foot-soldiers  ;  but  Bceotia, 
Phocis,  and  Locris  also  supplied  some  excellent  cavalry.  A  good 
navy  was  the  great  deficiency  on  the  side  of  the  Peloponnesians, 
though  Corinth  and  several  other  cities  furnished  ships.  Yet 
with  the  assistance  of  the  Dorian  cities  in  Italy  and  Sicily,  they 
hoped  to  collect  a  fleet  of  500  triremes  ;  and  they  even  designed 
to  apply  to  the  Persian  king,  and  thus  bring  a  Pha'nician  fleet 
again  to  act  against  Athens. 

The  allies  of  Athens,  with  the  exception  of  the  Thessalians, 
Acarnanians,  Messenians  at  Naupactus,  and  Platseans,  were  all 
insular,  and  consisted  of  the  Chians,  Lesbians,  CorcyrEeans,  and 
Zacynthians,  and  shortly  afterwards  of  the  Cephallenians.  To 
these  must  be  added  her  tributary  towns  on  the  coast  of  Thrace 
and  Asia  Minor,  together  with  all  the  islands  north  of  Crete, 
except  Melos  and  Thera.  The  resources  at  Athens  iminediately 
available  were  very  great.  They  consisted  of  300  triremes  ready 
for  active  service,  1200  cavalry,  IGOO  bowmen,  and  29,000  hop- 
lites, for  the  most  part  Athenian  citizens.  Of  these,  13,000 
formed  the  flower  of  the  army,  M'hilst  the  rest  Avere  employed  in 
garrison  duty  in  Athens  and  the  ports,  and  in  the  defence  of  the 
long  walls.      In  the  treasury  of  the  Acropolis  was  the  large  sum 


284  HISTORY  OF  GREECR  Chap.  XXV. 

of  GOOO  talents,  or  about  1,400,000/.  stcrlinpr,  in  coined  nilvcr. 
This  reserve  had  at  one  time  aniounled  to  '.J? (JO  talents,  but  bar! 
been  reduced  to  the  sum  staled  by  the  architectural  irnjirove- 
iiieuls  in  Athens,  and  by  tiie  sie^'e  of  Potida-a.  The  plate  and 
votive  olii'rin^'s  in  the  temples,  available  in  ca^e  of  urfrent  need, 
were  estiiiialed  at  nearly  1000  talents  oi"  silver.  Jiesides  thege 
resources,  Athens  bad  al.^o  the  annual  tributt;  of  her  subjects. 

^  13.  Such  were  the  (orces  of  the  two  contendinp  cities.  Irn- 
rnedialely  after  the  atternjtted  surprise  of  I'lata'a,  the  Laceda;- 
inonians  i.ssued  orders  to  their  allies  to  send  two-thirds  of  their 
disposable  trooj)s  at  once  to  the  i.sthmus  of  Corinth,  where  they 
were  to  assendde  by  a  day  named,  for  the  purjjo.'-e  of  invading 
Attica.  At  the  ajjpoinled  time,  the  Spartan  king  Arehidamus, 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  expedition,  reviewed  the  assem- 
bled host,  and  addressed  a  few  words  of  advice  and  exhortation 
to  the  principal  ollicers.  Arehidamus  still  cherished  hopes  that 
the  Athenians  woidd  yield,  when  they  saw  the  hostile  army 
ready  to  enter  Attica,  and  accordiufrly  he  sent  forwards  Mele- 
sippus  to  announce  the  impending  invasion.  But,  at  the  instance 
of  Pericles,  the  assembly  had  adopted  a  resolution  to  receive 
neither  envoy  nor  herald  ;  and  Melesippus  was  escorted  back 
without  having  been  permitted  to  enter  the  city.  As  he  parted 
from  his  escort  at  the  Attic  border,  he  could  not  help  exclaim- 
ing— "  This  day  will  be  the  beginning  of  many  calamities  to  the 
Greeks." 


90YICYAIAHC       I 
Bust  of  the  historian  Tbucyiiidca 


The  Parthenon. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 


PELOPONNESIAN  WAR. FROM   THE   COMMENCEMENT  OF    THE   WAS. 

TO  THE  CAPTURE  AND  DESTRUCTION  OF  PLAT-EA. 

§  1.  Tho  Peloponnesians  invade  Attica.  §  2.  Athenian  naval  expedi- 
tions to  Peloponnesus  and  Locris.  §  3.  The  Athenians  invade  the 
Megarid-  §  4.  Second  invasion  of  Attica.  Plague  at  Athens.  §  5. 
Unpopularity  of  Pericles.  He  is  accused  of  malversation.  §  6.  His 
domestic  noisfortunes.  Death.  Character.  §  7.  The  Lacedjemo- 
nians  ravage  Attica.  Their  naval  operations.  §  8.  Surrender  of 
Potidaea.  §9.  The  Lacedemonians  besiege  Plata^a.  §10.  Part  of 
the  garrison  escape.  §11-  Surrender  of  the  town.  Trial  and  exe- 
cution of  the  garrison. 

^  1.  Archidamus  had  entered  upon  tlie  war  with  reluctance,  and 
he  now  prosecuted  it  without  vigour.  He  still  clung  to  the 
idea  that  the  Athenians  would  ultimately  incline  to  peace,  and 
he  did  all  he  could  to  promote  so  desirable  a  result.  The  enor- 
mous force  Avhich  he  was  leading  against  them  was,  indeed,  well 
calculated  to  test  their  firmness.  It  consisted,  according  to  the 
lowest  estimate,  of  60,000  men,  whilst  some  writers  raise  the 
number  to  100,000  ;  and  the  greater  part  of  them  were  animated 
with  a  bitter  hatred  of  Athens,  and  with  a  lively  desire  of  revenge. 
Archidamus  having  lingered  as  long  as  he  could  at  the  isthmus, 
marched  slowly  forwards  after  the  I'eturn  of  Melesippus,  and 
taking  a  circuitous  road,  crossed  the  Attic  border.  Having 
wasted  several  days  in  an  unsuccessful  attack  upon  the  fi'ontier 
fortress  of  OEnoe,  and  not  having  received,  as  he  expected,  any 


280  iiisr()i!,v  (jF  (;iti:i:<'i:.  Ciiai-.  xxvl 

mi'ssaf^o  (Voiii  lli(!  Atlii'iii.'iiis,  lie  jiroceedud  louardw  lilcusis  and 
(lie  Tliria-siaii  plain,  wliure  lie  arrived  about  the  middle  of  Juiu; 
in  n.c.  4:31. 

Mcanwiiilc,  Perielo.s  had  instiiicli-d  the  inhabitants  of  At- 
tica to  .scciiro  tlu'insulves  and  their  |)rii|)erty  within  tin;  walLi 
of  Athens.  They  obeyed  his  injiinetions  with  leluetance,  for 
the  Attic  population  liad  from  the  earliest  times  been  stronjrly 
attached  to  a  rural  life.  But  the  circuin.-tanees  admitted  of 
no  alternative!.  From  all  (juarters  they  rnijrht  be  seen  hurrying 
towards  tlie  cajiital  with  their  famihes  and  poods;  whilst  the 
cattle  were  for  the  most  part  conveyed  to  Euboja,  or  some  other 
of  the  adjoinins^  islands.  Athens  now  became  inconveniently 
crowded.  Every  vacant  spot  in  the  city  or  in  Piranis,  even 
these  which  belonged  to  the  temples,  were  occupied  by  the 
encampments  of  the  fugitives.  The  Acropolis,  indeed,  was  pre- 
served from  this  profane  invasion;  but  the  ground  immediately 
under  it,  called  the  Pclas^icon,  which,  in  obedience  to  an  an- 
cient oracle,  had  hitherto  been  suflered  to  remain  unoccupied, 
was  now  brought  into  use.  The  towers  and  recesses  of  the 
city  Avails  were  converted  into  dwellings ;  whilst  huts,  tents, 
and  even  casks  were  placed  under  the  long  walls  to  answer  the 
same  purpo.se. 

Archidainus,  after  ravaging  the  fertile  Thriasian  plain,  in 
which  he  was  but  feebly  opposed  by  a  body  of  Athenian  ca- 
valry, proceeded  to  Achariuc,  one  of  the  largest  and  most  flour- 
ishing of  the  Attic  boroughs,  situated  only  about  seven  miles 
from  Athens.  Here  he  encamped  on  a  rising  ground  within 
sight  of  the  metropolis,  and  began  to  lay  waste  the  country 
around,  expecting  probably  by  that  means  to  provoke  the  Athe- 
nians to  battle.  But  in  this  he  was  disappointed.  The  Athe- 
nians, indeed,  and  especially  the  Acharniaus  now  Avithiu  the  walls, 
who  had  contributed  no  fewer  than  3000  Hoplites  to  the  army, 
were  excited  to  the  highest  pitch  of  exasperation  at  beholding 
their  houses,  their  ripening  crops,  their  fruitful  vineyards  and 
orchards  destroyed  before  their  Ycxy  eyes.  Little  groups  might 
be  seen  gathering  together  in  the  streets  angrily  discussing  the 
question  of  an  attack,  quoting  oracles  and  prophecies  which 
assured  them  of  success,  and  indignantly  denouncing  Pericles 
as  a  traitor  and  a  coward  for  not  leading  them  out'  to  battle. 
Among  the  leaders  of  these  attacks  npon  Pericles,  Cleon,  the 
future  demagogue,  now  first  rising  into  public  notice,  was  con- 
spicuous. It  required  all  the  iirmness  of  Pericles  to  stem  the 
torrent  of  public  indignation.  He  had  resolved  not  to  venture 
an  engagement  in  the  open  field,  and  steadily  refused  in  the  pre- 
sent excited  state  oi  the  public  mind  to  call  an  assembly  of  the 


B.C.  431.  INVASION  OF  ATTICA.  287 

people,  in  which  no  doubt  some  desperate  resolution  would  have 
been  adopted.  In  order,  however,  to  divert  in  some  degree  the 
popular  clamour,  he  permitted  the  Athenian  and  Thessalian  ca- 
valry to  make  sallies  ibr  the  purpose  of"  harassing  the  plundering 
parties  of  the  enemy  and  of  protecting  as  much  as  possible  the 
lands  adjacent  to  the  city. 

<j  2.  But  whilst  Pericles  thus  abandoned  the  Attic  territory 
to  the  enemy,  he  was  taking  active  measures  to  retahate  on  the 
Peloponnesus  itself  the  sufierings  inflicted  on  the  Athenians.  For 
this  purpose  an  Athenian  fleet  of  100  triremes,  strengthened  by 
50  Corcyrsean  ships,  as  well  as  by  some  from  the  other  allies, 
sailed  round  Peloponnesus,  and  disembarking  troops  at  various 
points,  caused  considerable  damage.  This  expedition  penetrated 
as  far  northwards  as  the  coast  of  Acarnania,  where  the  Corin- 
thian settlement  of  Sollium  and  the  town  of  Astacus  Avere  taken, 
whilst  the  island  of  Cephallenia,  which  voluntarily  submitted, 
was  eni'oUed  among  the  allies  of  Athens. 

Meanwhile  a  smaller  fleet  of  thirty  triremes  had  been  de- 
spatched to  the  coast  of  Locris,  where  the  towns  of  Throniuni 
and  Alope  were  taken  and  sacked,  and  a  naval  station  established 
at  the  small  uninhabited  island  of  Atalanta,  in  order  to  coerce 
the  Locrian  privateers  who  infested  Eubcea.  The  naval  oper- 
ations of  the  year  were  concluded  by  the  total  expidsion  of  the 
iEginetans  from  their  island.  The  situation  of  ^gina  rendered 
it  of  the  highest  importance  as  a  maritime  station ;  and  the 
Athenians  were,  moreover,  incensed  against  the  inhabitants  for 
the  part  they  had  taken  in  exciting  the  war.  The  whole  of  the 
population  was  transported  to  the  coast  of  Peloponnesus,  where 
the  Spartans  allowed  them  to  occupy  the  town  and  district  of 
Thyrea ;  and  their  island  was  j  ortioned  out  among  a  body  of 
Athenian  cleruchs. 

§  3.  Archidamus  evacuatetl  Attica  towards  the  end  of  July, 
by  the  route  of  Oropus  and  Bosotia ;  after  which  his  army  was 
disbanded.  The  Athenians  availed  themselves  of  his  departure 
to  wreak  their  vengeance  on  the  Megarians.  Toward.s  the  end 
of  September,  Pericles,  at  the  head  of  13,000  Hoplites,  and  a 
large  force  of  light-armed  troops,  marched  into  the  Megarid, 
which  he  ravaged  up  to  the  very  gates  of  the  city.  The  Athe- 
nians repeated  the  same  ravages  once,  and  sometimes  twice 
every  year  whilst  the  war  lasted.  In  the  course  of  this  year  the 
Athenians  also  formed  an  alliance  with  Sitalces,  king  of  the 
Odrysian  Thracians,  whose  assistance  promised  to  be  of  use  to 
them  in  reducing  Potida^a  and  the  revolted  Chalcidian  towns. 

Such  were  the  results  of  the  first  campaign.  From  the 
method  in  which  the  war  was  conducted  it  hf^'i  become  pretty 


2K8  .  HfKTOllY  OK  (iHEKCVl  Ciup.  XX VL 

cviileiit  that  it  would  j)rove  of  loiif^  duration  ;  and  the  Atlienians 
now  ])roccedcd  to  provide  for  this  contingency.  It  was  afrreed 
lliat  a  reserve  linid  of  lUOO  talents  Bliould  be  eet  apart,  wliich 
was  not  to  bo  touched  in  any  other  case  than  an  attack  ujkjh 
Athens  liy  Bca.  Any  citizen  who  projjosed  to  make  a  diliernit 
use  of  the  fund  incurred  thereby  the  jnuii.-^hinent  of  death.  With 
llie  same  view  it  was  resolved  to  re.'^erve  every  year  100  of  their 
best  triremes,  fully  manned  and  equipped. 

Towards  the  winter  I'ericles  delivered,  from  a  lofly  jijatform 
erected  in  the  Ceramicus,  the  funeral  oration  of  tho.'^e  who  had 
fallen  in  the  war.  This  speech,  or  at  all  events  the  substance 
of  it,  has  been  ])reserved  by  Thucydides,  who  may  })o.ssibly  have 
heard  it  pronounced.  It  is  a  valuable  monument  of  eloquence 
and  ])atri()tism,  and  particularly  interesting  lor  the  sketch  which 
it  contains  of  Athenian  manners  as  avcU  as  of  the  Athenian  con- 
stitution. 

§  4.  Another  year  had  elapsed,  and  in  the  spring  of  b.c.  430 
the  Peloponnesians,  under  Archidamus,  again  invaded  Attica. 
At  the  same  time  the  Athenians  were  attacked  by  a  more  in- 
sidious and  more  formidable  enemy.  The  plague  broke  out  in 
the  crowded  city.  This  terrible  disorder,  which  was  supposed 
to  have  originated  in  iEthio])ia,  had  already  desolated  Asia  and 
many  of  the  countries  around  the  Mediterranean.  At  Athens  it 
first  appeared  in  the  Pira-us ;  and  the  numbers  of  people  now 
congregated  in  a  narrow  space  caused  it  to  sj)rcad  with  fearful 
rapidity.  A  great  proportion  of  those  who  were  seized  perished 
in  from  seven  to  nine  days.  Even  in  those  who  recovered  it 
generally  left  behind  some  dreadful  and  incurable  distemper.  It 
frequently  attacked  the  mental  faculties,  and  left  these  who  re- 
covered i'rom  it  so  entirely  deprived  of  memory  tliat  thev  could 
neither  recognise  themselves  nor  others.  The  disorder  being 
new,  the  physicians  could  find  no  remedy  in  the  resources  of  their 
art,  nor,  as  may  be  well  supposed,  did  the  charms  and  incantations 
to  which  the  superstitious  resorted  prove  more  efiectual.  Despair 
noAV  began  to  take  possession  of  the  Athenians.  Some  suspected 
that  the  Pelopoimcsians  had  poisoned  ■'Jie  wells  ;  others  attributed 
the  pestilence  to  the  anger  of  Apollo.  A  dreadful  state  of  moral 
dissolution  followed.  The  sick  were  seized  with  unconquer- 
able despondency ;  whilst  a  great  part  of  the  population  who 
liad  hitherto  escaped  the  disorder,  expecting  soon  to  be  attacked 
in  turn,  abandoned  themselves  to  all  manner  of  excess,  debauch- 
en,',  and  crime.  The  dread  of  contagion  produced  an  all  per- 
vading soUishness.  Men  abstained  from  tending  and  alleviating 
the  suircrings  even  of  their  nearest  relatives  and  friends  dur- 
ing their  sickness,  as  Avell  as  i'rom  administerins  the  sacred  rites 


p.C.  430.  PLA€fUE yOF  ATHENS.  289 

of  sepulture  to  their  ren^aiii/ after  death.  These  pious  offices  of 
duty  and  friendship  eitlier  remained  unperformed,  or  were  left 
to  he  discharged  by  strangers,  who,  havuig  recovered  from  the 
disease,  enjoyed  an  immunity  from  its  further  attacks.  Often 
would  a  struggle  arise  for  the  possession  of  a  funeral  pile,  and 
many  a  body  was  burnt  on  the  pile  destined  for  another.  But  for 
the  most  part  the  dead  and  the  dying  lay  unheeded  in  the  streets 
and  temples,  but  more  particularly  around  the  wells,  whither 
they  had  crowded  to  quench  the  burning  and  insatiable  thirst 
excited  by  the  disorder.  The  very  dogs  died  that  preyed  upon 
the  corpses,  whilst  by  a  peculiar  instinct  the  vultures  and  other 
birds  of  prey  abstained  from  feeding  on  them. 

The  immbers  carried  off  by  the  pestilence  can  hardly  be  esti- 
mated at  less  than  a  fourth  of  the  whole  population.  Such  at 
least  was  about  the  ascertained  proportion  among  the  knights 
and  hoplites  forming  the  upper  classes.  The  number  of  vic- 
tims among  the  poorer  part  of  the  population  was  never  ascer- 
tained, but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  ratio  amiong  these 
was  much  higher. 

^  5.  Oppressed  at  once  by  war  and  pestilence,  their  lands 
desolated,  their  homes  filled  with  mourning,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  the  Athenians  were  seized  with  rage  and  despair,  or  that 
they  vented  their  anger  on  Pericles,  whom  they  deemed  the 
author  of  their  misfortunes.  But  that  statesman  still  adhered 
to  his  plans  with  unshaken  firmness.  Though  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians were  in  Attica,  though  the  plague  had  already  seized  on 
Athens,  he  was  vigorously  pushing  his  plans  of  ofiensive  opera- 
tions. A  foreign  expedition  might  not  only  divert  the  popular 
mind,  but  would  prove  beneficial  by  relieving  the  crowded  city 
of  part  of  its  population  ;  and  accordingly  a  fleet  was  fitted  out, 
of  which  Pericles  himself  took  the  command,  and  which  com- 
mitted devastations  upon  various  parts  of  the  Peloponnesian 
coast.  But,  upon  returning  from  this  expedition,  Pericles  found 
the  public  feeling  more  exasperated  than  before.  Envoys  had 
even  been  despatched  to  Sparta  to  sue  for  peace,  but  had  been 
dismissed  without  a  hearing ;  a  disappointment  which  had  ren- 
dered the  populace  still  more  furious.  Pericles  now  found  it 
necessary  to  call  a  public  assembly  in  order  to  vindicate  his 
conduct,  and  to  encourage  the  desponding  citizens  to  persevere. 
But  though  he  succeeded  in  persuading  them  to  prosecute  the 
War  with  vigour,  they  still  continued  to  nourish  their  leelings  of 
hatred  against  the  great  statesman.  His  political  enemies,  of 
whom  Cleon  was  the  chief,  took  advantage  of  this  state  of  the 
public  mind  to  bring  against  him  a  charge  of  peculation.  The 
main  object  of  this  accusation  was  to  incapacitate  him  for  the 

0 


2'.>(>  IIIHTOKY  OF  OllEECH  Ciur.  XXVL 

oliifi!  of  stratcpins  or  gcnoral.  Hu  wan  hroiij_'lit  hfforc  tlic  dicas- 
Icry  oil  lliis  chariLrc;,  and  KciitciH^cd  lo  j)ay  a  coiisidtTabl*.'  fine  ; 
but  trvciitually  a  stroiiff  rc-actioii  occiirrcrl  in  liiH  favour.  Ho 
was  ro-clcctc-d  gcuural,  and  apjtarciitly  n^jraincd  all  llic  influence 
lic!  had  ever  possessed. 

^  (').  But  he  was  not  destined  lon;^'  tf)  enjoy  this  return  of 
popularity.  His  life  was  now  clo.«inf(  in,  ami  its  end  was  clouded 
by  a  lony  train  of  domestic  iiiisfbrtunes.  The  epidemic  deprived 
him  not  only  of  many  personal  and  political  friends,  but  nho  of 
several  near  relations,  amongst  whom  were  his  sister  and  his 
two  legitimate  sons,  Xanthijjjtus  and  Paralus.  The  death  of  the 
latter  was  a  severe  blow  to  him.  During  the  funeral  ceremonies, 
as  lie  placed  a  garland  on  the  body  of  tliis  his  favourite  son,  he 
was  completely  overpowered  by  his  feelings  and  wept  aloud. 
His  ancient  house  was  now  left  without  an  heir.  By  A.«pasia, 
however,  he  had  an  illegitimate  son  who  bore  his  oavii  name,  and 
whom  tlie  Athenians  now  legitimised,  and  thus  alleviated,  as 
far  as  lay  in  their  power,  the  misfortunes  of  their  great  leader  ; 
a  proceeding  all  the  more  striking,  since  Pericles  himself  had  pro- 
posed the  law  wliich  deprived  of  citizenship  all  those  who  were 
not  Athenians  on  the  mother's  side,  as  well  as  on  the  father's. 

After  this  period  it  was  with  difficulty  that  Pericles  was 
persuaded  by  his  friends  to  take  any  active  part  in  public 
aii'airs  ;  nor  did  he  survive  more  than  a  twelvemonth.  An  at- 
tack of  the  prevailing  epidemic  was  succeeded  hy  a  low  and 
lingering  fever,  which  undermined  both  his  strength  of  body  and 
vigour  of  intellect  As  he  lay  apparently  miconscious  on  his 
death-bed,  the  friends  who  stood  around  it  were  engaged  in  re- 
calling his  exploits.  The  dying  man  interrupted  them  by 
remarking — "  What  you  praise  in  me  is  partly  the  result  of  good 
fortune,  and  at  all  events  common  to  me  with  many  other  com- 
manders. What  I  chiefly  pride  myself  upon,  you  have  not  no- 
ticed— no  Athenian  ever  wore  mourning  through  me." 

The  character  of  Pericles  has  been  very  variously  estimated. 
Those  who  reflect  upon  the  enormous  inllucnce  which,  for  so  long 
a  period,  and  especially  during  the  last  fifteen  years  of  his  life, 
he  exercised  over  an  ingenious  but  tickle  people  like  the  Athe- 
nians, will  hardly  be  disposed  to  question  his  intellectual  supe- 
riority. This  hold  on  the  public  atiection  m\is  not,  as  in  the  case 
of  Cimoii,  the  result  of  any  popularity  of  manner,  for,  as  we  have 
said,  the  demeanour  of  Pericles  was  chai'acterized  by  a  reserve 
bordering  upon  haughtiness.  To  what  then  are  we  to  attribute 
it  ?  Doubtless,  in  the  first  place,  to  his  extraordinary  eloquence. 
Cicero  regards  him  as  the  first  example  of  an  almost  perfect 
orator,  at  once  delighting  the  Atheniai^s  witli  his  copiousness 


B.C.  430.  SECOND  INVASION  OF  ATTICA.  291 

and  grace  and  overawing  them  by  the  force  and  cogency  of  his 
diction  and  arguments.  He  seems,  indeed,  on  the  testimony  of 
two  comic  poets  Avho  will  not  be  suspected  of  exaggeration  in 
his  faA^our,  to  have  singularly  combined  the  power  of  persuasion 
with  that  more  rapid  and  abrupt  style  of  oratory  which  takes 
an  audience  by  storm  and  defies  all  resistance.  According  to 
Eupolis,  persuasion  itself  sat  upon  his  lips,  and  he  was  the  only 
orator  who  left  a  sting  behind  ;  whilst  Aristophanes  charac- 
terizes his  eloquence  as  pi-oducing  the  same  etiects  upon  the 
social  elements  as  a  storm  of  thunder  and  lightning  exerts  upon 
the  natural  atmosphere.  His  reserved  manners  may  have  con- 
tributed, and  were  perhaps  designed,  to  preserve  his  autho- 
rity  from  falling  into  that  contempt  which  proverbially  springs 
from  lamiliarity  ;  whilst  the  popularity  which  he  enjoyed  in 
spite  of  them  may  probably  be  traced  to  the  equivocal  benefits 
which  he  had  conferred  on  the  Athenians,  by  not  only  making 
the  humblest  citizen  a  partaker  in  all  the  judicial  and  legislative 
functions  of  the  state,  but  even  paying  him  lor  the  performance 
of  them.  These  innovations  are  condenuied  by  the  two  greatest 
philosophers,  though  of  opposite  schools,  that  Greece  ever  saw, 
by  Plato  and  Aristotle,  and  not  only  by  them  but  by  the  miani- 
mous  voice  of  antiquity.  Pericles,  indeed,  by  the  unlimited 
authority  which  he  possessed  over  the  people,  was  able  to  coun- 
teract the  evil  eflects  of  these  changes,  which,  however,  scon 
became  apparent  after  his  death,  and  made  the  city  a  prey  to 
the  ai-tifices  of  demagogues  and  rhetors.  But  if  Pericles,  as  a 
politician,  may  not  be  deserving  of  vniqualified  praise,  Pericles 
as  the  accomplished  man  of  genius  and  the  liberal  patron  of 
literature  and  art,  is  worthy  of  the  highest  admiration.  By 
these  qualities  he  has  justly  given  name  to  the  most  brilliant 
intellectual  epoch  that  the  world  has  ever  seen.  But  on  this 
point  we  have  already  touched,  and  shall  have  occasion  to  refer 
hereafter. 

^  7.  Whilst  the  Athenians  were  suffering  from  the  pestilence, 
the  Lacedaemonians  were  prosecuting  their  second  invasion  even 
more  extensively  than  in  the  previous  year.  Instead  of  confin- 
ing their  ravages  to  the  Thriasian  plain,  and  the  country  in  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  of  Athens,  they  now  extended  them 
to  the  more  southern  portions  of  Attica,  and  even  as  far  as  the 
mines  of  Laurium.  The  Athenians  still  kept  within  their  walls  ; 
and  the  Lacedaemonians,  after  remaing  forty  days  in  their  ter- 
ritory, again  evacuated  it  as  before.  This  year,  however,  the 
operations  of  the  latter  by  sea  formed  a  new  feature  in  the  war. 
Their  fleet  of  100  triremes,  under  the  command  of  Cnemus,  at- 
tacked and  devastated  the  island  of  Zacynthus,  but  did  not 


20'2  IIISTOIIY  OF  OREECR  Ciur.  XXVL 

Buccocrd  in  cfTocliiijr  ;i  j)crniaiicnt  rDiiqnoKt.  They  were  too 
iulorior  ill  ii;iv;il  HlnMifrlli  to  cojjc  witli  lli<;  Athenians  on  the 
ojiiii  sea ;  hut  liio  lVi()jn)niif'.sian  ])rivafeors,  c.Hjx.'cially  those 
liDui  th(!  Mf<rnrian  jiort  of  Niwi-a,  iiillictetl  considcrahlc  loss 
on  the  Autheniaii  finhcries  and  (^oirnncrco.  Some  of  thefjC 
])rivatoer.s  even  ventured  as  far  as  tlie  coasts  of  Asia  Minor, 
and  molested  the  Athenian  trade,  for  the  ])rotcction  of  which 
the  Athenians  were  ohlifjed  to  despatch  a  squadron  of  six 
triremes,  inider  Melesauder.  A  revolting  feature  in  this  pre- 
datory warfare  was  the  cruelty  with  which  the  Laceda-inonians 
treated  their  prisoners,  wlio  were  mercilessly  slain,  and  their 
bodies  cast  into  clefts  and  ravines.  This  produced  retaliation 
on  the  part  of  the  Athenians.  Some  Pelojjonnesian  envoys,  on 
their  way  to  the  court  of  Persia  to  solicit  aid  against  Athens, 
were  joined  by  the  Corinthian  general  Aristeus,  who  persuaded 
them  to  visit  the  court  of  the  Thracian  king  Sitalccs,  in  order  if 
possible  to  detach  him  from  the  Athenian  alliance.  But  this 
was  a  fatal  miscalculation.  Not  only  Avas  Sitalces  firmly  attached 
to  the  Athenians,  but  his  son  Sadocus  had  been  admitted  as  a 
citizen  of  Athens  ;  and  the  Athenian  residents  at  the  court  of 
Sitalccs  induced  him,  in  testimony  of  zeal  and  gratitude  for  hi? 
newly  conferred  rights,  to  procure  the  arrest  of  the  Peloponne- 
sian  envoys.  The  whole  party  were  accordingly  seized  and 
conducted  to  Athens,  where  they  were  put  to  death  without 
even  the  form  of  a  trial,  and  their  bodies  cast  out  among  the 
rocks,  by  way  of  reprisal  for  the  murders  committed  by  the  La- 
cedaemonians. 

s^  8.  By  this  act  the  Athenians  got  rid  of  Aristeus,  who  had 
proved  himself  an  active  and  able  commander,  and  who  was  the 
chief  instigator  of  the  revolt  of  Potida>a  as  well  as  the  })rincipal 
cause  of  its  successful  resi-stancc.  In  the  following  winter  that 
town  capitulated,  after  a  blockade  of  two  years,  during  which  it 
suffered  such  extremity  of  famine,  that  cA'cn  the  bodies  of  the 
dead  were  converted  into  food.  Although  the  garrison  was  re- 
duced to  such  distress,  and  though  the  siege  had  cost  Athens 
2000  talents,  the  Athenian  generals,  Xenophon,  the  son  of  Euri- 
pides, and  his  two  colleagues,  granted  the  Potida*ans  favourable 
terms.  For  this  they  were  reprimanded  by  the  Athenians,  who 
had  expected  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  siege  by  selling  the 
prisoners  as  slaves,  and  perhaps  also  to  gratify  their  vengeance 
by  putting  the  intrepid  garrison  to  death.  Potida^a  and  its 
territory  was  now  occupied  by  a  body  of  1000  colonists  from 
Athens. 

^  9.  The  third  year  of  the  war  (u.c.  429)  was  now  opening 
and  nothing  decisive  had  been  performed  on  either  side.     After 


B.C.  -129.  SIEGE  OF  PLAT.EA.  293 

two  invasions,  but  little  mischief,  probably,  was  capable  of  being 
inflicted  on  the  Attic  territory,  or  at  all  events  not  sutlicient  to 
induce  the  Peloponuesians  to  incur  the  risk  of  infection  from 
the  plague.  Archidamus,  therefore,  now  directed  his  whole 
force  against  the  ill-fated  town  of  Platsea.  As  he  approached 
their  city,  the  Platseans  despatched  a  herald  to  Archidamus  to 
remonstrate  against  this  invasion,  and  to  remind  him  of  the 
solemn  oath  which  Pausanias  had  sworn,  when,  after  the  defeat 
of  the  Persians,  he  otiered  sacritice  to  Jove  Eleutlierios  in  the 
great  square  of  Plateea,  and  there,  in  the  presence  of  the  as- 
sembled allies,  bound  himself  and  them  to  respect  and  guarantee 
their  independence.  Archidamus  replied  that  by  their  oaths 
they  were  bound  to  assist  him  in  the  liberation  of  the  rest  of 
Grreece  ;  but,  if  they  would  not  agree  to  do  this,  their  independ- 
ence should  be  respected  if  they  only  consented  to  remain 
neutral.  After  this  summons  had  been  twice  repeated,  the  Pla- 
tseans returned  for  answer  that  they  could  do  nothing  without 
the  consent  of  the  Athenians,  in  whose  custody  their  wives  and 
families  now  were  ;  adding,  that  a  profession  of  neutrality  might 
again  induce  the  Thebans  to  surprise  their  city.  Hereupon 
Archidamus  proposed  to  thena  to  hand  over  their  town  and 
territory  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  together  with  a  schedule  of  all 
the  property  which  they  contained,  engaging  to  hold  them  in 
trust  and  to  cultivate  the  land  till  the  war  was  terminated,  when 
every  thing  should  be  safely  restored.  In  the  mean  time,  the 
Platseans  might  retire  whithersoever  they  chose,  and  receive  art 
allowance  sutlicient  ibr  their  support. 

The  ofier  seemed  fair  and  tempting,  and  the  majority  of  tho' 
Platseans  were  for  accepting  it,  but  it  was  resolved  llrst  of  all  to 
obtain  the  sanction  of  the  Athenians  :  who,  however,  exhorted 
them  to  hold  out,  and  promised  to  assist  them  to  the  last.  The 
Platseans,  afraid  to  send  a  herald  to  the  Spartan  camp,  now  pro- 
claimed from  the  walls  their  refusal  of  the  profiered  terms  ; 
when  Archidamus  invoked  the  gods  and  heroes  of  the  soil  to 
witness  that  it  was  not  until  the  Platseans  had  renounced  the 
oaths  which  bound  them,  that  he  had  invaded  their  territory. 
The  Peloponuesians,  indeed,  seem  to  have  been  really  unwilUng 
to  undertake  the  siege.  They  were  driven  into  it  by  the  ancient 
grudge  of  the  Thebans  against  Platsea. 

The  siege  that  ensued  is  one  of  the  most  memorable  in  the 
annals  of  Grrecian  warfare.  Platsea  was  but  a  small  city,  and  its 
garrison  consisted  of  only  400  citizens  and  80  Athenians,  toge- 
ther with  110  women  to  manage  their  household  aflairs.  Yet 
this  small  force  set  at  defiance  the  whole  army  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesians.     The  first  operation  of  Archidamus  was  to  surround  the 


294  IIISTOHV  OF  (JIIEECK  Ciiai-.  XXVI. 

town  with  .'istroiij;^  palisiulo  foniicd  nf  llic  fruit  trcf-s  'wliich  had 
liccii  cut  ilovvii,  and  tliu.s  to  (lf|)rivi'  tin-  I'ljita-aris  (A  all  cf^resrt. 
il(!  tlicn  bc^raii  to  erc'(rt  a  iiioiiiiil  of  tiiiihcr,  i-artli,  and  stones 
ajxaiiisl  lli(!  wall,  forrniiif(  an  inclini'd  |)lan(;  \i\)  which  his  troops 
mi^lit  march,  and  thus  taku  the  jda<"c'  hy  escalade.  The  wliole 
army  lahourcd  at  this  mound  seventy  days  and  uif^hts  ;  but 
whilst  it  was  frradually  attaiuinj,'  tiie  requisite  lieifrht  the  Pla- 
ta-aus  on  their  side  were  eu^afrcd  in  raisin<r  their  walls  witn  a 
superstructure  of  wood  and  brickwork,  protected  in  front  with 
hides.  They  also  formed  a  subtjsrranean  passage  under  their 
walls,  and  undermined  the  mound,  which  thus  fell  in  and  re- 
quired constant  additions.  And  as  even  these  precautions 
seemed  in  danger  of  bein<(  ultimately  defeated,  tliey  built  a  new 
interior  wall,  in  the  shape  of  a  crescent,  whose  two  horns  joined 
the  old  one  at  points  beyond  the  extent  of  the  mound ;  so  that 
if  the  besiegers  succeeded  in  carrying  the  first  rampart,  they 
would  be  in  no  better  position  than  before.  So  energetic  was 
the  defence,  that  the  Laceda'monians,  after  spending  three 
months  in  these  fruitless  attempts,  resolved  to  turn  the  siege 
into  a  blockade,  and  reduce  the  ])lace  by  famine. 

MO.  They  now^  proceeded  to  surround  the  city  with  a  double 
wall  of  circumvallation,  the  interior  space  between  the  two  of 
sLxteen  feet  in  breadth  being  roofed  in,  and  the  whole  structure 
protected  by  a  ditch  on  each  side,  one  towards  the  town  and  the 
other  towards  the  country.  The  interior  was  occupi?d  by  the 
troops  left  on  guard,  half  of  which  consisted  of  Boeotians  and  the 
other  half  of  Pelopoimesians.  In  this  manner  the  Plata?ans 
endured  a  blockade  of  two  years,  during  which  the  Athenians 
attempted  nothing  for  their  relief.  In  the  second  year,  liowever, 
about  half  the  garrison  ellected  their  escape  in  the  following  bold 
and  successful  manner.  Provisions  were  beginning  to  run  short, 
and  the  Platasan  commander  exhorted  the  garrison  to  scale  the 
wall  by  which  they  were  blockaded.  Only  212  men,  however, 
were  I'ound  bold  enough  to  attempt  this  hazardous  feat.  Choos- 
i)ig  a  wet  and  stormy  December  night,  they  issued  from  their 
gates,  lightly  armed  and  carrj-ing  with  them  ladders  accurately 
adapted  to  the  height  of  the  wall.  These  were  fixed  against  it 
in  the  space  between  two  towers  occupied  by  the  guard,  and  the 
llrst  com})auy  having  mounted,  slew,  without  creating  alarm, 
the  sentinels  on  duty.  Already  a  great  part  of  the  Plata'ans  had 
gained  the  summit,  when  the  noise  of  a  tile  kicked  down  by 
one  of  the  ])arty  betrayed  what  was  passing.  The  whole  guard 
immediately  turned  out,  but  in  the  darkness  and  confusion  knew 
not  whither  to  direct  their  blows,  whilst  the  lighted  torches  which 
they  carried  rendered  them  a  conspicuous  aim  for  the  arrows  and 


B.C.  427.  SURRENDER  OF  PLAT^A.  295 

javelins  of^d^^J^seans  who  had  gained  the  other  side  of  the 
walls.  IiMBt^i^n^er  the  little  band  succeeded  in  effecting 
their  escapW^fiithe  exception  of  one  man,  who  was  captured, 
and  of  a  few  w^pdst  their  courage  and  returned  to  Plateea. 

Ml-  But  thoufK  the  provisions  of  tlie  garrison  were  hus- 
banded by  this  diminution  in  their  number,  all  the  means  of 
subsistence  were  at  length  exhausted,  and  starvation  began  to 
stare  them  in  the  face.  The  Lacedsemonian  commander  had 
long  been  in  a  condition  to  take  the  town  by  storm,  but  he  had 
been  directed  by  express  orders  from  home  to  reduce  it  to  a 
voluntary  capitulation,  in  order  that  at  the  conclusion  of  a  peace, 
Sparta  might  not  be  forced  to  give  it  up,  as  she  would  be  in  case 
of  a  ibrcible  capture.  Knowing  the  distressed  state  of  the  gar- 
rison, the  Lacedaemonians  sent  in  a  herald  with  a  summons  to 
surrender  and  submit  themselves  to  their  disposal,  at  the  same 
time  promising  that  only  the  guilty  should  be  punished.  The 
besieged  had  no  alternative  and  submitted.  This  took  place  in 
B.C.  427,  after  the  blockade  had  lasted  two  years. 

The  whole  garrison,  consisting  of  200  Platseans  and  25  Athe- 
nians, were  now  arraigned  before  five  judges  sent  from  Sparta. 
Their  indictment  was  framed  in  a  way  which  precluded  the  possi- 
bility of  escape.  They  were  simply  asked  "  Whether  during  the 
present  war  they  had  rendered  any  assistance  to  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians or  their  alUes  ?"  So  preposterous  a  question  at  once  re- 
vealed to  the  prisoners  that  they  could  expect  neither  justice  nor 
mercy.  Nevertheless,  they  asked  and  obtained  permission  to  plead 
their  cause.  Their  orators,  by  recalling  the  services  which  Platsea 
had  rendered  to  Greece  in  general  in  the  Persian  war,  and  to  Sparta 
in  particular,  Ijy  aiding  to  suppress  the  revolt  of  the  Helots,  seem- 
ed to  have  produced  such  an  impression  on  their  judges  that  the 
Thebans  present  found  it  necessary  to  reply.  Their  speech  does 
not  appear  to  have  contained  any  very  cogent  arguments,  but  it 
was  successful.  The  Platseans  were  mercilessly  sacrificed  for 
reasoiis  of  state  policy.  Each  man,  including  the  25  Athenians, 
was  called  up  separately  before  the  judgment  seat,  and  the  same 
question  having  been  put  to  him,  and  of  course  answered  in  the 
negative,  he  was  immediately  led  away  to  execution.  The  town 
of  Plateea,  together  with  its  territoiy,  was  transferred  to  the 
Thebans,  ivho,  a  few  months  afterwards,  levelled  all  the  private 
houses  to.  the  ground,  and  with  the  materials  erected  a  sort  of 
vast  barrack  around  the  Heraeum,  or  temple  of  Hera,  both  for  the 
accommodation  of  visitors,  and  to  serve  as  an  abode  ior  those  to 
whom  they  let  out  the  land.  Thus  was  Plataja  blotted  out  from 
the  map  of  Greece. 


Statue  of  Theseu8,  from  the  Pediment  of  the  Parthenon. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

PELOPONNESIAN   WAR    CONTINUED — FROM  THE    SIEGE    OF    PLATiEA 
TO  THE  SEDITION  AT  COPXYEA. 

§  1.  General  character  of  the  var.  §  2.  Military  and  naval  operations 
of  the  third  year.  Attempt  of  the  Peloponnesians  to  surprise  Pira?us. 
§  3.  Fourth  year.  Revolt  of  Mytilene.  §  4.  Fifth  year.  Surrender  of 
Mytilene.  §  5.  Debates  of  the  Athenian  assembly  respeetiner  the  My- 
tileneans.  Cleon  and  the  Athenian  demagogues,  g  6.  Bloody  decree 
against  the  Mytileneans.  §  7.  Second  debate.  Reversal  of  the  decreo. 
Lesbos  colonized  bv  Athenians.  §  8.  Civil  dissensions  at  Corcyra. 
§  9.  Picture  of  the  times  by  Tliiicydides. 


V 


\  I.  In  recording  tlie  fall  of  Platsea,  we  have  anticipated  the 
order  of  chronoloiiy.  The  investmeut  of  that  town  formed,  as 
we  have  related,  the  first  incident  in  the  third  year  of  tlie  Pelo- 
ponnesian  war.  The  subsequent  operations  of  that  war  doAvii  to 
the  eleventh  year  of  it,  or  the  year  r..c.  421 — when  a  short  and 
hollow  peace,  or  rather  truce,  called  the  peace  of  Xicias.  was 
patched  up  between  the  Lacedaemonians  and  Athenians — were 
not  of  a  decisive  character.  There  was,  indeed,  much  mutua) 
injury  inflicted,  but  none  of  those  great  events  which  brinp 
a  war  to  a  close  by  disabling  either  one  or  both  parties  from 
continuing  it.     The  toAvns  captured  were,  moreover,  restored 


B.C.  429.  NAVAL  VICTORIES  OF  PHORMIO.  29*7 

at  the  peace/iJiHdiltlJfh,  consequently,  Athens  and  Sparta  were 
placed  mucjSfSiiPthe  same  state  as  when  the  "war  broke  out. 
It  would  be  fe^iQus  to  detail  at  length  all  the  little  engagements 
which  occurred,  and  which  the  reader  could  with  diliiculty  re- 
member ;  and  we  shall  therefore  content  ourselves  with  a  sketch 
of  the  more  important  events,  especially  those  which  display  the 
general  character  of  the  period,  the  actions  of  the  more  remark- 
able men  who  flourished  in  it,  and  the  motives,  views,  and  dis- 
positions of  the  contending  parties. 

§  2.  Except  the  siege  of  Platsea,  the  operations  by  land  in  the 
third  year  of  the  war  were  unimportant.  The  Athenians  failed 
in  an  attempt  to  reduce  the  town  of  Spartolus  in  Chalcidice  ; 
nor  were  the  eflbrts  of  their  new  ally  Sitalces  more  successful  in 
that  quarter.  According  to  the  ancient  myth  of  Tereus,  Sitalces 
considered  himself  a  kinsman  of  the  Athenians  ;  but  some  well 
applied  bribes  were  probably  a  more  efficacious  inducement  for 
him  to  undertake  the  reduction  of  Chalcidice,  and  the  dethrone- 
ment of  Perdiccas,  king  of  Macedonia.  The  sway  of  Sitalces 
over  the  barbarous  tribes  of  Thrace  was  very  extensive.  He 
was  able  to  collect  an  army  estimated  at  150,000  men,  one-third 
of  which  was  cavalry.  With  this  multitudinous,  but  wild  and 
disorderly  host,  he  penetrated  far  into  the  dominions  of  Perdiccas 
and  compelled  the  Macedonians,  who  did  not  venture  to  meet 
him  in  the  open  field,  to  shut  themselves  up  in  their  fortresses. 
He  also  detached  a  force  to  reduce  the  Chalcidians  and  Bot- 
tiseans.  But  his  expedition  was  undertaken  at  too  late  a  period 
of  the  year,  seemingly  about  the  end  of  Kovember  or  beginning 
of  December  ;  and  as  the  winter  proved  very  severe,  and  the 
Athenians  neglected  to  send  any  armament  to  his  assistance; 
Sitalces  "was  compelled  to  relinquish  his  conquests  after  a  caiii- 
paign,  or  rather  foray,  of  thirty  days. 

In  the  same  year  the  naval  superiority  of  the  Athenians  was 
strikingly  exhibited  by  the  victories  of  Phormio  in  the  Co- 
rinthian gulf.  The  Lacedaemonians  had  planned  an  exjjedition 
against  Acarnania,  and  had  sent  a  fleet  cf  Ibrty-seven  sail,  under 
the  command  of  Cnemus,  to  carry  this  project  into  effect. 
Phormio  was  stationed  at  Naupactus  with  only  twenty  Athe- 
nian ships  ;  but  notwithstanding  his  numerical  inferiority,  he 
gained  a  brilliant  victory  over  the  Peloponnesian  fleet.  But 
this  was  not  all.  The  Spartans  lost  no  time  in  collecting  an- 
other fleet,  amounting  to  seventy-seven  sail.  Meantime  Phoimio 
had  received  no  reintbrcements  ;  but  such  was  his  confidence  in 
the  skill  of  his  seamen,  that  he  ventured  to  meet  even  these 
overpowering  numbers,  and  though  this  victory  was  not  so 
decisive  as  the  previous  one,  the   Peloponnesians  relinquished 


•29b  lllSlOIiV   OJ'  GItEIX:!:.  CiiAi-.  X>V1L 

all  furtlitT  operalioiiH  ami  nailed  liark  to  Corii:lli.  The  IVlo- 
])(niiit!t^iaii  c(iiiiiiiuii(leis  tried  to  e()iii|jfiisate  lor  these  h/t-j'eH  by 
snrprisiiifr  the  harbour  ol  I'ira'iiH,  winch  was  uiiprolected  by  a 
fjuard,  or  even  by  a  chain,  llavinf,' marched  (overland  Inrii  Co- 
rinth to  the  Me^rarian  port  ol"  Nisy;a,  they  einbark(;d  their  rncn 
in  lorty  old  triremes,  wliieh,  however,  were  in  a  i^uflieient  state 
of  repair  for  ho  short  an  expedition.  Jiut  either  their  courajrc 
failed  them  at  the  very  moment  of  executinf^  their  project,  or 
else,  as  they  jrave  out,  the  wind  proved  adverse.  Instead  of 
attempting  Piraeus  they  proceeded  to  the  opposite  island  of  »^a- 
lamis.  Here  they  landed  in  the  night,  captured  three  guard- 
ships,  ravaged  the  island,  and  succeeded  in  retreating  with  their 
booty  before  the  alarmed  and  enraged  Athenians  could  come  up 
•with  them.  The  Athenians,  however,  took  warning  from  thi3 
insult,  and  were  more  careful  in  future  in  guarding  their  har- 
bours. 

^  3.  The  fourth  year  of  the  war  (n.c.  426)  was  marked  by  the 
usual  invasion  of  Attica  on  the  part  of  the  Peloponnesians.  It 
was  accompanied  by  the  alarming  news  of  the  revolt  of  Myti- 
lene,  the  capital  of  Lesbos,  and  of  the  greater  part  of  that  island. 
This  revolt  had  been  long  meditated  ;  but  though  the  Athenians 
had  Lefoi-e  received  some  intimation  of  it,  their  reduced  condi- 
tion from  the  war  and  from  the  plague  had  prevented  them  I'rtm 
taking  any  measures  to  arrest  it.  An  embassy  ^vhich  they  now- 
sent  to  the  Mytileueans,  to  persuade  them  to  remain  in  their 
duty,  having  failed,  the  Athenian  commander  Cleippides,  who 
was  on  the  point  of  sailing  to  the  Pelopoimesus  with  a  fleet  of 
40  triremes,  was  ordered  to  proceed  directly  to  Mytilene. 

It  "was  one  of  the  disadvantages  of  the  Athenian  constitution, 
so  far  at  least  as  the  foreign  relations  of  Athens  were  concerned, 
that  the  cxecutiAX  power  lay  with  the  people,  and  that  thus  all 
their  -debates  and  resolutions  heing  public,  it  Avas  impossible  to 
keep  them  concealed  from  those  who  were  the  subjects  of  them. 
The  Mytileueans  having  received  information  of  the  intended 
expedition  through  a  spy,  postponed  the  festival  of  Apollo, 
during  wliich  the  Athenians  had  expected  to  surprise  them, 
and  made  every  preparation  to  receive  the  hostile  fleet.  But 
being  still  iufei-ior  in  strength  they  pretended  to  enter  into  ne- 
gotiations with  Cleippides,  who  fell  into  the  snare  ;  and  in  the 
mean  time  secretly  despatched  envovs  to  Sparta  to  implore  im- 
mediate assistance.  The  embassy  which  the  Mytileueans  had 
sent  to  Athens  with  the  ostensible  purpose  of  negotiating, 
having,  as  might  \)e  expected,  failed,  Cleippides.  who  had  been 
reinforced  by  several  vessels  from  the  allied,  islands,  as  well  as 
by  1000  Athenian  hoplites  under  Paches,  commenced  hostilities. 


B.C.  428.  REVOLT  OF  MYTILENK  U99 

and  by  the  beginning  of  October  succeeded  in  blockading  Myti- 
lene  both  by  sea  and  land. 

The  Mytilenean  envoys  despatched  to  Sparta  arrived  during 
the  celebration  of  the  Olympic  festival,  wherfe  most  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Peloponnesian  alliance  were  present.  After  the 
festival  was  concluded  they  set  forth  the  grounds  of  their  com- 
plaints against  Athens,  which  were  chiefly  two,  namely  : — their 
fear  of  being  reduced  to  the  condition  of  the  other  subject-allies 
of  Athens,  and  their  repugnance  to  assist  that  state  in  her  ambi- 
tious policy,  which  was  generally  offensive  to  the  states  of  Greece. 
Their  application  was  of  course  favourably  received  by  their  Pe- 
loponnesian auditors.  They  were  promised  assistance,  and  were 
formally  received  into  the  Peloponnesian  alliance.  Not  only 
was  a  socond  invasion  of  Attica  ordered,  but  it  was  also  pro- 
posed to  transport  on  trucks,  across  the  isthmus,  from  the  har- 
bour of  Lechaeum  into  the  Saronic  gulf,  the  ships  which  had 
fought  against  Phormio,  and  to  employ  them  against  Athens. 

A  very  general  impression  seems  at  this  time  to  have  pre- 
vailed among  the  allies  that  the  plague  and  war  combined  had 
nearly  exhausted  the  resources  of  the  Athenians.  Nor  was 
this  opinion  altogether  without  foundation.  The  fund  which 
they  possessed  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  was  now  exhausted, 
with  the  exception  of  the  reserve  of  1000  talents  put  by  to 
meet  a  naval  invasion.  The  numbers  of  their  soldiers,  and 
especially  of  their  able  seamen,  had  also  no  doubt  been  consider- 
ably reduced  by  the  war  and  pestilence.  But  there  were  still 
ample  means,  and  above  all  an  indomitable  spirit,  among  the 
Athenians,  to  supply  the  deficiencies  thus  created.  A  higher 
class  both  of  citizens  and  metics  than  those  who  had  hitherto 
engaged  in  the  naval  service  was  ordered  on  board  the  fleet, 
from  which  duty  only  the  two  liighest  classes,  namely,  the  Pen- 
tacosiomedimni,  and  the  Hippeis,  or  Knights,  were  now  exempted. 
And,  in  order  to  replenish  the  public  treasury',  the  Athenians 
were  for  the  first  time  subjected  to  a  direct  contribution  or  in- 
come tax,  by  which  a  sum  of  200  talents  was  raised. 

By  these  eltbrts  the  Athenians  manned  a  fleet  of  100 
triremes,  which  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  appeared  ofl'  the 
isthmus,  and  made  descents  at  various  points.  At  the  same 
time  the  Lacedsemonians  assembled  there  were  surprised  by 
the  news  that  another  Athenian  fleet  of  30  triremes,  which  had 
been  previously  despatched  mider  Asopius,  the  son  of  Phormio, 
was  committing  devastations  on  the  coast  of  Laconia.  These 
energetic  proceedings  arrested  the  projected  enterprise  of  the  La- 
cedtemonians,  especially  as  their  allies  were  engaged  in  gathering 
the  harvest,  and  had  therefore  assembled  only  in  small  numbers. 


itoo  IIISTOIIY  OF  OHEECE.  Ciiai-.  XXVU. 

A(v()r(llii<i;ly  llif;y  n;lunic(l  liornc,  and  contented  llieiriHclvr-rt  witli 
jinp.iriiij,'  ;i  llccl  of  ii^rly  trironit-s  lljr  the  n-lid'c)!' Mytilenc';. 

^  1.  Tiiiri  ariiiiuiicut,  however,  could  not  be  pot  ready  till  tlie 
sprinjif  ol "the  llillowiiifr  year(u.c.  '127).  Meanwhile  Sala;lhii.s,  a 
Laeeda-inoiiian  envoy,  proecech^d  to  Leshos,  and  having  contrived 
to  entcir  Mytilene,  eneouraped  the  citi'/ens  to  h(dd  ont  till  the 
arrival  oi  tiie  j)roniised  siiccoiirs.  In  the  course  of  April  the  Pe- 
loponuesian  fleet,  consisting'  of"  12  triremes  under  Aleidas,  actu- 
ally sailed,  and  at  the  same  time,  in  order  to  create  a  diversion, 
the  allied  army  apain  invaded  Attica. 

]')Ut  wci-k  alter  week  ])assed  away,  and  Aleidas  did  not  appear 
hel()re  Mytilene.  Tiie  provisions  of  the  town  were  exhau.st(;d, 
the  populace  Avas  <Trowiiig  impatient,  and  even  8ah(."thus  himself 
began  to  despair  of  the  arrival  of  the  fleet.  It  was  therefore 
resolved  as  a  last  desperate  expedient,  to  make  a  sally,  and 
endeavour  to  raise  the  blockade.  AVith  this  view  even  the  men 
of  the  lower  classes  were  armed  with  the  full  armour  of  the 
hoplitcs.  But  this  step  produced  a  verj'  dillisrent  result  from 
what  Salajthus  had  expected  or  intended.  The  great  mass  of 
the  Mytileueans  were  not  adverse  to  the  Athenian  dominion; 
but  they  regarded  their  own  oligarchical  govenmient  with  suspi- 
cion, accused  it  of  starving  the  citizens  wJiilst  it  possessed  stores 
of  concealed  provisions  for  the  use  of  tlic  higher  classes  ;  and 
being  now  strengthened  by  the  arms  which  had  been  distributed 
to  them,  threatened  that,  iniless  their  demands  Avere  complied 
with,  they  would  surrender  the  city  to  the  Athenians.  In  this 
desperate  emergency  the  Mytileneau  government  perceived  that 
their  only  chance  of  safety  lay  in  anticipating  the  people  in  tliis 
step.  They  accordingly  opened  a  negotiation  with  Paches,  and 
a  capitulation  Avas  agreed  upon  by  which  the  city  was  to  be  sur- 
rendered, and  the  fate  of  its  inhabitants  to  be  decided  by  the 
Athenian  Assembly.  It  was  stipulated,  however,  that  they  were 
to  be  permitted  to  send  envoys  to  Athens  to  plead  their  cause  ; 
and  Paches  engaged  that  meanwhile  nobody  should  be  impri- 
soned or  sold  into  slaver}'.  AVhen  Paches  entered  the  city,  those 
Mytileueans  who  had  been  the  chief  instigators  of  the  revolt 
took  refuge  at  the  altars  ;  but  he  induced  them  by  his  assurances 
to  quit  their  places  of  refuge,  and  placed  them  in  Tenedos. 

Scarcely  had  this  capitulation  been  concluded,  when,  to  the 
surprise  of  the  Mytileueans,  the  Peloponnesian  fleet  appeared  off 
the  coast  of  Ionia.  Aleidas,  overawed  by  the  maritime  rejjutation 
of  Athens,  had  neglected  to  discharge  his  duty  with  the  energy 
required  by  the  crisis  ;  and,  finding  that  he  had  arrived  too  late 
to  save  Mytilene,  he  sailed  back  to  Peloponnesus,  without  at-^ 
tempting  any  thing  further. 


B.C.  427.  CLEON.  301 

^  5.  Paclies  being  now  undisputed  master  of  Lesbos,  de- 
spatched to  Athens  those  Mytileueans  who  had  been  deposited 
at  Tenedos,  together  with  others  impUcated  in  the  late  revolt, 
and  likewise  Satethus  the  Lacedeemonian  envoy,  who  had  been 
detected  in  a  place  of  concealment  in  the  city.  The  Athenians 
assembled  to  decide  on  the  fate  of  these  prisoners,  amounting 
in  number  to  more  than  a  thousand.  Salsethus  was  at  once  put 
,  to  death.  The  disposal  of  the  other  prisoners  caused  some  de- 
bate. It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  demagogue,  Cleon,  whom 
we  have  already  noticed  as  an  opponent  of  Pericles,  first  comes 
prominently  forwards  in  Athenian  ali'airs.  The  eliects  of  the 
extensive  commerce  of  Athens,  and  more  particularly  of  the  po- 
litical changes  introduced  by  Pericles,  were  now  beginning  to 
show  themselves.  Down  to  the  time  of  that  statesman,  the 
democracy  of  Athens  had  been  governed  by  aristocratic  leaders 
alone.  The  personal  qualities  of  Pericles,  in  spite  of  the  growing 
feeling  of  democracy,  secured  his  ascendency  in  the  assembly ; 
but  even  during  his  lifetime  men  of  a  much  lower  rank  than 
those  who  had  formerly  pretended  to  govern  the  people  Mere 
beginning  to  step  forward,  and  to  claim  a  share  of  power.  Such 
were  Eucrates,  the  rope-maker,  Lysicles,  the  sheep-dealer,  and 
Hyperbolus,  the  lamp-maker.  The  humblest  mechanic,  if  an 
Athenian  citizen,  was  at  liberty  to  address  the  assembly;  there 
was  nothing  to  prevent  him  but  disfranchisement  for  debt  or 
crime.  If  he  succeeded,  his  fortune  was  made  ;  for  the  influence 
thus  acquired  might  be  converted  in  various,  but  not  over  reput- 
able, ways  into  a  source  of  profit.  Success,  however,  demanded 
some  peculiar  qualifications.  An  Athenian  audience  was  some- 
what lastidious  ;  but  more  especially  the  vast  n  ess  of  their  assem- 
blies, and  the  noise  and  clamour  with  which  they  frequently 
abounded,  demanded  not  only  a  considerable  share  of  nerve,  but 
also  physical  powers,  especially  a  loud  voice,  which  are  not 
always  found  combined  with  the  higher  mental  requisites  of  an 
orator.  Hence  those  who  possessed  even  a  moderate  share  of 
ability,  if  endowed  with  audacity  and  a  stentorian  voice,  stood  a 
much  better  chance  in  the  assembly  than  men  of  far  higher 
talent,  but  deficient  in  tho.se  indispensable  qualifications.  If  we 
may  trust  the  picture  drawn  by  Aristophanes,  Cleon,  the  leather- 
seller,  was  a  perfect  model  of  that  new  class  oi'  low-born  orators 
just  alluded  to  ;  a  noisy  brawler,  loud  in  his  criminations,  insolent 
in  his  gestures,  corrupt  and  venal  in  his  principles ",  extorting 
money  by  threats  of  accusations,  a  persecutor  ot  rank  and  merit, 
a  base  flatterer  and  sycophant  of  the  populace.  In  this  portrait 
much  allowance  must  no  doubt  be  made  not  only  for  ccinic 
licence  and  exaggeration,  but  also  for  party  feeling  ind  personal 


802  HISTORY  OF  OREFX'K.  Chap.  XXVII 

pique.  Aristo])hancH  was  on  llie  aristocratic  si(l«!  in  politicfi,  and 
was  rnorcovcr  cnfjaf^ed  in  a  private  quarn-l  witli  Cleon,  caused 
by  IIr-  latter  haviu*,'  complained  to  tiie  senate  of  liis  comedy  of 
the  Jidhijlo/iunis.  Thucydides,  indeed,  in  lii.s  account  of  Clwm, 
fjoes  very  far  to  confirm  the  descrijition  f)f  Aristophanes.  But 
here  too  we  nmst  be  sornewliat  on  our  {^liard  re.specting  the  tes- 
timony of  an  historian  otherwi.se  remarkable  lor  Jiis  impartiality  ; 
for  it  Avas  to  Cleon  that  Thueydides  owed  his  banishment. 
Still,  after  making  all  due  allowance  for  the  operation  of  these 
causes,  we  cannot  refrain  from  thinking  that  the  character  of 
Cleon  conveyed  to  us  by  these  two  writers  is,  in  its  main  fea- 
tures, correct.  Even  a  caricature  must  have  some  grounds  of 
truth  for  its  basis ;  nor  would  Aristophanes,  out  of  mere  regard 
for  his  poetical  rejiutation,  have  ventured  to  produce  before  an 
Athenian  audience  a  character  of  their  well-known  demagogue 
so  unlike  the  truth  as  not  to  be  easily  recognized.  The  actions 
of  Cleon,  which  are  undisputed,  show  him  cruel  and  cowardly ; 
characteristics  which  may  lead  us  to  infer  any  degree  of  baseness 
in  a  man.  Along  with  hisi  impudence  and  other  bad  qualities 
he  must  however  no  doubt  have  possessed  a  certain  share  of 
ability,  since,  at  the  ])eriod  of  which  we  are  now  speaking,  he 
possessed  more  influence  than  any  other  orator  in  the  Athenian 
assembly.  It  was  he  who  took  the  lead  in  the  debate  respecting 
the  disposal  of  the  Mytilcneans,  and  made  tlie  savage  and  hor- 
rible proposal  to  put  to  death  not  only  the  prisoners  who  had 
been  sent  to  Athens,  but  the  iclwle  male  population  of  Mytilene 
of  military  age — including  therefore  those  who  had  not  partici- 
pated in,  or  W'ere  even  opposed  to  the  revolt — and  to  sell  the 
women  and  children  into  slavery.  This  motion  he  succeeded  in 
carrying,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  Diodotus  and  others ; 
and  in  order  seemingly  that  no  room  might  be  left  for  cooler 
reflection,  a  trireme  was  immediately  despatched  to  Mytilene, 
conveying  orders  to  Paches  to  put  the  bloody  decree  into  exe- 
cution. 

k  G.  The  barbarous  laws  of  ancient  warfare  justified  atrocities 
wliich  in  modern  times  would  be  regarded  with  horror  and  de- 
testation ;  and  we  have  already  described  the  Laceda-monians 
as  exercising  those  laws  Avith  the  most  revolting  severity  in  the 
case  of  the  garrison  of  Plattea  ; — an  event,  however,  which  took 
place  a  little  after  the  tune  of  which  we  are  now  speakuig.  The 
conduct  of  the  Laceda?monians  on  that  occasion  admits  of  no  ex- 
cuse. But  this  decree  of  the  Athenians  was  infinitely  worse,  not 
only  on  account  of  the  much  greater  number  of  persons  whom 
it  devoted  to  death,  but  also  and  principally  because  it  made 
no  discrimination  between  the  innocent  and  the  guilty.     One 


B.C.  427.         DECREE  AGAINST  THE  MYTILENEANS.  303 

night's  reflection  convinced  the  better  part  of  the  Athenians  of 
the  enormity  which  they  had  sanctioned.  Ordinary  experience 
shoAvs  that  bodies  of  men  will  perpetrate  acts  which  the  indi-vd- 
duals  composing  them  would  shrink  from  with  horror :  and  this 
tendency  was  one  of  the  worst  evils  springing  from  the  multitu- 
dinous and  purely  democratical  composition  of  the  Athenian  as- 
semblies. On  the  morrow  so  general  a  feeling  prevailed  of  tftfe 
horrible  injustice  that  had  been  committed,  that  the  Strategi 
acceded  to  the  prayer  of  the  Mytilenean  envoys  and  called  a 
fresh  assembly  ;  though  by  so  doing  they  committed  an  illegal 
act  and  exposed  themselves  to  impeachment. 

§  7.  Cleon,  however,  had  not  changed  his  opinion.  In  the 
second  assembly  he  repeated  his  arguments  against  the  Mytile- 
neans,  and  clamoured  lor  what  he  called  "justice"  against  them. 
He  denounced  the  folly  and  mischief  of  reversing  on  one  day 
what  had  been  done  on  the  preceding  ;  and,  though  himself  the 
very  type  and  model  of  a  demagogue,  had  the  impudence  to  cha- 
racterize his  opponents  as  guilty  and  ambitious  orators,  who 
sacrificed  the  good  of  the  repubhc  either  to  their  interests  or 
their  vanity  I  His  opponent,  Diodotus,  very  wisely  abstained 
from  appealing  to  the  humanity  of  an  assembly  which  had  passed 
the  decree  of  the  previous  day.  He  confined  himself  entirely  to 
the  policy  of  the  question,  and  concluded  by  recommending  that 
the  Mytileneans  already  in  custody  should  be  put  upon  their 
trial,  but  that  the  remainder  of  the  population  should  be  spared. 
This  amendment  having  been  carried  by  a  small  majority,  a 
second  trireme  was  immediately  despatched  to  Mytilene,  with 
orders  to  Paches  to  arrest  the  execution.  The  utmost  diligence 
was  needful.  The  former  trireme  had  a  start  of  four  and  twenty 
hours,  and  nothing  but  exertions  almost  superhuman  would  en- 
able the  second  to  reach  Mytilene  early  enough  to  avert  the 
tragical  catastrophe.  The  oarsmen  were  allowed  by  turns  oidy 
short  intervals  of  rest,  and  took  their  food,  consisting  of  barley- 
meal  steeped  in  wine  and  oil,  as  they  sat  at  the  oar.  Happily 
the  weather  proved  favourable ;  and  the  crew,  who  had  been 
promised  large  rewards  in  case  they  arrived  in  time,  exerted 
themselves  to  deliver  the  reprieve,  whilst  the  crew  of  the  pre- 
ceding vessel  had  conveyed  the  order  for  execution  with  slowness 
and  reluctance.  Yet  even  so  the  countermand  came  only  just 
in  time.  The  mandate  was  already  in  the  hands  of  Paches,  who 
was  taking  measures  for  its  execution.  \Yith  regard  to  the  pri- 
soners at  Athens,  the  motion  of  Cleon  to  put  them  to  death  was 
carried,  and  they  were  slain  to  the  number  of  more  than  a  thou- 
sand. The  fortifications  of  Mytilene  were  razed,  and  her  fleet 
delivered  up  to  the  Athenians.     The  whole  island,  with  the  ex- 


804  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Ciiai-.  XVIL 

ri'i»lion  of  Mclhymna,  ■wliicli  had  roinaiiifd  faithful,  was  divided 
iiild  iiUOO  lolH,  .'500  (T  which  wi-re  f^et  •,i\>iiri  lor  ihegods,  and  the 
rc.'iiiaiii(ler  tissipriu'd  1o  Athenian  ck-rnclis. 

The  fato  of  I'achcs,  the  Athenian  counnandcr  at  Mylilene,  must 
not  ho  passed  over  in  silence.  On  hia  return  to  Athens,  lie  was 
arrai<riicd  hefore  the  dicastery  for  the  dii-honour  of  two  Mytilc- 
I'lcan  women,  whof^e  husbands  he  had  slain  ;  and  such  was  the 
iouling  of  indif^nation  excited  by  this  case  ainonf^  the  susceptible 
Athenians,  that  Paches,  without  Malting  for  liis  sentence,  killed 
himself  with  his  sword  in  open  court. 

^  8.  The  fate  of  the  Plata-ans  and  Mytileneans  aflbrds  a  fearful 
ilhistration  of  the  manners  of  the  ape  ;  but  these  horrors  soon 
li)und  a  parallel  in  Corcyra.  It  has  been  already  related  that, 
alter  the  sea-fight  off  that  island,  the  Corinthians  carried  home 
many  of  the  principal  Corcyra-ans  as  pristjiiers.  These  men  were 
treated  Mitli  the  greatest  indulgence  ;  and  while  Mytilenc  was 
under  blockade,  were  sent  back  to  Corcyia,  nominally  under 
the  heavy  ransom  of  800  talents,  but  in  reality  with  the  view 
of  withdrawing  the  island  iVom  the  Athenian  alliance.  Being 
joined  by  the  rest  of  the  oligarchical  citizens  en  their  return, 
they  assassinated  the  leaders  of  the  demccratical  party  in  the 
senate-house,  and  then  carried  a  resolution  in  the  assembly  of 
the  people,  that  the  Corcyrajans  should  for  the  future  observe  a 
strict  neutrality  between  the  contending  parties.  But  they  did 
not  stop  here.  They  determined  on  putting  down  the  demo- 
eratical  party  by  force,  and  with  this  view  seized  the  principal 
harbour,  together  with  the  arsenal  and  market-place.  The  people, 
however,  got  possession  of  the  higher  parts  of  the  toMii,  together 
with  the  Acropolis ;  and  having  been  reiniorced  by  slaves  from  the 
interior,  whom  they  ])romised  to  emancipate,  they  renewed  the 
combat  on  the  following  day.  The  oligarchs,  driven  to  extremit}', 
adopted  the  desperate  expedient  of  setting  hre  to  the  town,  and 
thus  destroyed  a  great  deal  of  property  near  the  docks  ;  but  an 
adverse  wind  I'ortunately  prevented  it  from  extending  to  the  re- 
mainder of  the  city. 

The  Athenians  had  been  informed  of  the  state  of  things  at 
Corcyra,  and  at  this  jvmcture  an  Athenian  squadron  of  twelve 
triremes,  under  the  command  of  IS^icostratus,  arrived  from  Nau- 
pactus.  Nicostratus  behaved  with  gi-eat  moderation,  and  did  his 
best  to  restore  peace  between  the  parties.  He  had  apparently 
succeeded  in  this  object,  when  the  position  of  allairs  was  sud- 
deMy  changed  by  the  arrival  of  a  Peloponnesian  fleet  of  53  gal- 
leys under  the  command  of  Alcidas.  Nicostratus  succeeded,  by 
skilful  manoeuvres,  in  keeping  the  enemy  at  bay  with  his  small 
fleet,  but  was  obliged  at  last  to  retreat,  which  he  did  in  good 


B.C.  427.  REVOLUTIONS  AT  CORCYRA.  305 

order,  and  without  losing  any  of  his  vessels.  Alcidas,  however, 
with  his  usual  slowness,  neglected  to  niakc  use  of  the  oppor- 
tunity, and  attack  the  capital  at  once,  though  Brasidas  strongly 
advised  him  to  do  so.  He  lost  a  day  in  ravaging  the  country, 
and  in  the  following  night  fire-signals  upon  the  island  of  Leucas 
telegraphed  the  approach  of  an  Athenian  fleet  of  60  triremes 
under  Eurymedon.  Alcidas  now  only  thought  of  making  his 
escape,  Avhich  he  effected  before  daybreak,  leaving  the  Corcyraean 
oligarchs  to  their  fate. 

Another  vicissitude  thus  rendered  the  popular  party  in  Cor- 
cyra  again  triumphant.  The  vengeance  which  they  took  on  their 
opponents  was  fearful.  The  most  sacred  sanctuaries  afforded  no 
protection  ;  the  nearest  ties  of  blood  and  kindred  were  sacrificed 
to  civil  hatred.  In  one  case  a  father  slew  even  his  own  son. 
These  scenes  of  horror  lasted  for  seven  days,  during  which  death 
in  every  conceivable  form  was  busily  at  work.  Yet  the  Athenian 
admiral  did  not  once  interpose  to  put  a  stop  to  these  atrocities. 
About  500  of  the  oligarchical  party,  however,  efiected  their 
escape,  and  fortitied  themselves  on  Mount  Istone,  not  far  from 
the  capital. 

^  9.  Thucydides  in  drawing  this  bloody  picture  of  domestic 
dissensions,  traces  the  causes  of  it  to  the  Avar.  In  peace  and  pros- 
perity, when  men  are  not  overmastered  by  an  irresistable  neces- 
sity, the  feelings  both  of  states  and  individuals  are  mild  and 
humane.  But  a  war  under  the  auspices  of  Sparta  and  Athens — 
one  the  representative  of  the  aristocratic,  the  other  of  the  demo- 
cratic, principle — became  a  war  of  opinion,  and  embittered  the 
feelings  of  political  parties,  by  ollering  to  each  the  means  and 
opportunity  of  enfiarcing  its  views  through  an  alliance  with 
one  or  the  other  of  the  two  leading  cities.  The  example  of 
Corcyra  was  soon  followed  in  other  Hellenic  states.  Not  ordy 
were  the  dispositions  of  men  altered  by  these  causes,  but  even 
the  very  names  of  things  were  changed.  Daring  rashness  was 
honoured  with  the  name  of  bravery,  whilst  considerate  delay 
was  denounced  as  the  mere  pretext  of  timidity.  Wisdom  was 
regarded  as  equivalent  to  cowardice,  and  the  weighing  of  every- 
thing as  a  pretext  for  attempting  nothing.  The  simplicity 
which  generally  characterises  virtue  was  ridiculed  as  dulness  and 
stupidity  ;  wliilst  he  was  regarded  as  the  cleverest  who  excelled 
in  cunning  and  treachery,  and  especially  if  he  employed  his  arts 
to  the  destruction  of  his  nearest,  and  therefore  unsuspecti;ig 
friends  and  relatives.  "KCX 


From  the  Frieze  of  the  I'arthenon.    Panaihcnaic  Procession. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 


PELOPONNESIAN  WAR  CONTINUED. FROM   THE    SEDITION    AT  COR- 

CYRA   TO   THE   PEACE   OF   NICUS. 

§1.  Sixth  year  of  the  war.  Return  of  the  plague.  Purification  of  Deles. 
§  2.  Seventh  year.  Fortification  of  I'ylus.  §  ,3.  Attempts  of  the 
Lacedaemonians  to  recover  P\lus.  §  4.  Arrival  and  victory  of  the 
Athenian  fleet.  Blockade  of  Sphacteria.  §5.  TheLacedremonianssue 
for  peaceat  Athen.s.  Extravagant  demands  of  Cleon.  §6.  Renewal  of 
hostilities.  §  7.  Debates  in  the  A.^sembly.  Cleon  elected  general.  §8. 
Capture  of  Sphacteria.  §9.  Advantages  of  the  victory.  §10.  Proceed- 
ings at  Corey  ra.  Sliuighter  of  the  oligarchs.  §11.  Eighth  year  of  the 
•war.  Capture  of  Cythera.  §12.  Invasion  of  the  Megarid  and  Ba?otia 
by  the  Athenians.  Cajiture  of  Xis.Ta,  the  port  of  Megara.  Defeat  of 
the  Athenians  at  the  battle  of  Deliuiw.  ^  13.  Brasidas  in  Thrace. 
Takes  Amphipolis.  Banishment  of  Thucydides.  §14.  Ninth  yearof 
the  war.  A  truce  between  Sparta  and  Athens.  The  war  continued  in 
Thrace.  §  15.  Tenth  year  of  the  war.  Cloon  proceeds  to  Amphi- 
polis. His  defeat  and  death.  Death  of  Brasidas.  §  16.  Eleventh 
year  of  the  war.     Fifty  years"  peace  between  Athens  and  Sparta. 

\  1  The  beginuiiifr  of  the  sixth  year  of  the  "war  (b.c.  42C)  was 
marked  by  natural  calaiiiitics  wliich  seemed  to  present  a  counter- 
part to  tlie  moral  distiu'bances  wliich  were  agitatinjr  Greece. 
Floods  and  carthqiuxkes  of  uiuisnal  violence  and  frequency  oc- 
ciu'red  in  various  parts  ;  and  the  Laceda-monians,  alarmed  at 
these  portents,  abstained  from  their  intended  invasion  of  Attica. 
The  military  operations  of  the  Athenians  were  unimportant. 


B.C.  425.  THE  ATHENIANS  SEIZE  PYLUS.  807 

The  plague  which  had  reappeared  at  Athens  towards  the  close 
of  the  preceding  year,  was  now  making  teartul  ravages.  This 
scourge  was  attributed  to  the  auger  of  Apollo  ;  and  in  order, 
as  it  seems,  to  propitiate  that  deity,  a  complete  purification  of 
Delos  was  performed  in  the  autumn.  AH  the  bodies  interred 
there  were  exhumed  and  reburied  in  the  neighbouring  island  of 
Rhenea ;  whilst  for  the  future  it  was  ordered  that  no  deaths 
or  births  should  be  suffered  to  take  place  on  the  sacred  island. 
At  the  same  time  the  celebration  of  the  Delian  festival,  to  be 
renewed  every  fourth  year,  was  revived  with  extraordinary  splen- 
dour ;  and  thus  in  some  measure  compensated  the  Athenians  for 
their  exclusion,  through  the  war,  from  the  Olympic  and  Pythiaa 
games. 

§  2.  In  the  seventh  year  of  the  war  (b.  c.  425)  the  LacedEemo- 
nian  army  under  Agis,  after  a  stay  of  only  15  days  in  the  Attic 
territory,  was  recalled  by  the  news  that  the  Athenians  had  esta- 
blished a  military  post  at  Pylus  in  Messenia.  In  consequence 
of  circumstances  to  which  we  shall  have  occasion  to  allude  here- 
after, the  Athenians  had  sent  a  fleet  of  forty  ships  to  Sicily, 
under  the  command  of  Eurymedon  and  Sophocles  ;  but  on  their 
way  thither  these  officers  were  dii'ected  to  stop  at  Corcyra,  and 
to  assist  the  people  against  the  oligarchs,  who,  as  already  related, 
had  fortilied  themselves  at  Mount  Istone,  and  were  annoying 
the  capital.  Demosthenes,  who  had  acquired  great  glory  by  a 
campaign  against  the  Ambracians,  had  also  embarked  in  the 
same  fleet,  with  a  kind  of  roving  commission  to  make  descents 
on  the  Peloponnesian  coasts.  Pylus,  on  the  modern  bay  of  Na- 
varino,  struck  him  as  an  eligible  spot  on  which  to  establish  some  of 
the  Messenians  from  Naupactus,  since  it  was  a  strong  position,  from 
wliicli  they  might  annoy  the  Lacedajmonians,  and  excite  revolt 
among  their  Helot  kinsmen.  As  the  Peloponnesian  fleet,  how- 
ever, was  announced  to  have  arrived  at  Corcyra,  Eurymedon  and 
Sophocles  were  averse  to  the  delay  which  the  scheme  of  Demos- 
thenes would  occasion.  But  an  accident  caused  its  accomphsh- 
mant.  The  fleet  had  scarcely  passed  Pylus,  when  it  was  driven 
back  to  that  spot  by  a  violejat  storm  ;  and  as  the  bad  weather 
continued  for  some  time,  the  soldiers  on  board  amused  them- 
selves, under  the  directions  of  Demosthenes,  in  constructing  a 
sort  of  rude  fortification.  The  nature  of  the  ground  was  favour- 
able for  the  work,  and  in  five  or  six  days  a  wall  wa.*;  throAvn  up 
sufficient  for  the  purposes  of  defence.  Demosthenes  undertook 
to  garrison  the  place.  Five  ships  and  200  hoplites  were  left 
beliind  with  him  ;  and,  being  afterwards  joined  by  some  Mea.'-e- 
nian  privateers,  he  appears  altogether  to  have  possessed  a  force 
of  about  1000  men. 


808  HISTORY  OF  GUEFX'H  riiAi-.  XXVIIL 

<•  r?.  This  insult,  to  the  Lafwl.-i'rnoiiiaii  territory  caused  frreat 
,'ilann  ami  iii(li<riialioii  at  Sparta.  Tlic  iVIojioiiiK-Hian  lied, 
under  Tlirasyuiclidas,  was  ordered  from  (^oreyra  to  Pyius;  aiid 
at  the  same  time  Af.'is  evacuated  Attiea,  and  marched  towards 
the  same  ])laee.  So  vast  a  force,  both  naval  and  military,  seemed 
to  threaten  destruction  to  the  little  garrison.  Thrasymelidas, 
on  arriving  with  the  fleet  immediately  occupied  the  small  unin- 
habited and  densely  wooded  island  of  Sphacteria,  which,  with 
the  exception  of  two  naiTow  channels  on  the  north  and  south, 
almost  blocked  up  the  entrance  of  the  bay.  Between  the  island 
and  the  mainland  was  a  spacious  basin,  in  which  Thrasymelidas 
stationeil  his  ships. 

It  Avas  on  this  side  that  Demosthenes  anticipated  the  most 
dangerous  attack.  The  Laeedaauonians  were  notoriously  un- 
skilful in  besieiriug  walls,  and  on  the  laudside  a  few  imperfectly 
armed  troops  would  sullice  to  keep  their  whole  army  at  bay. 
But  towai'ds  the  sea  was  a  small  open  s])ace  which  remained  un- 
fortified. Here,  thei'efore,  Demosthenes,  after  hauling  his  three 
remaining  triremes  ashore — for  on  the  approach  of  the  enemy  he 
had  desj)atched  two  to  Eurymedon,  to  solicit  assistance — took 
post  himself  with  GO  chosen  hoplites. 

The  assault  from  the  sea  was  led  by  Brasidas,  one  of  the 
bravest  and  most  distinguished  commanders  that  Sparta  ever 
produced.  The  narrowness  of  tlie  landing-place  admitted  only 
a  few  triremes  to  approach  at  once.  Brasidas  stood  on  the  prow 
of  the  foremost,  animating  his  men  by  his  words  and  gestures  ; 
but  he  was  soon  disabled  by  numerous  wounds,  and  fell  back- 
wards into  his  vessel,  faintuig  with  loss  of  blood.  After  repeated 
attempts  on  this  and  the  following  day,  the  Laceda?moniaiis  were 
luiable  to  eliect  a  landing  ;  whilst  the  Athenians  considered  their 
success  decisive  enough  to  justify  the  erection  of  a  trophy,  the 
chief  ornament  of  Mhieh  was  the  shield  of  Brasidas,  which  had 
dropped  into  the  water. 

s^  4.  AYhilst  the  Lacedaemonians  were  preparing  for  another 
assault,  they  were  sur])riscd  by  the  appearance  of  the  Athenian 
fleet.  They  had  strangely  neglected  to  secure  the  entrances 
into  the  bay  :  and,  although  the  Athenian  admiral  spent  the 
first  day  in  reconnoitring,  they  were  still  either  so  inconceivably 
slow,  or  so  paralysed  by  surprise  and  terror,  that,  when  on  the 
morrow  the  Athenian  ships  came  sailing  through  both  the  un- 
defended channels,  many  of  their  triremes  were  still  moored, 
and  part  of  their  ercAvs  ashore.  The  battle  which  ensued  was 
desperate.  Both  sides  fought  with  extraordinaiy  valour ;  but 
victory  at  length  declared  for  the  Athenians.  Five  Pelopomie- 
sian  ships  were  captured  ;  the  rest  were  saved  only  by  running 


B.C.  425.  SPARTA  SUES  FOR  PEACE.  309 

them  ashore,  where  they  Avere  protected  by  the  Lacedaemonian 


W  •>''  ,    T./T^  •"•^-•^  '■^'^'  **y  '^'^i 


'^r 


>==ff,%l 


r<c 


gS-Vto,  ('  cs'Si  ftk_-  i^^^^^/V^"*  • 


A.  Island  of  Sphacterin. 


Bay  of  Pylus. 

B.  Pvlu"!.  C.  The  modern  Navarino. 

E.  'Promontory  of  C'oryplinsiuni. 


D  D.  Bay  of  Pylu 


The  Athenians,  thns  masters  of  the  sea,  were  enabled  to 
blockade  the  island  of  Sphacteria,  in  which  the  flower  of  the 
Lacedemonian  army  was  shut  up,  many  of  them  native  Spartans 
of  the  hi^rhest  families.  In  so  grave  an  emergency  messengers 
were  sen^to  Sparta  for  advice.  The  Ephors  themselves  mime- 
diately  repaired  to  the  spot ;  and  so  desponding  was  their  view 
of  the  matter,  that  they  saw  no  issue  from  it  but  a  peace.  They 
therefore  proposed  and  obtained  an  armistice  for  the  purpose  of 
opening  negotiations  at  Athens.  They  agreed  to  surrender  their 
whole  fleet?  and  to  abstain  from  all  attacks  upon  Pylus  till  the 
return  of  the  envoys,  when  their  ships  were  to  be  restored. 
Meanwhile,  the  Athenians  were  to  continue  the  blockade  of 
Sphacteria,  but  not  to  commit  any  acts  of  hostility  against  it ; 
whilst  the  Lacsdscmoiiians  were  to  be  allowed  to  supply  the 


310  HISTORY  OF  GREECIl  Chai'.  XXVUL 

l)(!.si(;<^(!(l  with  provisions  eiiouffli  ((»r  tlicir  subsistence  during  the 
aruiislice. 

^  5.  (ireat  was  tlic  scuisation  cxfMlcfl  at  Athens  Ity  beholding 
tlio  pride  of  Sparta  thus  huinbli-d  and  her  envoys  suin<r  lijr 
peace.  Cleon  availed  hiniseil"  ot  the  elation  ot  the  luoinent  to 
insist  on  extrava<faut  demands.  Nothing,'  less  would  satisly  him 
than  the  restoration  of  those  places  winch  Atliens  had  ceded 
lijurtcen  years  before,  when  the  Thirty  Years'  truce  was  con- 
cluded ;  namely,  Nisa;a,  Pega;,  Tra-zen,  and  Achaia  ;  and  his 
influence  in  the  assembly  induced  it  to  adopt  his  views.  The 
Lacedaemonian  envoys,  perceiving  that  nothmg  could  be  hoped 
fiom  the  assembly,  proposed  a  private  negotiation  with  a  lew 
cho.sen  individuals.  But  Cleon  would  not  hear  of  this  arrange- 
niLJut,  and  when  the  envoys  attempted  to  remonstrate,  he  com- 
pleloly  bullied  and  silenced  them  by  his  violence,  and  caused 
them  to  be  scut  back  to  I'ylus,  as  they  had  come,  in  an  Athe- 
nian trireme. 

^  G.  When  the  envoys  returned,  the  Lacedaemonians  demanded 
the  restoration  of  their  fleet,  according  to  agreement:  but  Eury- 
m;don  refused  to  comply,  under  the,  apparently,  false  pretext 
that  the  Lacedajmonians  had  violated  the  armistice  by  an  at- 
teu\pt  to  surprise  Pylus.  Ho.stilities  were  now  resumed,  but 
without  any  decisive  result.  The  blockade  of  Sphacteria  began 
to  grow  tedious  and  harassing.  The  force  upon  it  continually 
received  supplies  of  provisions  either  from  swimmers,  who  towed 
skius  lUled  with  linseed  and  poppy-seed  mixed  with  honey,  or 
from  Helots,  who,  induced  by  the  promise  of  emancij)ation  and 
large  rewards,  eluded  the  blockading  squadron  during  dark  and 
stormy  nights,  and  landed  cargoes  on  the  back  of  the  island. 
The  summer,  moreover,  was  fast  wearing  away,  and  the  storms 
of  winter  might  probably  necessitate  the  raising  of  the  blockade 
altogether.  Under  these  circumstances,  Demosthenes  began  to 
contemplate  a  descent  upon  the  island  ;  with  whicn  view  he 
collected  reinforcements  from  Zacynthus  and  I^aupactus,  and 
also  sent  a  message  to  Athens  to  explain  the  unfavourable  state 
of  the  blockade,  and  to  request  further  assistance. 

^  7.  These  tidings  were  very  distasteful  to  the  Athenians,  who 
had  looked  upon  Sphacteria  as  their  certain  prey.  They  began 
to  regret  having  let  slip  the  favourable  opportunity  llir  making 
a  peace,  and  to  vent  their  displeasure  upon  Cleon,  the  director 
of  their  conduct  on  that  occasion.  But  Cleon  put  on  a  face 
of  brass.  He  charged  the  messengers  from  Pylus  with  having 
misrepresented  the  facts  of  the  case  ;  and  when  that  position 
proved  untenable,  began  to  abuse  the  strategi.  His  political 
opponent,  Nicias,  was  then  one  of  those  otiicers,  a  man  of  quiet 


B.C.  425.  CLEON  ELECTED  GENERAL.  311 

disposition  and  moderate  abilities,  but — a  peculiar  distinction  in 
those  days — thoroughly  honest  and  incorruptible,  pure  in  his 
morals  and  sincerely  religious.  Hinr  Cleon  now  singled  out  for 
his  vituperation,  and  pointing  at  him  with  his  finger,  exclaimed 
— "  It  would  be  easy  enough  to  take  the  island  if  our  generals 
were  men.  If  /  were  Strategus,  I  Avould  do  it  at  once  I"  This 
burst  of  the  tanner  made  the  assembly  laugh.  ^  He  was  saluted 
with  cries  of  "Why  don't  you  go,  then?"  and  Nicias,  thinking 
probably  to  catch  his  opponent  in  his  own  trap,  seconded  th<k 
voice  of  the  assembly  by  offering  to  place  at  his  disposal  what 
ever  force  he  might  deem  necessary  for  the  enterprise.  Cleon 
at  first  endeavoured  to  avoid  the  dangerous  honovu*  thus  thrust 
upon  him.  But  the  more  he  drew  back  the  louder  were  the  as- 
sembly in  calling  upon  him  to  accept  the  office ;  and  as  Nicias 
seriously  repeated  his  proposition,  he  adopted  with  a  good  grace 
what  there  was  no  longer  any  possibility  of  evading.  Nay,  he 
even  declined  the  assistance  of  the  regular  Athenian  hoplites, 
and  engaged,  with  some  heavy-armed  Lemnian  and  Imbrian 
troops,  together  with  some  Thracian  peltasts  and  400  bowmen, 
in  addition  to  the  soldiers  already  at  Pylus,  to  take  Sphacteria 
within  tM'enty  days,  and  either  kill  all  the  Lacedsemomans  upon 
it,  or  bring  them  prisoners  to  Athens. 

§  8.  Never  did  general  set  out  upon  an  enterprise  under 
circumstances  more  singular  ;  but,  what  was  still  more  extra- 
ordinary, fortune  enabled  him  to  make  his  promise  good.  Iv 
fact,  as  we  have  seen,  Demosthenes  had  already  resolved  ov 
attacking  the  island.  Cleon  procured  that  general  to  be  named 
his  second  in  command,  and  thus  stepped  in,  with  a  nominal 
authority,  to  intercept  the  honours  which  were  in  reality  due  to 
another.  On  the  other  hand,  Nicias  is  not  free  from  blame  on 
this  occasion.  He  seems  to  have  given  the  command  to  Cleon, 
whom  he  deemed  totally  incompetent  lor  it,  merely  with  the  view 
of  ruining  a  political  opponent,  and  to  have  left  the  interests  of 
Athens  wholly  out  of  sight. 

When  Cleon  arrived  at  Pylus  he  found  everything  prepared 
for  the  attack.  Accident  favoured  the  enterprise.  A  fire 
kindled  by  some  Athenian  sailors,  who  had  landed  lor  the  pur- 
pose of  cooking  their  dinner,  caught  and  destroyed  the  woods 
with  which  the  island  was  overgrown,  and  thus  deprived  the 
Lacedaemonians  of  one  of  their  principal  defences.  Nevertheless, 
such  was  the  awe  inspired  by  the  reputation  of  the  Spartan  arms, 
that  Demosthenes  considered  it  necessary  to  land  about  10,000 
soldiers  of  different  descriptions,  among  M'hom  were  800  Athe' 
nian  hoplites,  although  the  Laceda-monian  force  consisted  of 
only  about  420  men.     Their  commander,  Epitadas,  was  posted 


812  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XXVIII. 

witli  the  main  body  in  Uio  centre  of  the  inland.     An  outjjost  of 
30   liopHtfS  defended   the  extremity  larthe.st  from  ]'yhi«.      The 
end  of  the  ishmd  faeinf(  that  plaee,  Hteep  and  rngtred  by  nature, 
was  rendered  still  stronjifer  by  a  circuit  of  rude  .stone.-*,  of  an- 
cient and  unknown  orij^in,  wliich  answered  the  purpo.se  of  :i  fort. 
The  Athenians,  bavinj^  landed  before  daybreak,  Hurj)ri.sed  and 
cut  to  pieces  tlje  advanced  guard  of  30  hoplites.     Then  De- 
mosthenes, havinj^  divided  his  light-armed  troops  into  bodies  of 
about  200  men  each,  which  were  to  hover  round  and  annoy  the 
enemy,  drew  up  his  800  hoplites  in  battle  array  near  the  spot 
where  he  had  landed.      Epitadas  had  therefore  to  advance  against 
him  with  his  main  body,  about  3G0  in  number,  over  gTf)und  ob- 
structed by  the  ashes  and  stumps  of  the  burnt  wood,  and  amid.st 
a  shower  of  missiles  from  the  light  troops  on  his  flanks  and  rear. 
At  length,  distressed  by  a  species  of  Avarfare  which  lie  had  no 
means  of  repelling,  and  almost  blinded  by  the  dust  and  ashes, 
Epitadas  ordered  his  men  to  retreat  to  the  stone  fort  at  the  ex- 
tremity of  the  island,  whither  they  were  followed  by  the  Athe- 
nian  hoplites.      Here,  however,  having  the   advantage  of  the 
ground,  and  being  able  to  use  their  spears  and  swords  in  close 
combat,  the  Lacedajmonians  for  a  long  while  kept  their  assailants 
at  bay ;  till  some  Messenians,  stealing  round   by  the  sea-shore, 
over  crags  and  clili's  which  the  Lacedaemonians  had  deemed  im- 
practicable, suddenly  appeared  on  the  high  ground  which  over- 
hung their  rear.      They  now  began  to  give  way,  and  would  soon 
have  been  all  slain  ;  but  Cleon  and  Demosthenes,  being  anxious 
to  carry  them  prisoners  to  Athens,  called  ofl"  their  men  from 
the  pursuit,  and  sent  a  herald  to  summon  the  Lacedaemonians 
to  surrender.      The  latter,  in  token  of  compliance,  dropped  their 
shields,  and  waved   their  hands  above  their  heads.     They  re- 
quested, however,  permission  to  communicate  with  their  coun- 
trymen on  the  mainland  ;   who,  after  two  or  tlii'ee  communica- 
tions, sent  them  a  final  message — "  to  take  counsel  for  themselves, 
but  to  do  nothing  disgraceful."      The  sun-ivors  then  surrendered. 
They  were  292  in  number,  120  of  whom  were  native  Spartans 
belonging  to  the  first  families.     By  this  surrender  the  prestige 
of  the  Spartan  arms  was  in   a  great  degree  destroyed.     The 
Spartans  were  not,  indeed,  deemed  invincible  ;  but  their  pre- 
vious I'eats,  e.specially  at  Thermopylae,  had  inspired  the  notion 
that  they  would  rather  die  than  yield  ;  an  opinion  which  could 
now  no  longer  be  entertained. 

k  9.  Cleon  had  thus  performed  his  promise.  On  the  day  after 
the  victory,  he  and  Demosthenes  started  with  the  prisoners  for 
Athens,  where  they  arrived  within  20  days  from  the  time  of 
Cleon's  departure.     Altogether,  this  afiair  was  one  of  the  most 


B.C.  425.  CAPTURE  OF  Pi^LUS.  313 

favoiirabib  xbr  ths  Athenians  that  had  occurred  during  the  war. 
The  prisoners  would  serve  not  only  for  a  guarantee  against  fu- 
ture invasions,  which  might  be  averted  by  threatening  to  put 
them  to  death,  but  also  as  a  means  for  extorting  advantageous 
conditions  whenever  a  peace  should  be  concluded.  Kay,  the 
victor^'  'tself  was  of  considerable  importance,  since  it  enabled 
the  Athenians  to  place  Pylus  in  a  better  posture  of  defence,  and, 
by  gaiTisoning  it  with  Messenians  from  Naupactus,  to  create  j, 
stronghold  whence  Laconia  might  be  overrun  and  ravaged  at 
pleasure.  The  Lacedsemonians  themselves  were  so  sensible  of  these 
things,  that  they  sent  repeated  iriessages  to  Athens  to  propose  a 
peace,  but  which  the  Athenians  altogether  disregarded. 

^10.  Meanwhile,  after  the  victoiy  at  Spl:acteria,  Eurymedon 
and  Sophocles  proceeded  with  the  Athenian  fleet  to  Corcyra, 
where,  in  conjunction  with  the  people,  they  took  by  stoim  the 
post  of  the  oligarchs  on  Mount  Istone.  The  latter  atiirst  retired 
to  an  inaccessible  peak,  but  subsequently  surrendered  them- 
selves on  condition  of  being  sent  to  Athens  to  be  judged  by  the 
Athenian  assembly-  Eurj'medon,  the  same  man  it  will  be  ob- 
served, who  had  before  abandoned  the  Corcyrseans  to  all  the 
fury  of  civil  discord,  assented  to  these  conditions,  and  caused 
the  prisoners  to  be  secured  in  the  small  adjoining  island  of 
Ptychia.  But  he  took  not  the  slightest  pains  to  carry  out  the 
agreement  ;  nay,  he  even  connived  at  the  artifices  of  the  Cor- 
cr}-a;an  democracy  to  entrap  the  prisoners  into  a  breach  of  the 
capitulation,  and  thus  procure  a  pretext  for  their  destruction. 
For  this  purpose  emissaries  in  the  guise  of  friends  were  sent 
over  to  Ptychia  to  persuade  the  prisoners  that  Eurymedon  in- 
tended to  hand  them  over  to  their  enemies,  and  thus  succeeded 
in  inducing  some  of  them  to  escape  in  a  boat  provided  for  tha' 
purpose.  The  boat  was  seized  in  the  act,  and  Eurymedon  now 
dehvered  up  the  prisoners  to  the  democratical  party.  They 
were  at  first  confined  in  a  large  building,  whence,  chained  two 
and  two  together,  they  were  led  out  to  execution  in  ccmpanies 
of  twenty.  They  advanced  through  a  road  lined  with  aim.ed 
men,  who  singled  out  their  private  enemies,  and  struck  and 
wounded  them  till  they  perished.  "  These  scenes,"  says  a  great 
historian,  "  are  real  prototypes  of  the  September  massacres  at 
Paris  :  all  the  prisoners,  jusfas  at  Paris,  were  led  from  the  prise  a 
between  two  rows  of  armed  men,  and  cut  to  pieces."*  IMiat, 
however,  renders  this  scene  still  more  disgusting  than  the  Pa- 
risian massacres,  is,  that  a  third  party — Eurymedon,  with  his 
Athenians — looked  on  in  cold  blood,  and  saw  these  atrocitiea 

*  Niebuhr,  '  Lectures  on  Ancient  Historv,'  vol.  ii.  p.  69. 
P 


:'.ii  iii-^roiiv  OF  r;uj:i:<:K  Ch.m'.  xxviil 

|)ci|ictr;i1c(l  willioiit  iii.-ikiii;^  IIk;  sliirlilfst  iittempt  lo  jm'vcut 
lliciii.  AllfT  llirt'c  (•(iiiipiiiiics  liaii  Ikcii  (li'.-tr<»y<'(l  the  ruiuuiiiin^ 
prisoiiiTS  iclusc-il  lo  (jiiit  lli<;  l)iiil(liii<r,  or  to  allow  any  one  to 
Ciller  it  ;  ill  Itio  name  \iuu-  pitcoii.-ly  imploririf,'  the  AtlieiiiaiiH  to 
kill  tlieni,  ratlier  than  aliandon  theni  to  the  cmcltie.s  of  their 
coiMilryint'i.'..  I?iit  Jiuryincdon  \va.«  incxorahle.  The  jjeojile  now 
iMirooled  pail  ol  the  l)nil(lin<r,  and  a^^saih^l  llie  jiriwjners  with 
showers  ol  tiles  and  arrows,  till  in  order  to  ewape  tiiis  linfr'-riii^ 
late,  they  were  driven  to  commit  suieide.  TIk;  work  <»f'  death 
proceeded  tlirou<^h  llie  iiiplit.  At  dayhreak  the  peoj)le  entered 
the  building  with  cart.-,  and  ])ilin<r  ujmmi  them  the  dead  bodies, 
in  number  about  300,  carried  them  out  ol'the  city. 

Hi.  The  eiglith  year  of  the  war  (n.c.  421)  opened  with  bril- 
liant ])ro.s})ects  ior  the  Athenians.  But  their  good  ibrtune  had 
now  reached  its  culminating  point ;  and  before  the  year  closed, 
their  defeat  at  the  battle  of  Delium  and  the  lo.ss  ol'  their  empire 
in  Tiu'ace  more  than  counterbalanced  all  the  advantages  they 
had  previously  gained.  At  lir.st,  however,  success  still  attended 
ihcir  arms.  Nicias  reduced  the  important  i.sland  of  Cvthera,  at 
the  soutliern  extremity  of  Laconia,  and  placed  gam.sons  in  the 
towns  of  Cythera  and  Scandeia.  He  then  proceeded  to  the 
coasts  of  Laconia,  which  he  ravaged  in  various  places.  Ajnong 
his  contjuests  here  was  the  town  of  Thyrea,  where  the  Lacedfc- 
monians  had  allowed  the  ^-Eginetans  to  settle  after  their  expul- 
sion from  their  own  island.  Thyrea  was  destroyed,  and  the  sair- 
viving  TEginetans  carried  to  Athens  and  put  to  death.  Among 
the  horrors  which  the  great  historian  of  the  Peloponnesian  war 
has  noted  as  characterizing  the  times,  the  murder  of  2000  Helc*s 
by  the  Laceda;monian3  stands  conspicuous.  Alarmed  for  the:\ 
own  safety  since  the  establishment  of  an  Athenian  and  Messe- 
nian  force  at  Pylus,  the  Lacedaemonians  about  this  time  pro- 
claimed that  those  Helots  who  had  distinguished  themselves  by 
their  services  during  the  war  should  come  Ibrward  and  claim 
llieir  liberty.  A  large  body  appeared,  out  of  whom  2000  were 
selected  as  worthy  of  emancipation.  Crowned  with  garlands, 
and  honoured  with  all  the  imposing  ceremonies  of  religion,  the 
UHhapjjy  Helots  paid  with  their  lives  for  the  liberty  thus  so- 
lemnly acquired.  In  a  short  time  they  all  disappeared,  no  man 
knew  how,  by  secret  orders  from  the  E})hors,  who  took  this  per- 
lidious  and  detestable  method  to  rid  themselves  of  formidable 
enemies. 

^  12.  Elate  with  their  continued  good  fortune,  the  Athenians 
aimed  at  nothing  less  than  the  recover)'  of  all  the  possessions 
which  they  had  held  before  the  Thirty  Years'  tnice.  For  this 
pur])o.se  they  planned  two  important   expeditions,  one  again=t 


B.C.  424.  BATTLE  01^'  DELIUM.  315 

Megara  and  the  other  against  Breotia.  In  the  former  they  were 
partially  successful.  They  seized  Nisa'a,  tlie  port  of  Megara, 
which  they  permanently  occupied  witli  an  Athenian  garrison; 
hut  they  were  prevented  from  obtaining  possession  of  Megara 
itself  by  the  energy  of  Brasidas,  who  was  at  that  time  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Corinth,  collecting  troops  for  his  Thracian 
expedition.  Receiving  intelligence  of  the  danger  of  Megara,  he 
immediately  marched  to  the  assistance  of  the  city  with  a  consi- 
derable force,  which  the  Athenians  did  not  venture  to  attack. 

The  expedition  against  Boeotia  was  attended  with  the  most 
disastrous  results.  Some  Boeotian  exiles,  and  other  malcontent 
citizens,  had  formed  a  plan  to  betray  Siphte,  on  the  gulf  of  Co- 
rinth, and  Chseronea,  on  the  borders  of  Phocis,  into  the  bauds  of 
the  Athenians,  who  were  on  the  same  day  to  invade  Boeotia  from 
the  south,  and  to  seize  the  temple  of  Apollo  at  Delium,  a  place 
about  five  miles  from  Tanagra,  strongly  situated  upon  the  cliffs 
on  the  eastern  coast.  It  was  anticipated  that  these  smiultaneous 
attacks  at  various  points  would  divide  the  Boeotian  forces,  and 
render  the  enterprise  easy  of  execution.  But  the  scheme  was  be- 
trayed, and  miscarried.  Demostlienes,  who  was  to  attack  Siphro 
and  Chaironea,  found  those  places  preoccupied  by  a  formidable 
Boeotian  force,  which  rendered  vain  all  hoj^jcs  of  surprising  them. 
Hippocrates,  who  commanded  the  army  of  invasion  from  the  south, 
proceeded  to  execute  his  part  in  the  arrangement,  and  marched  to 
Delium  with  the  very  large  force  of  7000  Athenian  hoplites,  toge- 
ther with  25,000  light  armed  troops  and  several  hundred  cavalry. 
A  day's  march  brought  him  to  Delium,  where  he  immediately 
fortified  the  sanctuary  of  Apollo  with  a  rampart  and  ditch,  besides 
other  works.  When  these  were  completed,  a  garrison  was  left  in 
the  place,  and  the  army  commenced  its  homeward  march.  On 
arriving  at  the  heights  between  Delium  and  the  plain  of  Oropus, 
they  were  encountered  by  the  Boeotians,  who  had  assembled  in 
great  force  at  Tanagra.  Their  army  consisted  of  about  7000 
Bffiotian  hoplites,  some  of  whorai  were  the  very  flower  of  the 
Theban  M-arriors,  10,000  light  armed  troops,  500  peltasts,  and 
1000  horse.  They  were  led  by  the  eleven  Bceotarchs  then  at  the 
head  of  the  Boeotian  confederacy,  though  the  supreme  command 
seems  to  have  been  vested,  probably  alternately,  in  the  two 
Bosotarchs  of  Thebes,  Pagondas  and  Aranthides.  All  the  BcEOt- 
archs,  with  the  exception  of  Pagondas,  were  of  opinion  that,  as 
the  Athenians  seemed  to  be  in  full  retreat,  they  should  be  sufli^red 
to  retire  unmolested.  But  that  commander,  disregarding  the 
opinion  of  his  colleagues,  appealed  to  the  patriotic  and  religious 
feelings  of  the  soldiers.  He  painted  in  strong  colours  the  danger 
of  suffering  this  insult  to  their  tojritory  to  pass  unpunished,  and 


:ur,  IIISTOI'.V  OF  (JHKECIi  Ciiai-.  XXVIIL 

jKfinted  out  that  ilu:  KacriCiccs  were  lavmirablc  for  an  alluck, 
wliilst,  on  lilt!  oilier  liaiid,  tin;  Atliciiiaiis  had  incurred  llie  anger 
ol  Apollo  hy  violatiiij.'  his  leiiiph?.  Having'  l»y  these  r<!jtre.senta- 
tions  jKTsuadcd  ihc  IWj'otians  to  hazard  an  eiifragement,  he  drew 
up  tlic  army  in  order  olljattie  luidcr  the  hniW  oC  a  hill  wliieh 
eouccalid  theui  irom  the  Athenian.s.  llij)j)oerale.«,  on  liis  side, 
li.istiiird  Id  jjrepare  liis  troojw  lor  the  hattle.  His  hopliles  were 
drawn  up  in  <a  line  oi"ci<rht  deep,  having  the  lifrht  armed  troops 
and  cavalry  on  the  flanks.  The  heavy  Bu-olian  phalanx,  on  the 
(H)ntrary,  Avas  twenty-live  deep  ;  the  Thehan  lioplites  occupying 
the  right,  •with  the  other  heavy-anned  Bceotians  on  the  left  and 
in  the  centre.  The  light-armed  troops  and  cavalry  were  ranged, 
as  in  tlie  Athenian  hue,  upon  the  flank.s.  The  Bojotians,  ascend- 
ing the  liill  in  this  array,  as  goon  as  they  came  in  siglit  of"  the 
Athenians,  raised  the  war-shout  anil  charged,  hcfore  llij)pocratctj 
had  finished  addressing  his  men.  llavines  at  holh  extremities 
of  the  line  prevented  the  light  troops  from  engaging;  hut  the 
serried  ranks  of  tlie  lioplites  met  in  desperate  conflict.  The  left 
wing  of  the  Bffiotians  was  repulsed;  but  on  the  right  the  skill 
and  A'alour  of  the  chosen  Theban  warriors  who  led  the  van,  as 
well  as  tlie  superior  weight  of"  the  deep  and  dcn.sely  compacted 
plialanx  bore  down  all  resistance.  At  the  same  time  Pagondas, 
having  sent  round  liis  cavalry  to  attack  the  Athenian  right, 
restored  the  fortune  of  tlie  day  on  that  side  also.  The  rout  of 
the  Athenians  was  now  complete.  Some  fled  back  to  Delium, 
some  to  Oropus,  others  to  the  heights  of  Panics.  Hippocrates 
himself  fell  in  the  engagement,  together  with  lOUO  hoplites;  a 
loss  about  double  that  of  the  Boeotians.  Fortunately  for  the 
Athenians,  the  battle  had  commenced  late  in  the  day,  and  they 
were  thus  rescued  by  the  fiiendly  shades  of  night  from  the  pur- 
suit and  massacre  which  would  otherwise  have  overtaken  them. 
When  on  the  morrow  an  Athenian  herald  asked  the  cus- 
tomary permission  to  bury  the  slain,  the  Bceotians  reproached 
the  Athenians  Avilh  the  violation  of  Apollo's  sanctuan,',  and  re- 
fused the  sacred  rites  of  sepulture  till  the  sacrilege  should  be 
axpiated,  and  Delium  evacuated.  They  immediately  invested 
ibat  place,  which  surrendered  after  a  siege  of  seventeen  days. 
The  greater  part  of  the  garrison,  however,  succeeded  iu  escaping 
by  sea,  but  about  200  prisoners  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Boeotians.  Altogether  the  battle  of  Delium  was  the  greatest 
and  most  decisive  fought  during  the  first  period  of  the  war.  An 
interesting  feature  of  the  battle  is  that  both  k>ocrates  and  his 
pupil  Alcibiades  were  engaged  in  it,  the  former  among  the 
hoplites,  the  latter  in  the  cavalr\-.  Socrates  distinguished  him- 
self by  his  bravery,  and  was  oae  of  those  who,  instead  of  throw- 


B.C.  424. 


BRASIDAS  IN  THRACE. 


317 


ing  down  their  arms,  kept  together  in  a  compact  body,  and  re- 
pulsed the  attacks  of  the  pursuing  horse.  His  retreat  was  also 
protected  by  Alcibiades. 

^  13.  This  disastrous  battle  was  speedily  followed  by  the 
overthrow  of  the  Athenian  empire  in  Thrace.  At  the  reque.st 
of  Perdiccas,  king  of  Macedonia,  and  of  the  Chalcidian  towns, 
who  had  sued  for  help  against  the  Athenians,  Brasidas  was 
sent  by  the  Lacedaemonian  government  into  Thrace,  at  the 
head  of  700  Helot  hoplites  and  such  others  as  he  could  succeed 
in  raising  in  Greece.  While  engaged  in  levying  troops  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Corinth,  he  saved  Megara  from  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  Athenians,  as  has  been  already  related. 
Having  obtained  1000  Peloponnesian  hoplites,  in  addition  to 
the  700  mentioned  above,  he  succeeded,  by  a  rapid  and  dex- 
terous march  through  the  hostile  country  of  Thessaly,  in  eflecting 
a  junction  with  Perdiccas,  with  whom  he  marched  into  Thrace. 
Hero  he  proclaimed  that  he  was  come  to  deliver  the  Grecian 
cities  from  the  tyrannous  yoke  of  Athens.  His  bravery,  his 
kind  and  conciliating  demeanour,  his  probity,  moderation,  and 
good  faith,  soon  gained  him  the  respect  and  love  of  the  allies  of 
Athens  in  that  quarter  ;  whose  defection  was  likewise  promoted 
by  the  news  of  the  Athenian  reverses.  Acanthus  and  tStagirus 
hastened  to  open  their  gates  to  him  ;  and  early  in  the  ensuing 
wniter,  by  means  of  forced   marches,  he  suddenly  and  unex- 


Plan  of  the  neishbourliood  ol  Aniphipolis. 


].  Sitf  of  Aniphipolis 
5.  Sitp  of  Eion 

i.  Kidce  ronnertin?  Anipliipoln  with 
Mount  PangaMis. 


Lwke  Cercinitifl. 
Mount  Cerdylium. 
Moanl  l'an^a;us. 


niR  IIISTOUY  OF  (iUKlTE.  Chap.  XXVIIL 

]icct('(]ly  appeared  before  the  iiii|iortaiit  Alhciiian  r()lr)iiy  of 
Airi|)lii|)()lis  (111  llie  Slryiiioii.  Ju  lliat  lovvu  llic  Allieuiaii  party 
was  the  utroiijrer,  and  8eiit  a  nie^.-^a^re  liir  assintaiiee  to  Thucy- 
dides,  tlio  lii.slorian,  who,  in  eoiijuiietioii  with  Eiiele.s,  ■was  then 
^R'lieral  in  those  ])arts.  Thuey(hde.s  liastencd  with  Hcveii  ships 
I'roni  ThaKos,  and  sncceeded  in  weurinr.''  Eion  at  tlic  month  of 
the  Slrynion  ;  but  Aniplii])ohs,  which  lay  a  hltlo  hi^lier  up  tlie 
river,  aUnred  by  the  favourable  terms  oliered,  had  already  sur- 
rendered 1o  Brasidas.  For  his  want  of  viirilance  on  this  occasion, 
Thucydides  was,  on  the  motion  ot  Cleon,  ticntenced  to  banish- 
ment, and  s])ent  tlu;  lollowing  twenty  years  of  his  Hfe  in  exile. 
From  Amphipolis  Brasidas  proceeded  to  the  easternmost  penin- 
sula of  Clialcidice,  whei'e  most  of  the  towns  bastened  to  surrender. 
At  Torone,  on  the  Silhoiiian  peninsula,  the  gates  were  opened 
by  an  anti-Athenian  ])ar1y.  The  Athenian  garrison  fled  to  a 
neighbouring  ibrt  ;  but  Brasidas  took  the  place  by  storm,  and 
put  all  the  prisoners  to  tlie  sword. 

^  14.  The  Athenians  were  so  much  depressed  by  their  deieat 
at  Delium,  that  they  neglected  to  take  vigorous  measures  for 
aiTesting  the  progress  of  Brasidas.  They  now  began  to  think 
seriously  of  peace,  and  to  entertain  the  proposals  of"  the  Laceda;- 
monians,  who  were  on  their  side  solicitous  about  their  prisoners 
still  in  custody  at  Athens.  Early  in  c.c.  423,  the  ninth  year  of 
the  war,  a  truce  was  concluded  for  a  year,  with  a  view  to  the 
subsequent  adjustment  of  a  definitive  and  permanent  peace. 
The  negotiations  for  that  purpose  were,  liowever,  suddenly  inter- 
rupted by  the  news  that  JScioue  had  revolted  to  Brasidas.  This 
revolt  appears  to  have  taken  place  two  days  after  the  conclusion 
of  the  truce  ;  and  as  one  of  the  conditions  was  that  every  thing 
should  remain  in  statu  quo  till  peace  was  definitively  concluded, 
the  Athenians  demanded  that  the  town  should  be  restored. 
With  this  demand  Brasidas  refused  to  comply.  Excited  by  the 
sjieeches  of  Cleon,  the  Athenians  woidd  not  listen  to  any  pro- 
posals for  arbitration,  and  sent  an  armament  against  Scione, 
with  orders  that  every  man  in  the  place  shoidd  be  put  to  death. 

The  war  was  thus  revived  in  those  distant  regions,  but 
nearer  home  the  truce  was  observed.  Brasidas,  who  had  been 
deserted  by  the  faithless  Perdiccas,  threw  himself  into  Torone 
on  the  approach  of  the  Athenians.  Tsieias  and  Isicostratus.  who 
had  arrived  in  Clialcidice  with  50  triremes  and  a  large  body  of 
troops,  commenced  operations  against  Mende,  which  had  also 
revolted.  The  town  was  surrendered  by  a  party  among  the 
citizens :  the  Lacedaemonian  garrison  contrived  to  escape  to 
Scione,  which  town  the  Athenians  proceeded  to  invest ;  and 
when  Nicias  had  completely  blockaded  it,  he  returned  to  Athena. 


B.C.  422.  DEATH  OF  BRASIDAS  AND  CLEON.  319 

S^  15.  Things  remained  in  this  state  till  the  beginning  of  the 
year  b.c.  422,  when  the  truce  expired.  Early  in  August,  Cleon 
having  been  appointed  to  the  command,  proceeded  against 
Scione,  with  a  fleet  of  30  triremes,  carrying  1200  hoplites,  300 
cavalry,  and  a  large  force  of  subsidiary  troops.  In  the  absence 
of  Brasidas  he  succeeded  in  taking  Torone  and  Galepsus,  btit 
failed  in  an  attempt  upon  Stagirus.  He  then  lay  for  seme  time 
inactive  at  Eion,  till  the  murmurs  of  his  troops  compelled  him 
to  proceed  against  Amphipolis.  Thither  Brasidas  had  also 
dii'ected  his  m.arch,  with  an  army  of  2000  hoplites,  300  Greek 
cavalry,  and  a  large  body  of  light  armed  Tliracians.  He  encamped 
on  the  heiglits  of  Cerdylium  on  the  western  bank  of  the  river, 
whence  he  could  survey  all  the  nrovements  of  the  enemy  ;  but, 
on  the  approach  of  Cleon,  he  threw  all  his  troops  into  the  town, 
rhat  general  encamped  on  a  rising  ground  on  the  eastern  side  of 
A.mphipolis.  Having  deserted  the  peaceful  art  of  dressing  hides 
for  the  more  hazardous  trade  of  Mar,  in  which  he  was  almost 
totally  inexperienced,  and  having  now  no  Demosthenes  to  direct 
his  movements,  Cleon  was  thrown  completely  ofi'  his  guard  by  a 
very  ordinary  stratagem  on  the  part  of  Brasidas,  who  contrived 
to  give  the  town  quite  a  deserted  and  peaceful  appearance. 
Cleon  suffered  his  troops  to  fall  into  disorder,  till  he  was  sud- 
denly surprised  by  the  astounding  news  that  Brasidas  was  pre- 
paring for  a  sally.  Cleon  at  once  resolved  to  retreat.  But  his 
ekill  was  equal  to  his  valour.  He  had  no  conception  that  he 
could  be  attacked  till  Brasidas  had  drawn  out  his  men  and 
formed  them,  as  if  they  were  on  parade,  in  regular  order.  He 
therefoi-e  conducted  his  retreat  in  the  most  disorderly  manner. 
His  left  wing  had  already  filed  off,  and  his  centre  with  straggling 
ranks  was  in  the  act  of  following,  when  Brasidas  ordered  the 
gates  of  the  town  to  be  flung  open,  and  rushing  out  at  the  head 
of  only  loO  chosen  soldiers,  charged  the  retreating  columns  in 
flank.  They  were  immediately  routed  ;  but  as  Brasidas  was 
hastening  to  attack  the  Athenian  right,  which  was  oidy  just 
breaking  ground,  and  where  Cleon  himself  was  posted,  he  re- 
ceived a  mortal  wound  and  was  carried  oft"  the  field.  Though 
his  men  were  forming  on  the  hill,  Cleon  fled  as  fast  as  he  could 
on  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  but  was  pursued  and  slain  by  a 
Thracian  peltast.  In  spite,  however  of  the  disgraceful  flight  of 
their  general,  the  right  wing  maintained  their  groimd  for  a  con- 
siderable time,  till  some  cavalry  and  peltasts  issuing  from  Am- 
phipolis attacked  them  in  flaidv  and  rear,  and  compelled  ihcm.  to 
fiy.  On  assembling  again  at  Eion  it  was  found  that  half  the 
Athenian  hoplites  had  been  slain.  Brasidas  was  carried  into 
Amphipolis,  and  lived  long  enough  to  receive  the  tidings  of  liis 


320 


UISTOllV  OF  C.MKKCK. 


CiiAi-.  XXVJIL 


vir-t(iry.  H""  'vv.is  iiitcm-d  williiii  tlui  walls  willi  f^real  iiiililar) 
|)(>in|i  ill  I  111'  ((Ml  ri' <>r  wliat  tlic'iicelorlli  liccaiiic  Uie  cliiel  a^ora  ; 
lie  was  proclaiiiird  ii-cist,  (jf  luiiiuJcr  ol  iIk;  town  ;  uiid  was  wor- 
Hliip|R(l  as  a  \\vu)  willi  aiimial  fjaiiifs  and  HacriliccK. 

^  16.  IJy  tlic  death  oi'  lirasidas  and  Clcoii,  tlie  two  chief  ob- 
Bladcs  to  a  jicaeu  were  removed  ;  ior  the  Ibruier  loved  war  lor  the 
Bake  of  its  jrlory,  the  latter  ii>r  the  handle  which  it  allordcd  lor 
'agitation  and  l()r  attackinfr  his  political  (opponents.  The  Athernan 
'Nicias,  and  the  Sjiartan  king  I'leistoanax,  zealously  Ibrwarded 
the  negotiations,  and  in  the  sprnig  ol  the  yvar  u.c.  121,  a  peace 
for  50  years,  conirnonly  called  the  ]>eace  of  jS'icias,  was  concluded 
on  the  basis  of  a  mutual  restitution  of  jirisoners  and  places  caj)- 
tured  during  the  war.  The  Thebans,  liowever,  retained  Plataa 
on  the  j)lea  that  it  had  been  voluntarily  surrendered,  and  on  the 
same  grounds  Athens  was  allowed  to  hold  Nisa-a,  Anactorium. 
and  Sollium.  Neutral  towns  were  to  remain  independent,  and 
pay  only  the  assessment  of  Aristides.  By  tliis  treaty  ^^par1a 
sacrificed  tlic  interests  of  her  allies  in  favour  of  her  own.  Her 
confederates  viewed  it  with  jealousy  and  distrust,  and  four  of 
them,  namely,  the  Ba*otians,  Corinthians,  Eleans,  and  Megarians, 
positively  refused  to  ratify  it.  Alarmed  at  this  circumstance,  as 
well  as  at  the  expiration  of  her  Thirty  Years'  Truce  with  Argos, 
Sparta  soon  afterwards  concluded  an  oliensive  and  defensive 
alliance  with  Athens,  with  the  stipulation  tliat  each  might  in- 
crease or  diminish  at  pleasure  the  number  of  its  alhes  and 
subjects. 


Coin  of  Amphipolis. 


Centaur  from  the  Metopes  of  the  Parthenon. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 


PELOPONNESIAN    "WAR    CONTINUED.       FROM    THE    PEACE    OF    NICIAS 
TO    THE    EXPEDITION    OF    THE    ATHENIANS    TO   SICILY. 

§  1.  LeagueofArgos,  Corinth,  Elca.Mantinea,  and  Chalcidice.  §  2.  Trans- 
actions between  Sparta  and  Athens.  §  3.  Policy  and  cliaracter  of  Alci- 
biades.  §4.  Headvocatesaleague  with  Argos.  Resorts  to  a  stratagem 
to  procure  it.  §  5.  Alcibiades  victor  at  Olynipia.  His  magnificence. 
§  6.  He  proceeds  to  Peloponnesus.  §  7.  Proceedings  of  the  Lacedsemo- 
nians.  Battle  of  Maiitinea.  §  8.  Revolutions  at  Argos.  A  democracy 
established.  §9.  Conquest  ofMelos  by  the  Athenians.  §10.  Interven- 
tionof  the  AtheniansinSicily.  §11.  Embassy  of  the  Egestfeans.  They 
deceive  tlie  Athenians  respecting  their  wealth.  §  12.  The  Athenians 
resolve  on  an  expedition  to  Sicily.  §  13.  Preparations  at  Athens. 
Popular  delusion.  §  14.  Mutilation  of  the  Hermaj.  Accusation  of 
Alcibiades.     §  1.5.   Departure  of  the  Athenian  fleet  for  Sicily. 

M.  It  has  been  mentioned  that  several  of  the  alUes  of  Sparta 
were  dissatisfied  with  the  peace  which  she  had  conchided  ;  and 
soon  afterwards  some  of  them  determined  to  revive  the  ancient 
pretensions  of  Arp;os,  and  to  make  her  the  head  of  a  new  con- 
federacy, which  should  include  all  Greece,  with  the  exception  of 
Sparta  and  Athens.     The  movement  was  begini  by  the  Corin- 


«'22  IMSTORV  or  GRKKCM  CitAi-.  XAIX. 

Iliiaiis,  wlio  il'lt  themselves  ri^ri^'rieved  Ix-eaiise  llie  L;ici!(l;nni(nii;iiiH 
had  allowed  Athens  to  retain  Sollium  aiid  Aiiaeloriuiii.  TJic 
lea;fiie  Avas  soon  joined  by  tiie  Jileans,  the  Mantiiicuiis,  and  the 
(Jhaleidi;uis.  Jhil  they  in  vain  endeavfinrcd  to  persuade  the 
Ijovverfni  city  of  T»;<rea  to  unite  with  thern  ;  wliilst  the  olif,'ar- 
ehieal  <i;overniiients  oliid-otia  and  IMe^'ara  also  stood  alfM)!'. 

^  2.  I5et\ve(;n  Sparta  and  Athens  tiieniselvcs  matters  were  far 
from  heinjr  on  a  satisfaetory  looting.  !S]»arta  confessed  her  in- 
ability to  compel  the  Jiu^otians  and  Corintliians  to  accede  to  the 
peace,  or  even  to  restore  the  town  of  Ampliipolis.  After  the 
death  of  Brasidas,  Clearidas  had  succeeded  to  the  conunand  of 
Ami)liipolis  ;  and  lie  now  pretended  tliat  lie  was  not  stron;^ 
enoufrli  to  surrender  it  a<raiiist  the  will  of  the  inhabitants. 
However,  he  withdrew  witli  his  garrison  from  the  jdace  ;  and 
the  Athenians  do  not  apjiear  to  have  made  any  attempt  to  take 
possession  of  it.  All  that  they  efiected  in  that  quarter  was  to 
reduce  Scionc,  when  the  bloody  decree  of  Cleou  was  carried  into 
execution.  Athens  consequently  refused  to  evacuate  Pylus, 
thousih  she  removed  the  Helots  and  Mcsscnians  from  it. 

^  3.  In  the  negotiations  which  ensued  respecting  the  surrender 
of  Pylus,  Alcibiades  took  a  prominent  part.  Tliis  extraordinary 
man  had  already  obtained  immense  inliuciice  at  Athens.  Young, 
rich,  handsome,  profligate,  and  clever,  Alcibiades  was  the  very 
model  of  an  Athenian  man  of  fashion.  In  lineage  he  was  a  striking 
contrast  to  the  plebeian  orators  of  the  day.  The  Athenian  public, 
in  spite  of  its  excessive  democracy,  was  anything  but  insensible 
to  the  jirestige  of  high  birth  ;  and  Alcibiades  traced  liis  paternal 
descent  from  the  iEacid  heroes  Eurysaces  and  Ajax,  whilst  on 
his  mother's  side  he  claimed  relationship  with  the  Alcmseonidse, 
and  consequently  with  Pericles.  On  the  death  of  liis  father 
Clinias,  Pericles  had  become  his  guardian.  From  early  youth 
the  conduct  of  Alcibiades  was  marked  by  violence,  reck- 
lessness, and  vanity.  He  delighted  in  astonishing  the  more 
sober  portion  of  the  citizens  by  his  capricioiis  and  extravagant 
leats.  Nothing,  not  even  the  sacredness  of  the  laws,  was  securb 
from  his  petulance.  Sometimes  we  find  him  beating  a  school- 
master for  not  having  a  copy  of  Homer  in  his  school,  or  inter- 
rupting the  performances  of  the  theatre  by  strikmg  his  fellow 
choregus  ;  and  on  one  occasion  he  ell'aces  with  his  own  hand  an 
indictment  published  against  a  Thasian  poet,  and  defies  both 
prosecutor  and  magistrate  to  proceed  with  it.  His  beauty,  his 
wit,  and  his  escapades,  had  made  him  the  darling  of  all  the 
Athenian  ladies,  nor  did  the  men  regard  him  Anth  less  admira- 
tion. But  he  was  utterly  destitute  of  morality,  whether  public 
or  private.      The  "  lions  whelp,  "   as  he  .is  termed  by  Aristo- 


B.C.  421.  CHAEACTER  OF  ALCIBIADES.  323 

phanes,  was  even  suspected,  in  his  boundless  ambition,  of  a 
design  to  enslave  bis  i'ellow-citizens.  His  vices,  however,  were 
partly  redeemed  by  some  brilliant  qualities.  He  possessed  both 
boldness  of  design  and  vigour  of  action ;  and  though  scarcely 
more  than  thirty  at  the  time  of  which  we  are  now  speaking,  he 
had  already  on  several  occasions  distinguished  himself  by  his 
bravery.  His  more  serious  studies  were  made  subservient  to 
the  pm-poses  of  his  ambition,  for  which  some  skill  as  an  orator 
was  necessary.  In  order  to  attain  it  he  frequented  the  schools 
of  the  sophists,  and  exercised  himself  in  the  dialectics  of  Pro- 
dicus,  Protagoras,  and  above  all  of  Sccrates.  As  an  orator  he 
seems  to  have  attained  a  respectable,  but  not  a  first,  rank.  He 
had  not  the  rapid  and  spontaneous  flow  of  ideas  and  words 
which  characterised  the  eloquence  of  Pericles.  He  would  fre- 
quently hesitate  m  order  to  cull  the  mcst  choice  and  elegant 
phrase  ;  and  a  lisp,  whether  natural  or  afiected,  which  turned 
all  the  rs  into  Z"s,  must  have  been  a  serious  drawback  to  his 
orator)'. 

^  4.  Such  was  the  man  who  now  opposed  the  application  of 
the  Lacedscinonian  ambassadors.  It  is  characteristic  of  him  that 
personal  pique  Avas  the  motive  of  his  opposition.  The  politics 
of  his  ancestors  had  been  democratic,  and  his  grandfather  was  a 
violent  opponent  of  the  Pisistratidaj.  But  he  himself  on  his  first 
entrance  into  public  life,  a  little  before  the  peace  of  Nicias,  had 
manifested  oligarchical  sentiments,  and  even  endeavoured  to 
renew  an  ancient  tie  of  hospitahty  wdiich  had  formerly  connected 
his  family  with  Sparta.  With  the  view  of  becoming  the  Spartan 
proxenus  at  Athens,  he  had  been  assiduous  in  his  attentions 
towards  the  Spartan  prisoners,  and  had  taken  an  active  part  in 
forwarding  the  peace.  But  the  Spartan  government  rejected 
his  advances,  and  even  sneered  at  the  idea  of  intrusting  their 
political  interests  to  a  youth  known  only  by  his  insolence  and 
profligacy.  The  petulant  Alcibiades  was  not  the  man  to  brook 
such  an  afl'ront.  He  immediately  threw  himself,  A\ith  all  the 
restless  energy  of  his  character,  into  the  party  opposed  to  Sparta, 
now  deprived  of  ils  most  conspicuous  leader  by  the  death  of 
Cleon.  He  began  to  advocate  a  league  with  Argos,  in  which 
city  the  democratic  party  at  that  time  predominated,  and  sent 
a  private  message  to  his  friends  there  advising  them  to  despatch 
ambassadors  to  negotiate  the  admission  of  Argos  among  th* 
allies  of  Athens.  A  joint  embassy  was  accordingly  sent  from 
Argos,  Elea,  and  Mantinea.  The  Lacedaemonians  endeavoured 
to  defeat  this  negotiation  by  sending  three  of  their  most  popular 
citizens  to  Athens,  to  make  another  attempt  to  procure  the 
cession  of  Pylus.     Their  reception  was  so  favourable,  that  Alci- 


■i2\  HISTORY  OF  GKi:i:CJ-l  (Jiui.  XXlx. 

blades,  alurrnud  LlI  llic  prospect  of  their  bucccss,  resorted  to  a 
triclc  in  order  to  defeat  it.  He  called  -npori  the  LacedaTnonian 
cnvnyr,  one  of  v.-h(;in  happened  to  b'j  hi.s  iiersonal  Irierid  ;  and 
])retetiding  to  have  resumed  his  predilections  lor  Sparta,  he  ad- 
viseil  them  not  to  tell  the  Assembly  tliat  they  were  lurnished 
Avilh  full  ])owers,  as  in  that  case  the  people  Avould  bully  them 
into  extravagant  concessions,  but  rather  to  say  that  they  were 
merely  come  to  discuss  and  report ;  promising,  il'liiey  did  so,  to 
speak  in  their  favour,  and  induce  the  Assembly  to  grant  the 
restitution  of  Pylus,  to  which  he  himself  had  hitherto  been  the 
chief  obstacle.  Accordingly,  on  the  next  day,  when  the  ambas- 
sadors were  introduced  into  the  Assembly,  Alcibiades,  assuming 
his  blandest  tone  and  mo.st  winning  smile,  asked  them  on  what 
looting  they  came,  and  what  were  their  powers  .'  In  reply  to 
these  queslions,  the  ambassadors,  who  only  a  day  or  two  belbrc 
had  told  Nicias  and  the  Senate  that  they  were  come  as  plenipo- 
tentiaries, now  publicly  declared  in  the  face  of  the  assembly, 
that  they  were  not  authorized  to  conclude,  but  only  to  negotiate 
and  discuss.  At  this  announcement,  tho.se  who  had  heard  their 
previous  declaration  could  scarcely  believe  their  ears.  A 
universal  burst  of  indignation  broke  forth  at  this  exhibition 
of  Spartan  duplicity  ;  whilst  to  wind  up  the  scene,  Alcibiades, 
affecting  to  be  more  surprised  than  any,  distinguished  himself 
by  being  the  loudest  and  bitterest  in  his  invectives  against 
the  perfidy  of  the  Lacedajmonians.  Taking  advantage  of  the 
moment,  he  proposed  that  the  Argive  ambassadors  should  be 
called  in,  and  an  alliance  instantly  concluded  with  Argos.  The 
motion,  liowever,  was  defeated  for  the  present  by  an  earth- 
quake which  occurred,  and  which  caused  the  assembly  to  be 
adjourned.  This  delay  procured  Nicias  the  opportunity  of  pro- 
ceeding to  Sparta,  and  making  another  attempt  at  adjustment. 
It  proved,  however,  unsuccessful.  Nicias  was  obliged  to  make 
the  mortifying  confession  of  his  failure  before  the  assembly  ;  and 
Alcibiades  thereupon  procured  the  completion  of  a  treaty  of 
alliance  for  100  years  with  Argos,  Elis,  and  Mantinea.  This 
took  place  in  the  year  420  B.C.  Thus  were  the  Grecian  states 
involved  in  a  complicity  of  separate  and  often  apparently  oppo- 
site alliances.  It  was  evident  that  allies  so  heterogeneous  could 
not  long  hold  together ;  nevertheless,  nomuially  at  least,  peace 
was  at  first  observed. 

^  5.  In  the  July  which  followed  the  treaty  with  Argos,  the 
Olympic  games,  Mhich  recurred  every  fourth  year,  were  to  be 
celebrated.  The  Athenians  had  been  shut  out  by  the  war  from 
the  two  previous  celebrations  ;  but  now  Elean  heralds  came  with 
the  usual  forms  to  invite  their  attendance.      Curiosity  was  ex- 


B.C.  418.  "WAR  IN  PELOPONNESUS.  325 

cited  throughout  Greece  to  see  what  figure  Athens  would  make 
at  this  great  Pan-Hellenic  festival.  War,  it  was  surmised,  must 
have  exhausted  her  resources,  and  would  thus  prevent  her  from 
appearing  with  becoming  splendour.  But  from  this  reproach 
she  was  rescued  by  the  wealth  and  vanity,  if  not  by  the  patri- 
otism of  Alcibiades.  By  his  care,  the  Athenian  deputies  exhi- 
bited the  richest  display  of  golden  ewers,  censers,  and  other 
plate  to  be  used  in  the  public  sacrifice  and  procession  ;  whilst 
lor  the  games  he  entered  in  his  own  name  no  lewer  than  the  un- 
hisard  of  immber  of  seven  four-horsed  chariots,  of  which  one 
gained  the  fii'st,  and  another  the  second  prize.  Alcibiades  was 
consequently  twice  crowned  with  the  olive,  and  twice  proclaimed 
victor  by  the  herald.  In  his  private  tent  his  victory  was  cele- 
brated by  a  magnificent  banquet.  It  is  not  improbable,  how- 
ever, that  on  this  occasion  he  was  assisted  by  the  Athenian 
allies  ;  for  the  whole  Ionic  race  was  interested  in  appearing  with 
due  honour  at  this  grand  national  festival. 

^  G.  The  growing  ambition  and  success  of  Alcibiades  j^rompted 
him  to  carry  his  schemes  against  Sparta  into  the  very  heart  of 
Peloponnesus,  without,  however,  openly  violating  the  peace.  For 
the  first  time  an  Athenian  general  was  beheld  traversing  the 
peninsula,  and  busying  himself  with  the  domestic  afiairs  of 
several  of  its  states.  He  persuaded  the  citizens  of  Patraj  in 
Achaia  to  ally  themselves  with  Athens ;  and  proceeded  with 
tiie  few  troops  he  had  brought  with  him  to  assist  the  Argives  in 
an  attack  upon  Epidaurus,  a  city  conveniently  situated  for  facili- 
tating the  intercourse  between  Argos  and  Athens.  The  territory 
of  Epidaurus  was  ravaged  ;  and  late  in  the  autumn,  the  Lacedae- 
monians sent  300  men  by  sea  to  the  assistance  of  that  city  ;  but 
nothing  decisive  took  place. 

§  7.  The  Laceda;mjnians  now  found  it  necessary  to  act  with 
more  vigour  ;  and  accordingly  in  u.c.  418,  they  assembled  a  very 
large  army,  consisting  both  of  their  allies  and  of  their  own  troops, 
and  invaded  the  territory  of  Argos  in  three  divisions.  Their 
operations  were  judiciously  planned.  The  Spartan  king,  Agis, 
succeeded  in  surrounding  the  Argive  army  in  such  a  manner 
that  he  might  easily  have  cut  it  to  pieces  ;  but  at  the  moment 
when  an  engagement  was  on  the  point  of  commencing,  two  of 
the  Argive  leaders  proceeded  to  Agis,  and  by  undertaking  to 
procure  a  satisfactory  alliance  between  Argos  and  Sparta,  in- 
duced him  to  grant  a  truce  of  four  mouths.  Shortly  after  this 
truce  had  been  concluded  the  Athenians  came  to  the  assistance 
of  the  Argives  with  a  force  of  1000  hoplites  and  400  cavalry. 
They  were  accompanied  by  Alcibiades,  who  seems,  however,  to 
have  come  in  a  civil  capacity.     He  now  persuaded  the  Argives 


820  IIISTOIIY  OF  (illEECM  Ciiai-.  XXIX. 

to  iiKiicli  witli  ihosi;  IroDjH  iind  otlier  allies  afrainst  llie  town  of 
UrclioiiuMios  ill  Arcadia.  JIaviii<(  rt;(lii(;<;(i  Orcliornenos,  they 
j)roc.in;(li!fl  aj^aiii.st  Tcj^ca,  lio|»iii<i^  to  bi;fM)iiic  masters  of  it  tlirouj^li 
till!  tivacliery  of  a  party  amoii<(  tliu  citizL'iis.  TIh!.-r;  priKicudiiifrH, 
liowcvor,  nmsiid  tlio  LacL-daMnoiiians,  who  entered  the  ttirritory 
of  Maiitiiiea  with  a  iar<rc  fonre.  Agis,  who  harl  iiieurred  the  just 
iiidijriiatioii  of  his  comitryiucii  hy  the  iiiijirovideiit  truee  Ijclore 
iii'.'iitioiied,  was  nevertheless  intrusted  with  the  coiriinand  of 
tliis  army  ;  but  only  in  consideration  of  his  haviiitr  jironiiseJ  to 
v/ipe  out  his  former  dis<';rae(!  hy  perlorming  some  f^^reat  exploit. 
He  marched  into  the  territory  of  Mantinca,  and  took  up  a  posi- 
tion near  the  Ileracleum,  or  temple  of  flercules,  whence  he  laid 
waste  the  surronndinj^  country.  The  Arsrives  and  their  alUes 
marched  forth  from  Mantinea,  and,  po.-^tiui^  them.selves  on  very 
inrrrred  aud  adva  ita^oous  ground,  oliered  the  Lacedicmonians 
battle.  Anxious  to  retrieve  his  honour,  Agis  was  hastening  to 
attack  them  even  at  this  disadvantage,  and  had  already  arrived 
within  javclin-throw,  when  an  aged  wan'ior  exclaimed  that  he 
was  now  about  "  to  heal  one  mi.schief  by  another."  f?trnck  by 
this  remark  Agis  drew  oil'  his  men,  and,  with  the  view  ol"  enticing 
the  Argivos  from  their  position,  commonred  a  retrograde  march 
over  the  plain  ;  intending  also  to  block  up  a  watercourse  situated 
at  some  distance,  and  annoy  the  Mantiiieans  by  flooding  their 
lands.  Finding,  however,  this  project  to  be  impracticable,  he 
returned  upon  his  steps  the  following  day,  when  liis  columns 
suddenly  found  themselves  in  presence  of  the  enemy,  drawn  up 
in  order  of  battle  upon  the  plain.  But,  though  taken  somewhat 
by  surprise,  the  admirable  discipHne  of  the  Lacedaemonians, 
ensured  by  a  continuous  subordination  of  officers,  as  well  as  by 
constant  drill,  enabled  Agis  to  form  his  line  speedily  and  without 
confusion  in  the  face  of  the  enemy.  Instead  of  charging  before 
his  troops  were  formed,  the  Argive  generals  were  wasting  the 
time  in  haranguing  their  men.  The  Spartans,  who  were  soldiere 
by  profession,  needed  no  such  encouragement,  and  trusted 
rather  to  discipline  and  valour  than  to  line  speeches.  Instead 
of  these,  the  inspiriting  wai'-song  resounded  through  their  ranks  ; 
whilst  the  slow  and  steady  regularity  of  their  march  was  go- 
verned by  the  musical  time  of  their  pipers.  Their  opponents  ou 
the  contrary  came  rushing  on  at  a  furious  pace.  From  the 
natural  tendency  of  Greek  armies  to  advance  somewhat  towards 
the  right,  in  order  to  keep  their  left  or  shielded  side  as  much  as 
possible  towards  the  enemy,  the  left  wing  of  Agis  was  outllanked 
by  the  right  of  the  allies,  in  which  fought  a  chosen  body  of  1000 
Argive  hoplites,  formed  of  the  flower  and  aristocracy  of  the  city, 
and  maintained  and  drilled  at  the  public  expense.     On  this  side 


B.C.  418.  BATTLE  OF  MANTINEA.  321 

the  Lacedaemonians  were  routed  ;  but  Agis  nevertheless  pushed 
on  with  his  centre  and  right,  and  gained  a  complete  victory. 
The  loss  of  the  allies  was  computed  at  1100  among  whom  were 
200  Athenians  and  both  their  generals,  Laches  and  Nicostratus. 
Of  the  Lacedaemonians  about  300  were  slain.  This  battle,  called 
the  battle  of  Mantinea,  which  was  fought  in  June,  418  b.c,  had 
great  efiect  in  restoring  the  somewhat  tarnished  lustre  of  the 
Spartan  arms.  From  the  renown  of  the  nations  engaged  in  it, 
though  not  in  point  of  numbers,  it  was  a  more  important  battle 
even  than  that  of  Deliurn. 

^  8.  Tiiia.  defeat  strengthened  the  oligarchical  party  at  Argos, 
which  now  entered  into  a  conspiracy  to  bring  about  an  alliance 
with  Sparta.  To  assist  their  views  the  Lacedaemonians  marched 
in  great  force  to  Tegea,  and  oil'ered  Argos  the  alternative  of  an 
aUiance  or  war  ;  and  in  spite  of  all  the  elibrts  of  Alcibiades  to 
counteract  it,  a  treaty  was  eventually  concluded  between  the  two 
states.  This  was  followed  by  a  revolution  at  Argos.  The  demo- 
cratical  leaders  were  slain,  and  an  oligarchical  government  esta- 
blished by  means  of  their  thousand  chosen  hoplites.  But  the 
oligarchs  abused  their  power,  and  the  brutal  tyranny  of  Bryas, 
the  commander  of  the  chosen  Thousand,  produced  a  counter- 
revolution. A  bride  of  the  humbler  class,  whom  he  had  ravished 
from  the  very  midst  of  a  wedding  procession,  and  carried  to  his 
house,  put  out  the  eyes  of  the  tyrant  during  the  night  with  the 
pin  of  her  brooch,  and  having  thus  efiectcd  her  escape,  roused 
by  her  tale  of  woe  the  indignation  of  the  people.  The  latter, 
taking  advantage  of  the  Lacedaimonians  being  engaged  in  the 
festival  of  the  Gymnopsedia,  rose  against  the  aristocrats,  ob- 
tained possession  of  the  city,  and  renewed  the  alliance  with 
Athens.  An  attempt  to  construct  long  walls  from  Argos  to  the 
sea,  a  distance  of  four  or  five  miles,  was  defeated  by  the  Lacedae- 
monians ;  but  in  the  spring  of  B.C.  416  Alcibiades  arrived  to 
support  the  Argive  democracy  with  an  Athenian  armament, 
and  20  triremes.  Nevertheless,  the  peace  between  Sparta  and 
Athens  continued  to  be  nominally  observed,  although  the  gar- 
rison of  Pylus  were  committing  ravages  in  Laconia,  and  the 
Lacedaemonians,  by  way  of  reprisal,  iniested  the  Athenian  com- 
merce with  their  privateers. 

^  9.  It  was  in  the  same  year  that  the  Athenians  attacked  and 
conquered  Melos,  which  island  and  Thera  were  the  only  islands  in 
the  7'Egean  not  subject  to  the  Athenian  supremacy.  Their  arma- 
ment consisted  of  38  triremes  and  a  considerable  force  of  hoplites. 
The  Melians  having  rejected  all  the  Athenian  overtures  for  a 
voluntary  submission,  their  capital  was  blockaded  by  sea  and 
land,  and  after  a  siege  of  some  months  surrendered.     On  the  \n-o- 


S28  lIlSTOliV  OF  CAIEKCE.  Cum:  XXlX 

posnl,  as  it  ap])oarH,  oC  Alcihiadcs,  all  I  In:  adult  rnalcH  were  put  to 
ilcatli,  the  woiiieu  and  children  Hold  into  .slavery,  and  the  iKJand 
(Unionized  alVesh  by  -3^)0  Athenians.  This  horrihlc  proeeedirif^ 
was  the  inon;  indelensible,  as  the  Athenians,  liavin<(  attacked  the 
Melians  in  full  j)eaee,  could  not  jjrt-tend  that  they  were  jn.stilied 
by  the  custom  of"  war  ni  slayinf^  tli(;  jirisoners.  It  was  the 
crowniiiff  act  of"  insolence  and  cnaclty  di.~playcd  during  their 
empire,  which  from  this  |)criod  began  rapidly  to  decline. 

^  10.  The  event  dc'sliued  to  produce  tliat  catastrojihe — the 
intervention  of  the  Atlnuians  in  the  aliiiirs  of  Sicily — was  already 
in  progress.  The  feuds  of  race  liad  been  kindled  in  that  island, 
as  in  the  rest  of  Greece,  by  the  reloponnesian  war.  Eleven  or 
twelve  years  before  the  ])eriod  of  which  we  are  now  speaking 
the  J)orian  cities  of  Sicily  (with  tlie  exception  of  Camarina),  to- 
gether with  tlie  Locrians  of  Italy,  liad,  under  the  head.ship  of 
Syracuse,  joined  the  Peloponnesiau  confederacy,  and  declared 
war  against  Leontini,  Cainarina,  and  their  ally,  the  city  of  Rhe- 
gium  in  Italy. 

In  the  year  427  B.C.,  the  Leontines  sent  an  embassy  to  Athens, 
to  crave  the  assistance  of  the  Athenians.  At  the  head  of  it  was 
the  rhetorician,  Gorgias,  the  novelty  of  whose  brilliant  eloquence 
look  the  Athenians  by  surprise,  and  is  said  to  liave  chiefly  con- 
tributed to  the  success  of  the  application.  However  that  may 
be,  an  Athenian  squadron  of  twenty  ships  was  despatched  to  the 
assistance  of  the  Leontines,  and  also  with  a  view  to  ascertain  the 
possibility  of  I'cducing  all  Sicily,  of  whose  size  the  Athenians 
seem  to  have  had  very  vague  and  imperfect  notions,  to  the 
obedience  of  Athens.  A  subsequent  expedition  in  42o  B.C.,  con- 
sisting of  forty  triremes,  under  the  command  of  Eurymedon  and 
Sophocles,  has  been  already  mentioned.*  The  selfish  and  am- 
bitious designs  of  Athens  liad  however  become  so  evident  that 
in  the  spring  of  the  following  year  a  congress  of  the  Sicilian 
cities  met  at  Gela  ;  where  the  Sj-racusan,  Hennocrates,  in  an 
able  and  patriotic  speech,  succeeded  in  persuading  them  to  lay 
aside  their  dissensions,  and  to  unite  in  defeating  the  schemes  of" 
Athens.  The  Athenians  were  so  disappointed  at  this  failure, 
that  when  Eurymedon,  and  his  colleagues  Sophocles  and  Pytho- 
dorus,  returned,  they  were  indicted  and  convicted  of  havuig 
taken  bribes  to  accede  to  the  peace.  Eunmedon  was  sen- 
tenced to  pay  a  fine,  and  his  fellow  commanders  were  banished. 

S^l.  lu  the  year  422  B.C.,  another  application  for  assistance 
was  made  to  the  Athenians  by  the  Leontine  democracy,  who 
had  been  expelled  by  the  aristocrats  ;  but  the  Athenians,  then 

*  See  above,  p.  307. 


B.C.  416.         AFFAIRS  OF  THE  SICILIAN  GREEKS.  829 

smarting  under  their  recent  losses,  and  having  just  concluded  a 
truce  with  Sparta,  could  not  be  persuaded  to  grant  any  eliectual 
succour.  In  the  spring  of  416  B.C.,  however,  an  embassy  from 
the  Sicilian  town  of  Egesta  was  more  successful.  A  quarrel  had 
broken  out  between  Egesta  and  Selinus,  both  which  cities  were 
seated  near  the  western  extremity  of  Sicily  ;  and  Selinus,  having 
obtained  the  aid  of  Syracuse,  was  pressing  very  hard  upon  the 
Egestseans.  The  latter  appealed  to  the  interests  of  the  Athe- 
nians rather  than  to  their  sympathies.  They  represented  how 
great  a  blow  it  would  be  to  Athens  if  the  Dorians  became  pre- 
dominant in  Sicily,  and  joined  the  Peloponnesian  confederacy  ; 
and  they  undertook,  if  the  Athenians  would  send  an  armament 
to  their  assistance,  to  provide  the  necessary  funds  for  the  pro- 
secution of  the  war.  Their  application  was  supported  by  the 
Leontine  exiles  still  resident  at  Athens.  But  their  most  power- 
ful advocate  was  Alcibiades,  whose  ambitious  views  are  said  to 
have  extended  even  to  the  conquest  of  Carthage.  In  these 
distant  expeditions  he  beheld  a  means  of  gratifying  his  passion 
for  adventure  and  glory,  and  at  the  same  time  of  retrieving  his 
fortune,  which  had  been  dilapidated  by  his  profligate  expendi- 
ture. The  quieter  and  more  prudent  Nicias  and  his  party  threw 
their  weight  into  the  opposite  scale  ;  and  at  their  instance  it  was 
resolved,  before  an  expedition  was  undertaken,  to  ascertain 
whether  the  Egestseans  were  really  able  to  perform  the  promises 
they  had  made.  For  this  purpose  commissioners  were  despatched 
to  Egesta,  whom,  however,  the  cunning  Egestseans  completely 
deceived.  In  the  splendid  temple  of  Aphrodite,  on  Mount  Eryx, 
a  magnificent  display  of  oflerings  was  set  out,  consisting  of 
vessels  which  the  Egestseans  passed  ofl"  for  solid  gold,  though 
only  silver  gilt.  In  the  private  houses,  where  they  were  invited 
to  banquet  after  banquet,  the  Athenian  envoys  were  astonished 
at  the  profusion  of  plate  under  which  the  sideboards  groaned, 
but  which  was  slily  transferred  for  the  occasion  from  one  house 
to  another.  Sixty  talents  of  silver,  placed  in  their  hands  as 
earnest-money,  completed  the  delusion  ;  and  the  commissioners, 
who  were,  perhaps,  not  unwilling  to  be  deceived,  returned  to 
Athens  with  magnificent  accounts  of  the  wealth  of  Egesta. 

^  12.  Dazzled  by  the  idea  of  so  splendid  an  enterprise,  the 
means  for  accomplishing  which  seemed  ready  provided,  the 
Athenian  assembly  at  once  decided  on  despatching  a  fleet  of 
sixty  triremes,  under  Nieias,  Alcibiades,  and  Lamachus,  with  the 
design  of  assisting  Egesta,  of  restoring  the  Leontine  democracy, 
and  lastly  of  establishing  the  influence  of  Athens  throughout 
Sicily,  by  whatever  means  might  be  ibund  practicable.  Nieias, 
though  named  as  one  of  the  commanders  of  the  expedition, 


330  HISTORY  OV  flllKKCR  Ciiai-.  XXIX. 

entirely  disapprovt^d  of  It,  and  dciidiiiiccd  il.  in  tlic  aHHcrnhly 
as  spriii^MM^j;  I'loin  tlie  vain  frlory  and  .'iniltilion  ol'  AlciltiadcB. 
Tlio  lattt-r  rf[)cilcd  tliesc  not  ninnrritcd  attacks  in  a  violent 
S])oc(;li,  and  fx-rsuadc-d  the  assviidily  to  ratify  tlifir  fonner  deci- 
sion. Another  atternjd  of  Nicias  to  deter  the  Athenian.-*  from 
the  enter])rise  by  representing  the  enormous  force  whidi  it 
wonld  rcfjuirc,  had  an  etiect  exactly  contrary  to  what  lie  liad 
intended  ;  for  the  a.^senibly,  taking  him  at  liis  word,  decreed  k 
fleet  of  100  in.stead  of  GO  triremes,  together  with  a  proportionate 
increase  in  the  land  forces. 

^13.  For  the  next  three  months  the  preparations  for  the  un- 
dertaking were  pre.s.scd  on  with  tlic  greatest  ardour.  Young  and 
old,  rich  and  poor,  all  vied  with  one  another  to  obtain  a  .share  in 
the  expedition.  Oracles  and  ])rophecies  ])redicting  success  were 
circulated  through  the  city,  and  greedily  listened  to.  So  great 
was  the  throng  of  volunteers,  that  the  care  of  the  generals  was 
restricted  to  the  ta.sk  of  selection.  The  trierarchs  contended 
wliich  slioiild  produce  his  vessel  not  oidy  in  the  mo.st  efficient, 
but  in  the  most  ornamental  state  of  equipment.  Five  years  of 
comparative  peace  had  accunudatcd  a  fre.«h  supply  both  of  men 
and  money  ;  and  the  merchants  of  Athens  embarked  in  the 
enterprise  as  in  a  trading  expedition.  It  was  only  a  few  of  tlie 
wisest  heads  that  escaped  the  general  fever  of  excitement.  Me- 
ton,  the  astronomer,  and  Socrates,  the  philosopher,  are  said  not 
to  have  shared  in  the  universal  enthusiasm  ;  the  latter  warned, 
perhaps,  by  that  familiar  demon  to  whose  whispered  wisdom  his 
ears  were  ever  open. 

M4.  And  now  the  magnificent  armament  is  on  the  point  of 
sailing.  The  brilliant  city  is  alive  with  hope,  and  pride,  and  ex- 
pectation, when  a  sudden  and  mysterious  event  converts  all  these 
exulting  feelings  into  gloomy  foreboding. 

At  every  door  in  Athens,  at  the  corners  of  streets,  in  the 
market-place,  before  temples,  gymnasia,  and  other  public  places, 
stood  Herma?,  or  statues  of  the  god  Hermes,  consisting  of  a 
bust  of  that  deity  surmounting  a  quadrangular  pillar  ol"  marble 
about  the  height  of  the  human  figure.  ^Yhen  the  Athenians 
rose  one  morning  towards  the  end  of  May.  415  e.c.  it  was  found 
that  all  these  figures  had  been  mutilated  during  the  night,  and 
reduced  by  vuiknowii  hands  to  a  shapeless  mass.  ^Ye  may  partly 
realize  the  feelings  excited  by  this  occurrence,  by  picturing  to 
ourselves  some  Roman  Catholic  town,  in  which  all  the  statues  of 
the  Yirgin  sliould  have  been  suddenly  defaced.  But  the  act  in- 
spired political,  as  well  as  religious,  alarm.  It  seemed  to  indicate 
a  wide  sjiread  conspiracy,  for  so  sudden  and  general  a  mutilation 
must  have  been  the  work  of  many  hands.     Athens,  like  other 


I 


B.C.  415.  MUTILATION  OF  THE  HERM^.  331 

Grecian  states,  abounded  with  clubs,  which,  hke  our  societies  of 
freemasons,  oficred  facihties  for  secret  and  extensive  combina- 
tions. This  will  probably  aflbrd  the  most  natural  explanation 
of  the  fear  v.hich  now  pervaded  Athens  ;  for  the  sacrilege  might 
ordy  be  a  preliminary  attempt  of  some  powerful  citizen  to  seize 
the  despotism,  and  suspicion  pointed  its  finger  at  Alcibiades. 
Active  measures  were  taken  and  large  rewards  offered  for  the 
discovery  of  the  perpetrators.  A  public  board  was  appointed  to 
examine  witnesses,  which  did  not,  indeed,  succeed  in  eliciting" 
any  facts  bearing  on  the  actual  subject  of  inquiry,  but  which 
obtained  evidence  respecting  similar  acts  of  impiety  committed 
at  previous  times  in  drunken  frolics.  In  these  Alcibiades  him- 
self was  imiilicated ;  and  though  the  fleet  was  on  the  very  eve  of 
departure,  Pythonicus  rose  in  the  assembly  and  accused  him  of 
having  profaned  the  Eleusinian  mysteries  by  giving  a  represen- 
tation of  them  in  a  private  house,  producing  in  evidence  the 
testimony  of  a  slave.  Pythonicus  also  charged  him  with  being 
privy  to  the  mutilation  of  the  Herma;,  but  without  bringing  for- 
ward the  slightest  proof  Alcibiades  denied  the  accusation,  and 
implored  the  people  to  have  it  investigated  at  once.  His  enemies, 
however,  had  sutiicient  influence  to  get  the  inquiry  postponed 
till  his  return  ;  thus  keeping  the  charge  hanging  over  his  head, 
and  gaining  time  to  poison  the  public  mind  against  him. 

§  15.  The  day  had  arrived  for  the  sailing  of  the  fleet.  Corcyra 
was  appointed  for  the  rendezvous  of  the  allies  ;  but  even  the  de- 
parture of  the  Athenian  armament  was  a  spectacle  imposing  in 
the  extreme.  Of  the  hundred  triremes,  sixty  were  equipped  as 
men  of  war,  the  rest  as  transports.  Fifteen  hundred  chosen 
Athenian  hoplites,  700  of  the  class  of  Thetes  to  act  as  marines, 
together  with  500  Argive  and  250  Mantinean  hoplites,  marched 
at  daybreak  to  embark  at  the  Pirasus,  accompanied  by  nearly  the 
whole  of  the  population.  As  the  ships  were  preparing  to  slip 
their  moorings,  the  sound  of  the  trumpet  enjoined  silence,  and 
the  voice  of  the  herald,  accompanied  by  that  of  the  people,  was 
lifted  up  in  prayer.  Then  followed  the  chanting  of  the  pa?an, 
whilst  the  oflicers  on  the  decks  of  their  respective  vessels  made 
libations  of  wine  to  the  gods  from  gold  and  silver  goblets.  At 
length  at  a  given  signal  the  whole  fleet  started  Ircm  Piraeus, 
each  crew  striving  as  in  a  nautical  contest  to  arrive  first  at  the 
island  of  iEgina.  The  people  who  lined  the  beach  watched  the 
vessels  till  they  were  out  of  sight,  and  then  returned  to  the  <^ity 
with  heavy  hearts  and  ominous  misgivings. 


Bust  of  AU-ibiades. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 


PELOPONNESIAN  WAR  CONTIMED.       THE  SICILIAN  EXPEDITION. 


§  1.  Armament  mustered  at  Corcyra.  §  2.  Its  reception  in  Italy.  Pro- 
ceedings at  Syracuse.  §  3.  Plans  of  the  Athenian  generals.  §  4.  The 
advice  of  Alcihiades  adopted.  He  gains  over  Naxos  and  Catana, 
§  5.  Proceedings  at  Athens  respecting  the  mutilation  of  the  Ilermje, 
and  the  profanation  of  the  mysteries.  §  6.  Alcibiades  accused,  and 
ordered  to  return  to  Athens.  §7.  Proceedings  of  Nicias  in  Sicily. 
§8.  Preparations  of  the  Sicilians  for  defence.  §9.  Nicias  lays  siege 
to  Syracuse.  §  10.  He  seizes  Epijiola;  and  constructs  a  fort  at  Syke. 
Attempt  of  the  Syracusans  against  it.  §  11.  Arrival  of  the  Spartan 
general  Gylippus.  Change  in  the  Athenian  prospects.  §  12.  Inva- 
sion of  Attica  by  the  Laceda?monians.  They  fortify  Deceleia.  ^13. 
The  Syracusans  defeat  the  Athenians  at  sea.  §  14.  Demosthenes  and 
Eurymedon  arrive  in  Sicily  with  reinforcements.  Reverses.  The 
Athenians  resolve  to  retreat.  ^  15.  2saval  engagement  in  the  Great 
Harbour.  Victory  of  the  Syracusans.  >J  lf>.  Its  effects.  Disastrous 
retreat  of  the  Athenians.  Surrender  of  Demosthenes.  §  17.  Sur- 
render of  Nicias.  Treatment  of  the  prisoners.  Death  of  ^icias  and 
Demosthenes.     §  18.  Their  characters. 

^  1.  The  Athenian  fleet  destined  for  Sicily  was  joined  at  Cor- 
cyra by  the  otlier  alHes  in  the  moiitli  of  July.  -J  15  u.c.  The 
wliole  armament  Avhen  mustered  consisted  of  134  triremes  and 
two  Rliodian  penteconteis,  and  had  on  board  5100  hoplites,  460 
bowmen,  of  Vv horn  80  were  Cretans,  700  Rhodian  slinjrers,  and 


B.C.  415.  THE  ATHENIANS  IN  SICILY.  333 

120  Megarian  exiles,  who  served  as  light-armed  troops.  The 
fleet  was  accompanied  by  no  fewer  than  500  transports,  carrying 
provisions,  warlike  stores,  and  artificers,  as  well  as  by  a  great 
many  private  trading  vessels.  Three  fast-sailing  triremes  were 
sent  ahead  to  ascertain  the  disposition  of  the  Italian  and  Sicilian 
towns,  and  to  notify  to  the  Egestseans  the  approach  of  assistance.' 
The  fleet  then  made  for  the  lapygian  promontory,  in  three  divi- 
sions, commanded  by  Nicias,  Alci blades,  and  Lamachus. 

^  2.  Their  reception  in  Italy  was  far  from  encourging.  The 
utmost  they  could  obtain  was  permission  to  take  in  water,  and 
even  this  was  refused  by  the  Tarentines,  and  by  the  Epize- 
phyriau  Locrians.  At  Rhegium,  however,  they  were  allowed  to 
land  and  to  purchase  provisions  ;  but  they  were  not  permitted 
to  enter  the  town,  and  the  citizens  refused  to  join  or  assist 
them.  Here,  therefore,  they  awaited  the  return  of  the  three 
exploring  vessels. 

Rumours  of  the  intended  expedition  prevailed  at  Syracuse, 
but  were  treated  as  incredible.  Hermocrates,  however,  was  better 
informed  than  his  fellow-citizens.  He  urged  them  to  summon 
their  allies  and  to  prepare  for  defence,  and  even  exhorted  them 
to  sail  at  once  to  the  friendly  harbour  of  Tarentum,  and  from 
thence  to  offer  battle  to  the  Athenian  fleet  in  the  Ionian  gulf. 
But  the  demagogue  Athenagoras  treated  the  whole  matter  as  a 
fiction  invented  to  serve  the  interests  of  the  oligarchical  party. 
At  last  one  of  the  generals  put  an  end  to  the  debate  by  under- 
taking to  place  the  city  in  a  posture  of  defence. 

^  3.  Meantime  the  three  vessels  which  had  been  sent  to 
Egesta  returned  to  Rhegium,  with  the  discouraging  news  that 
ths  accounts  respecting  the  wealth  of  Egesta  were  entirely  fic- 
titious, and  that  the  snm  of  thirty  talents  was  all  the  assistance 
that  could  be  hoped  for  from  that  quarter.  A  council  of  war 
was  now  held.  It  appears  that  the  Athenian  generals  had  pro- 
ceeded thus  far  without  having  formed  any  definite  plan,  and 
each  now  proposed  a  difierent  one.  Nicias  was  of  opinion  that, 
since  no  eflectual  help  could  be  expected  from  the  Egestasans, 
the  objects  of  the  expedition  should  be  confined  to  the  narroM'est 
possible  limits,  and  with  that  view  that  they  should  sail  at  once 
against  the  Selinuntines,  obtain  from  them  the  best  terms  pos- 
sible, and  then  return  home.  Alcibiades,  whose  hopes  of  glory 
and  profit  would  have  been  ruined  by  this  plan,  proposed  to  gain 
as  many  allies  as  they  could  among  the  Greek  cities  in  Sicily, 
and,  having  thus  ascertained  what  assistance  they  could  rely 
upon,  to  attack  Syracuse  and  Selinus.  Lamachus  was  for  bolder 
measures.  He  recommended  an  immediate  attack  upon  Syracuse, 
whilst  it  was  yet  unprepared  for  defence.      The  terror  of  the 


S.'M  JIISTOUV  i)V  (;1'J:j:CM  CnAr.  xxx- 

,S\rii<"u.s;iiis  would  jiroltahly  v.nm:  llnjin  to  surrender,  and  the 
caj)tiiri!  (il'tlii'ir  city  would  deteiiiiiue  \\\i;  conduct  of"  the  rest  of 
Sicily;  but,  it"  they  linjrcred,  uc<r<itialcd,  and  did  nothing,  they 
would  iir.st  be  regarded  witli  indiflerence  and  then  with  coii- 
lenipl. 

^  1.  Tlu!  advice  ol  Lauiacluis  was  tin;  most  B<jldierlike,  and, 
tliou;r]i  sccruiugly  the  holdcst,  would  undouhtcdly  liave  been  the 
sali'sl  and  most  prudent  in  the  end.  But  neither  of'hi.s  colleagues 
approved  oi  it,  and,  as  Lauiacluis  was  poor,  and  j)ossesscd  no  great 
poUlical  interest,  he  was  obliged  to  give  way.  The  coun.«el  ol' Alci- 
biades  was  adopted  as  a  lueau  between  the  other  two.  Mes.«ana 
ref'u.-ied  his  solicit'itioiis,  but  Aaxos  cordially  joined  the  Athenians. 
Alcihiades  then  sailed  s-outlnvards  with  a  considerable  portion  cf 
the  Heel,  and,  passing  Syracuse,  despatched  ten  triremes  into  the 
Great  Harbour,  for  the  jjurpose  of  surveying  its  docks  and  foiti- 
lications.  Nothing  further  was  atteni])ted  ;  but  as  they  sailed 
back  the  Athenians  obtained  possession  by  surprise  of  the  im- 
portant city  of  Catana,  Avhich  Avas  now  made  the  head-quarters 
of  the  armament. 

^  5.  An  unwelcome  message  greeted  Alcibiades  at  Catana. 
After  his  departure  from  Athens  fresh  inquiries  were  instituted 
respecting  the  mutilation  of  the  Herma\  and  the  oli(,'r  ol'  large 
rewards  brought  forward  additional  evidence.  The  public  agita- 
tion and  anxiety  were  kept  alive  by  the  demagogues  Pisander 
and  Charicles,  two  of  the  commissioners  of  inquiry,  who  de- 
nounced the  aflkir  not  only  as  a  sacrilege,  but  akso  as  a  con- 
spiracy for  putting  do^ni  the  democracy  and  establishing  a 
tyranny.  Numerous  arrests  were  made,  and  citizens  of  the 
higlu'st  character  were  thrown  into  prison  on  the  testimony  of 
hireling  wretches.  Terror  reigned  in  the  city,  and  the  fear  of 
being  informed  against  rose  to  such  a  pitch  that  the  convccation 
of  the  senate  by  the  herald  was  a  signal  to  the  crowd  which  filled 
the  market-place  to  disperse.  Among  the  persons  arrested  was 
Andocidcs,  the  orator,  w'ho  was  induced  by  his  fellow-prisoners 
to  come  forward  and  state  what  he  knew  of  the  afijiir.  He  was 
a  young  man  of  rank,  and  his  evidence  was  miplicitly  believed, 
especially  as  it  was  conlirmed  by  his  slaves,  who  were  put  to  the 
torture.  Those  whom  he  denounced  were  executed.  He  saved 
his  own  life  by  turning  informer,  but  the  hatred  he  incurred 
was  such  that  he  was  obliged  to  leave  the  city.  His  evidence 
was  most  probably  false,  and  the  Avhole  ailair  has  ever  remained 
involved  in  mysteiy. 

^  G.  Tiie  execution  of  the  supposed  criminals  had  the  eiiect 
of  tranquillizing  the  city  respecting  the  nnitilation  of  the  Herman  : 
but  tiie  i)roi"auation  of  the  Eleusinian  mysteries,  a  rite  regarded 


B.C.  415.  THE  ATHENIANS  IN  SICILY.  33.5 

with  the  deepest  reverence  at  Athens,  still  remained  unexpiated. 
The  EumolpidsB,  and  other  great  families  who  held  hereditary- 
offices  in  the  celebration  of  the  mysteries,  looked  upon  them- 
selves as  personally  insulted.  The  public  excitement  was  in- 
creased by  the  appearance  of  a  Lacedajmouian  force  on  the 
frontier,  which,  it  was  suspected,  might  be  connected  with  some 
internal  conspiracy.  Both  oligarchs  and  democrats  were  loud  in 
demanding  the  arrest  of  Alcibiades  ;  and  Thessalus,  the  son  of 
Cinion,  who  belonged  to  the  former  party,  preferred  an  indict- 
ment against  him.  In  pursuance  of  this  step  the  Salaminian 
trireme  was  despatched  to  Sicily,  carrying  the  decree  of  the 
as.sembly  for  Alcibiades  to  come  home  and  take  his  trial,  and 
wliich  met  him,  as  before  related,  on  his  arrival  at  Catana.  The 
commander  of  the  Salaminia  was,  however,  instructed  not  to 
seize  his  person,  but  to  allow  him  to  sail  ui  his  own  trireme. 
Alcibiades  availed  himself  of  this  privilege  to  effect  his  escipe. 
Wlien  the  ships  arrived  at  Thurii  in  Italy,  he  absconded,  and 
contrived  to  elude  the  search  that  was  made  after  him.  Never- 
theless, though  absent,  he  was  arraigned  at  Athens,  and  con- 
demned to  death ;  his  property  was  confiscated,  and  the  Eumol- 
pids  pronounced  upon  him  the  curses  of  th*^-  gods.  On  hearing 
of  his  sentence  Alcibiades  is  said  to  have  exclaimed,  "  I  wiU 
show  them  that  I  am  still  alive." 

^  7.  Three  months  had  now  been  frittered  away  in  Sicily, 
during  Avhich  the  Athenians  had  done  little  or  nothing,  if  we 
except  the  acquisition  of  Naxos  and  Catana.  The  Syracusaiis 
began  to  look  upon  them  with  contempt.  They  even  meditated 
an  attack  upon  the  Athenians  at  Catana  ;  and  Syracusan  horse- 
man rode  up  and  insulted  them  in  their  camp.  Nicias  was  thus 
absolutely  shamed  into  undertaking  something,  and  resolved  to 
make  an  atteinpt  upon  Syracuse.  By  a  false  message  that  the 
Catanieans  were  ready  to  assist  in  expelling  the  Athenians,  he 
induced  the  Syracusaus  to  proceed  thither  in  great  force,  and  he 
availed  himself  of  their  absence  to  sail  with  his  whole  fleet  into 
the  Great,  Harbour  of  Syracuse,  Avhere  he  landed  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Anapus,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  temple  of  the  Olym- 
pian Jove.  Here  he  inti'enched  himself  in  a  strong  position,  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Anapus,  breaking  down  the  bridge  over 
the  river.  The  Syracusans,  when  they  found  that  they  had  been 
deceived  at  Catana,  marched  back  and  offered  Nicias  battle  m 
his  new  position.  The  latter  accepted  it,  and  gained  the  vic- 
tory :  after  which  he  retired  to  Catana,  and  subsequently  to 
Naxos  into  winter  quarters.  He  then  sent  messages  to  Athens 
for  fresh  supplies  of  cavalry  and  money,  and  to  his  Sicilian  allies 
for  reinforcements. 


33r,  HISTORY  OK  fJIJKKCH  Chap.  XXX, 

<j  8.  The  Syracusaiis  ciniiloycfl  I  In-  winter  in  prcparatioii.s  for 
defence.  Tlwy  Iniill  a  new  wall,  coveriMf,'  holli  tlieir  inner  and 
onler  lown  to  tlie  wcslwani  (fSee  Plan,  (i,  II,  I),  and  rendf.-ring 
uiiy  atlcmiil.  at  circnnivallation  more  dillicult.  They  iiirtilied 
and  jrairi.^oncd  the  teinjjle  and  grove  ol'  the  01yinj)ian  Jove,  in 
the  nfi;j:hi)ouriiood  ol  tiie  city.  They  despatched  envoys  to 
Corinth  and  Sparta  to  Holieit  assistaneo,  in  the  latter  of  which 
towns  they  il)nnd  an  nncxpeeted  advocate.  Alcibiade.s,  having 
crossed  from  Thurii  to  Cyllcne  in  Pelo{)oinie.sus,  received  a 
special  invitation  to  proceed  to  Sparta.  Here  he  revealed  all  the 
plans  of  Athens,  and  exhorted  the  Laceda-nionians  to  frn.strate 
them.  For  this  purpose  he  advi.sed  them  to  .send  an  army  into 
Sicily,  under  the  command  of"  a  Sjjartan  general,  and  by  way 
of  causing  a  diversion,  to  establish  a  fortified  post  at  Decelea  in 
the  Attic  territories.  The  Spartans  fell  in  with  these  views, 
and  resolved  to  send  a  force  to  the  assistance  of  Syracuse  in  the 
spring,  under  the  command  of  Gylippus. 

^  y.  Nicias,  having  received  a  reinforcement  of  cavalrj-  from 
Athens,  as  well  as  300  talents  in  money,  recommenced  hc.<tilities 
as  soon  as  the  season  allowed  of  it,  and  resolved  on  besieging 
Syracuse.  That  town  consisted  of  two  parts — the  inner  and  the 
outer  city.  The  former  of  these — the  original  settlement — was 
comprised  in  the  islanil  of  Ortygia  ;  the  latter,  afterMards  known 
by  the  name  of  Achradina,  covered  tlie  high  ground  of  the  j)en- 
insula  north  of  Ortygia,  and  was  comj)Ietely  separate  from  the 
uuier  city.  The  island  of  Ortygia,  to  which  the  modern  city  i.s 
now  confined,  is  of  an  oblong  shape,  about  two  miles  in  circum- 
ference, lying  between  the  Great  Harbour  on-the  west,  and  the 
Little  Harbour  on  the  east,  and  separated  from  the  mainland  by 
a  narrow  channel.  The  Great  Harbour  is  a  splendid  bay,  about 
five  miles  in  circuirJerence,  the  entrance  of  which  is  protected 
on  the  left  hand  by  the  promontory  Plemmyriuni,  and  on  the 
right  hand  by  a  projecting  cape  of  tlie  island  of  Ortygia.  The 
Uttle  port,  also  called  Laecius,  which  lay  between  Ortygia  and  the 
outer  city,  w'as  spacious  enough  to  receive  a  large  fleet  of  ships  of 
war.  The  outer  city  was  surroinided  on  the  north  and  east  by  the 
sea,  and  by  sea-walls  which  rendered  an  assault  on  that  sid(*  almost 
impracticable.  On  the  land  side  it  was  defended  by  a  wall, 
and  partly  also  by  the  natiu-e  of  the  ground,  which  in  some  parts 
was  verv  steep.  The  low  ground  between  the  outer  city  and 
Ortygia  seems  not  to  have  been  included  in  the  fortifications  of 
either,  but  was  employed  partly  as  a  burial  ground,  partly  for 
games  and  reliuious  processions.  \A  est  and  north-west  ot  the 
wall  of  the  outer  city  stood  two  unfortified  suburbs,  which  wero 
at  a  later  time  included  \\ithiu  the  walls  of  Syracuse  under  the 


B.C.  414. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  SYRACUSE. 


SST 


names  of  Tyche  and  Neapolis.  At  the  time  of  which  we  are 
speaking,  the  latter  was  called  Temenitcs,  from  having  within  it 
the  statue  and  consecrated  ground  of  Apollo  Temenites.  Be- 
tween these  two  suburbs  the  ground  rose  in  a  gentle  acclivity  to 
the  summit  of  the  ranges  of  hills  called  Epipolse. 

^10.  It  was  from  the  high  ground  of  Epipolaj  that  Syracuse 
was  most  exposed  to  attack.  The  Syracusan  generals  had 
hitherto  neglected  this  important  position,  and  were  on  the 
point  of  occupying  it,  when  they  were  anticipated  by  Nicias. 
Landing  at  Leon,  a  place  upon  the  bay  of  Thapsus,  at  the  dis- 
tance of  only  six  or  seven  stadia  from  Epipolas,  the  Athenian 


Plan  of  Syracuse.     (From  Crete's  Greece  ) 


V,  B,  C,  T).  Wall  of  the  Outer  City  of  Syracuse  at  time  of  the  arrival  of  Nicias  in  Sicily. 
E,  F.  Wall  of  Ortypria,  or  the  Inner  City  of  Syracuse,  at  the  same  time. 
G,  H,  I.  .liiditional  fortitication  built  by  the  Syracusans  in  the  winter  of  415^14  B.C. 

K.  Athenian  fortification  at  Syke. 
K,  L,  M.  Southern  portion  of  the  .Athenian  circumvallation  from  Syke  to  the  GreaV  Harbour. 
N,  O.  First  counter-work  erected  by  the  Syr.ncusans. 
P,  Q.  Second  counter-work  constructed  by  the  Syracusans. 

K,  R.  Intended,  but  unfinished,  circumvn'llaliouof  the  .Athenians  from  the  northern  side 
of  Svke  to  the  outer  c^a  at  Trogilus. 
S,  T,  V.  Third"Syracusan  counter-wall. 

V.  Outer  fort  constructed  by  Gylippus. 
V,  W,  T    Wa31  of  junction  between  this  outer  fort  and  tho  third  Syracusan  counter-work. 


a 


3.S8  IIISTOllV  or  (illKKCE.  Ciur.  XXX. 

tioups  readied  the  suiiiiiiit  just  as  the  Syiaeusans  were  inarch- 
ing' towards  the  hei<,'lits.  They  made,  however,  an  atleinjjt  to 
(Uslod;i;e  tlie  Athenians,  which  was  repulsed  ;  and  on  llie  lollow- 
inj^  rnornin<,',  Nicias  and  Latna(;hus  inarched  their  troops  down 
tlic  rid^o  and  ollijred  hattle,  which  was  dechned  hy  the  Syra- 
cusans.  On  the  summit  of  E|)ijMjla!  Nicias  constructed  a  fort 
tailed  Lahdalum  ;  and  then  coMiin<^  farther  riown  the  hill  towards 
Syracuse,  he  huilt  anotlu-r  iort  of  a  circular  l(>rm  and  of  con- 
siderable size  at  a  place  called  Syke.  From  the  latter  point 
he  connnenced  his  line  of  circumvallation,  one  wall  exteiidinf^ 
southwards  IVom  Syke  to  the  (jreat  Harbour,  and  the  other  wall 
ruuuiuff  norlliwards  from  the  same  fortress  to  the  outer  sea  at 
Trogilus  (See  Plan,  K,  L,  M).  While  the  Athenians  were  busy 
upon  their  lines  towards  the  north,  the  iSyracusans  ran  a  counter 
wall  from  their  own  lines  uj)  tiie  slope  of  the  Epipola;  (See  Plan, 
N,  0),  but  after  a  sharp  conflict  it  was  taken  by  the  Athenians 
and  destroyed.  Not  disheartened  by  this  failure,  the  Syracusans 
commenced  a  second  counter- work,  and  succeeded  in  constructing 
a  ditch  and  stockade,  which  extended  again  from  their  own  lines 
across  the  marsh  to  the  Anapus  (See  Plan,  P,  Q.).  From  this 
new  position  they  were  also  dislodged  by  the  Athenians  ;  but  in 
the  assault,  which  was  led  by  Lamachus,  this  gallant  oflicer  was 
slain.  At  the  same  time  the  Athenian  fleet  entered  the  Great 
Harbour,  where  it  was  henceforth  permanently  established. 

The  Syracusans  offered  no  further  opposition  to  the  progress 
of  the  circumvallation,  which  was  at  length  completed  towards 
the  south.  It  consisted  of  two  distinct  walls,  with  a  space  be- 
tween them,  which  was  perhaps  partly  roofed  over,  in  order  to 
aflord  shelter  for  the  troops.  The  northern  wall  towards  Trogilus 
was  never  completed,  and  through  the  passage  thus  left  open 
the  besieged  continued  to  obtain  provisions. 

Nicias,  who,  by  the  death  of  Lamachus,  had  become  sole  com- 
mander, seemed  now  on  the  point  of  succeeding.  The  Syracusans 
were  so  sensible  of  their  inferiority  in  the  field  that  they  no 
longer  ventured  to  show  themselves  outside  the  walls.  They 
began  to  contemplate  surrender,  and  even  sent  messages  to 
Nicias  to  treat  of  the  terms.  This  caused  the  Athenian  com- 
mander to  indulge  in  a  false  confidence  of  success,  and  conse- 
quent apathy  ;  and  the  army  having  lost  the  active  and  ener- 
getic Lamachus,  operations  were  no  longer  carried  on  ^^■ith  the 
requisite  activity. 

§  1 1 .  It  was  in  this  state  of  affairs  that  the  Spartan  commander 
Gylippus  passed  over  into  Italy  with  a  little  squadron  of  four 
ships — two  Laceda?mouiau  and  two  Corinthian — with  the  view 
merely  of  preserving  the  Greek  cities  in  that  country,  supposing 


B.C.  414.  ARRIVAL  OF  GYLIPPUS.  339 

that  Syracuse,  and,  with  her,  the  other  Greek  cities  in  Sicily 
were  irretrievably  lost.  As  he  proceeded  southwards  along  the 
Italian  coast,  a  violent  storm  drove  him  into  Tarentum.  Nicias, 
though  informed  of  his  arrival,  regarded  liis  little  squadron  with 
contempt,  and  took  no  measures  to  interrupt  his  progress.  From 
the  Epizephyrian  Locrians  Gylippus  learned  to  his  great  sur- 
prise and  satisfaction  that  the  Athenian  wall  of  circumvallation 
at  Syracuse  had  not  yet  been  completed  on  the  northern  side. 
He  now  sailed  through  the  straits  of  Messana,  which  were  left 
completely  unguarded,  and  arrived  safely  at  Hiinera  on  the  north 
coast  of  Sicily.  Here  he  announced  himself  as  the  forerunner 
of  larger  succours,  and  began  to  levy  an  army,  which  the  magic 
of  the  Spartan  name  soon  enabled  him  to  ehect ;  and  in  a  lew 
days  he  was  in  a  condition  to  march  towards  Syracuse  with 
about  3000  men.  His  approach  had  been  already  announced  by 
Gongylus,  a  Corinthian,  who  had  been  sent  forA\ards  from  the 
Corinthian  fleet  then  as.<embled  at  Leucas.  The  Syracutans  now 
dismissed  all  thoughts  of  surrender,  and  went  out  boldly  to  meet 
Gylippus,  who  marched  into  Syracuse  over  the  heights  of  Epi- 
polas,  which  the  supineness  of  Nicias  had  left  unguarded.  Upon 
arriving  in  the  city,  Gylippus  sent  a  message  to  the  Athenians 
allowing  them  a  five  days'  truce  to  collect  their  eiiects  and  eva- 
cuate the  island.  Nicias  returned  no  answer  to  this  insulting 
proposal ;  but  the  operations  of  Gylippus  soon  showed  that  the 
tide  of  af lairs  was  really  turned.  His  first  exploit  "was  to  cap- 
ture the  Athenian  fort  at  Labdalum,  which  made  him  master 
of  Epipoke.  He  next  commenced  constructing  a  counter-wall 
to  intersect  the  Athenian  lines  on  the  northern  side.  This  third 
counter- work  of  the  Syracusans  extended  from  their  city-wall  to 
the  northern  clifi'  of  Epipola3,  and  was  brought  to  a  successful 
completion.  (See  Plan,  S,  U.)  Gylippus  subsequently  built  a 
fort  (V)  upon  Epipola^;  and  from  this  tort  carried  another  wall 
which  joined  at  right  angles  the  counter- work  already  erected 
(See  Plan,  V,  W,  U).  This  turn  of  affairs  induced  those  Sicilian 
cities,  which  had  hitherto  hesitated,  to  embrace  the  side  of  Syra- 
cuse. Gylippus  was  also  reinforced  by  the  arrival  of  thirty  tri- 
remes from  Corinth,  Leucas,  and  Ambracia.  Nicias  now  felt 
that  the  attempt  to  blockade  Syracuse  with  his  present  ioice 
was  hopeless.  He  therefore  resolved  to  occupy  the  headland  of 
Plemmyrium,  the  southernmost  point  of  the  entrance  to  the 
Great  Harbr.ur,  which  would  be  a  convenient  station  for  watch- 
ing the  enemy,  as  well  as  for  facilitating  the  introduction  of 
supplies.  Here  he  accordingly  erected  three  forts  and  formed  a 
naval  station.  Some  slight  affairs  occurred  in  which  the  balance 
of  advantage  was  in  favour  of  the  Syracusans.     By  their  change 


340  lilSTOUY  OF  GIIKKCH  Cum:  XXX. 

(if  station,  the  Alln'iiiaii.s  were  now  a  Ix-sicfrod  ratlier  than  a 
liisictriiif^  iorcc.  Their  triremes  wtTo  liccoiniiif:^  leaky,  and  their 
soldiers  and  sailors  were  eonstantly  deserliiijr.  Isieias  hiniHcif 
had  fallen  into  a  had  state  ot  health;  and  in  tiiis  discourajring 
jiostnre  of  aliairs  he  wrote  to  Athens  requestirifr  to  be  recalled, 
and  insisting  stron<rly  on  the  necessity  ol"  gending  reinforce- 
ments. 

^  I'l.  The  Athenians  refused  to  recall  Kieias,  but  they  deter- 
mined on  sending  a  larpe  reinlorcement  to  Sicily,  under  the  joint 
command  of  Demosthenes  and  Eurymedou.  The  news  of  these 
fresh  and  extensive  preparations  incited  the  Laceda-rnonians  to 
more  vigorous  action.  The  peace,  if  such  it  can  he  called,  had 
been  violated  in  the  year  414  B.C.,  when  the  Lacedtemonians  in- 
vaded and  ravaged  the  Argive  territories,  -whilst  the  Athenians 
assisted  the  Argives  with  a  fleet  of  thirty  triremes,  and  laid  waste 
Epidaurus,  and  some  neighbouring  places.  But  in  the  spring 
of  413  B.C.,  the  Lacedcemonians,  under  king  Agis,  invaded  Attica 
itself,  and  following  the  advice  of  Alcibiades,  established  them- 
selves permanently  at  Decelea,  a  place  situated  on  the  ridge  of 
Mount  Parnes,  about  14  miles  north  of  Athens,  and  command- 
ing the  Athenian  plain.  The  city  was  thus  placed  in  a  state  of 
siege.  Scarcity  began  to  be  felt  within  the  walls ;  the  revenues 
were  falling  oHJ  whilst  on  the  other  hand  expenses  were  increas- 
ing. Yet  even  under  these  circumstances  the  Athenians  had 
no  thoughts  of  abandoning  their  ambitious  enterprises.  It  was 
resolved  not  only  to  send  reinforcements  to  Sicily,  but  also  to 
insult  the  coasts  of  Laconia.  For  this  purpose  Charicles  was 
sent  thither  with  a  fleet  of  thirty  triremes  ;  and  being  assisted 
by  Demosthenes  with  the  armament  which  he  was  conducting 
to  Sicily,  Charicles  succeeded  in  establishing  himself  on  the  coast 
of  Laconia,  at  a  spot  opposite  to  the  island  of  Cythera,  in  a 
manner  somewhat  similar  to  the  Athenian  fort  at  Pylus. 

^  13.  Meanwhile  in  Sicily  the  Syracusans  had  gained  such 
contidence  that  they  even  ventured  on  a  naval  engagement  with 
the  Athenians.  A  battle  was  fought  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great 
Harbour,  in  which  the  Athenians  were,  indeed,  victorious;  but 
when  they  sailed  back  to  their  station  at  Plemmyrium,  they 
fountl  that  Gylippus  had  taken  advantage  of  this  diversion  to 
attack  and  take  their  forts  there,  and  that  a  gieat  quantity  of 
stores  and  provisions  l.a.1  fallen  into  his  hands.  Moreover,  the 
Syracusans  were  not  discouraged  bv  their  defeat  from  A-enturing 
on  another  naval  engagement.  Thev  had  greatly  improved  the 
construction  of  their  vessels  by  strengthening  their  bows,  and 
had  learnt  how  to  meet  or  evade  the  nautical  mana?u'VTes  of  the 
Athenians,  which  were  also  considerably  impeded  by  the  narrow 


3.C.  413.  THE  ATHEXIAX  FLEET  DEFEATED.  341 

limits  of  the  Great  Harbour,  now  the  scene  of  conflict.  The 
second  battle  lasted  two  days,  and  ended  in  the  defeat  of  the 
Athenians,  who  were  now  oblifred  to  haul  up  their  ships  in  the 
innermost  part  of  the  Great  Harbour,  under  the  lines  of  their 
fortified  camp.  A  still  more  serious  disaster  than  the  loss  of 
the  battle  was  the  loss  of  their  naval  reputation.  It  was  evident 
that  the  Athenians  had  ceased  to  te  invincible  on  the  sea  ;  and 
the  Syracusans  no  longer  despaired  of  overcoming  them  on  their 
own  element. 

^14.  Such  was  the  state  of  aflairs  wheii,  to  the  astonishment 
of  the  Syracusans,  a  fresh  Athenian  fleet  of  75  triremes,  under 
Demosthenes  and  Eurymedon,  entered  the  Great  Harbour  with 
all  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  war.  It  had  on  board  a  force 
of  5000  hoplites,  of  whom  about  a  quarter  were  Athenians,  and 
a  great  number  of  light  armed  troops.  The  active  and  enter- 
prising character  of  Demosthenes  led  him  to  adopt  more  vigor- 
ous measures  than  those  which  had  been  hitherto  pursued.  He 
saw  at  once  that  whilst  Epipolai  remained  in  the  possession  of 
the  Syracusans  there  was  no  hope  of  taking  their  city,  and  he 
thei'eibre  directed  all  his  efibrts  to  the  recapture  of  that  position. 
But  all  his  attempts  were  unavailing.  He  was  defeated  not  only 
in  an  open  assault  upon  the  Syracusan  wall,  but  in  a  nocturnal 
attempt  to  carry  it  by  surprise.  These  rev^erses  were  aggi'a- 
vated  by  the  breaking  out  of  sickness  among  the  troops.  De- 
mosthenes now  proposed  to  return  home  and  assist  in  expelling 
the  Lacedasmonians  from  Attica,  instead  of  pursuing  an  enter- 
prise which  seemed  to  be  hopeless.  But  jS^icias,  Avho  feared  to 
return  to  Athens  with  the  stigma  of  failure,  refused  to  give  his 
consent  to  this  step.  Demosthenes  then  urged  Nicias  at  least 
to  sail  immediately  out  of  the  Great  Harbour,  and  take  up  their 
position  either  at  Thapsus  or  Catana,  where  they  could  obtain 
abundant  supplies  of  provisions,  and  would  have  an  open  sea  for 
the  manoeuvres  of  their  fleet.  But  even  to  this  proposal  ISficias 
would  not  consent ;  and  the  anny  and  na\'y  remained  in  their 
former  position.  Soon  afterwards,  however,  Gylippus  received 
such  large  reinforcements,  that  !Xicias  found  it  necessary  to 
adopt  the  advice  of  his  colleague.  Preparations  were  secretly 
made  for  their  departure,  the  enemy  appear  to  have  had  no  sus- 
picion of  their  intention,  and  they  were  on  the  point  of  quitting 
their  ill-fated  quarters  on  the  following  morning,  when  on  the 
very  night  before  (27  Aug.  413  B.C.)  an  eclipse  of  the  moon  took 
place.  Tlie  soothsayers  who  were  consulted,  said  that  the  army 
must  wait  thrice  nine  days,  a  full  circle  of  the  moon,  before  it 
could  quit  its  present  position  ;  and  the  devout  and  superstitious 
Nicias  forthwith  resolved  to  abide  by  this  decision. 


842  IIISTOltY  OF  OREECE.  Ciiai-.  XXX. 

Aii'.irivvliilL-  the  iiili'tilioii  of  ♦lu-  Atliciii.'iiis  became  krimvn  to 
llie  Syniensaiis,  ^\•\n)  detennin^jd  to  striki;  ;i  blow  before  their 
ciiciiiy  erieaped.  They  aceordiiijrly  attacked  the  Athenian  Htation 
lioth  l>y  sea  and  land.  On  land  tlu;  attack  of  (jylij'pu.s  w'a.s  re- 
])iilsed  ;  but  at  .sea  the  Athenian  licet  wa.s  cotnj)letidy  defeated, 
and  luiiyinedon,  wlio  commanded  the  ri^rht  division,  wa.s  slain. 

The  sjiirits  of  the  Syracusan.s  rose  Avith  their  victories,  and 
tliou^di  they  woidd  formerly  have  been  content  with  the  mere 
retreat  of  the  Athenians,  they  now  resolved  on  eflectinp  their 
utter  destruction.  With  this  view  tliey  blocked  up  the  entrance 
of  the  Great  Harbour  with  a  hue  of  vessels  moored  across  it. 
All  hope  seemed  now  to  be  cut  ofl'  from  the  Atlienians,  unless 
they  could  succeed  in  forcing  this  line  and  thus  effecting  their 
escape.  The  Athenian  fleet  still  numbered  110  triremes,  which 
Nieias  furnished  with  grappling-irons,  in  order  to  bring  the 
enemy  to  close  quarters,  and  then  caused  a  large  pro])ortion  of 
his  land-force  to  embark.  Before  they  set  oil,  Kicias  addressed 
the  mo.st  earnest  and  touching  a})peals  both  to  the  crews  and  to 
the  individual  commanders  to  light  with  bravery,  since  not  only 
their  own  fate,  but  that  of  Athens  itself,  de[)ended  on  the  issue 
of  that  day's  combat.  He  liim.self  remained  on  shore,  where  the 
army  was  drawn  up  to  witness  the  conflict. 

^  15.  Never  perhaps  was  a  battle  fi)Ught  inidcr  circums-tances 
of  such  intense  interest,  or  witnessed  by  so  many  spectators 
vitally  concerned  in  the  result.  The  basin  of  the  Great  Harbour, 
about  5  miles  in  circumference,  in  which  nearly  200  sliips,  each 
with  crews  of  more  than  200  men,  were  about  to  engage,  was 
lined  with  spectators  ;  whilst  the  walls  of  Ortygia,  overhanging 
the  water,  were  crowded  with  old  men,  women,  and  children, 
anxious  to  behold  a  conflict  which  was  to  decide  the  fate  of  their 
enemies,  if  not  their  own.  The  surface  of  the  water  swarmed 
with  Syracusan  small  craft,  many  of  them  manned  by  vouthful 
volunteers  of  the  best  families,  ready  to  direct  their  services 
wherever  they  might  be  Manted.  The  whole  scene,  except  in  its 
terrible  reality,  and  the  momentous  interests  depending  on  it, 
resembled  on  a  large  scale  the  naumachiic  exhibited  bv  the  Ro- 
man emperors  for  the  amusement  of  their  subjects.  The  Svra- 
cusan  fleet,  consisting  of  76  triremes,  was  the  first  to  leave  the 
shore.  A  considerable  portion  was  detached  to  guard  the  barrier 
at  the  mouth  of  the  harbour.  Hither  the  first  and  most  impe- 
tuous attack  of  the  Athenians  was  directed,  who  sought  to  break 
through  the  narrow  opening  which  had  been  left  for  the  passage 
of  merchant  vessels.  Their  onse"  was  repulsed,  and  the  battle 
then  became  general.  The  shoiTv.  •-  of  the  combatants,  and  the 
crash  of  the  iron  heads  of  the  vessels  as  they  were  driven  to- 


B.C.  413.  FIGHT  IN  THE  GREAT  HARBOUR.  S43 

gether,  resounded  over  the  water,  and  were  answered  on  shore 
by  tlie  cheers  or  waihngs  of  the  spectators  as  their  friends  were 
victorious  or  vanquished.  For  a  long  time  the  battle  was  main- 
tained with  heroic  courage  and  dubious  result.  At  length  as 
the  Athenian  vessels  began  to  yield  and  make  back  towards  the 
shore,  a  universal  shriek  of  horror  and  despair  arose  from  the 
Athenian  army,  whilst  shouts  of  joy  and  victory  were  raised  from 
the  pursuing  vessels,  and  were  echoed  back  from  the  Syracusans 
on  land.  As  the  Athenian  vessels  neared  the  shore  their  crews 
leaped  out,  and  made  for  the  camp,  whilst  the  boldest  of  the 
land  army  rushed  forward  to  protect  the  ships  from  being  seized 
by  the  enemy.  The  Athenians  succeeded  in  saving  only  60 
ships,  or  about  half  their  fleet.  The  Syracusan  fleet,  however, 
had  been  reduced  to  50  ships ;  and  on  the  same  afternoon,  Nicias 
and  Demosthenes,  as  a  last  hope  of  escape,  exhorted  their  men 
to  make  another  attempt  to  break  the  enemy's  line,  and  force 
their  way  out  of  the  harbour.  But  the  courage  of  the  crews 
was  so  completely  damped  that  they  positively  refused  to  re- 
embark. 

§  16.  The  Athenian  army  still  numbered  40,000  men  ;  and  as 
all  chance  of  escape  by  sea  was  now  hopeless,  it  was  resolved  to 
retreat  by  land  to  some  friendly  city,  and  there  defend  them- 
selves against  the  attacks  of  the  Syracusans.  This  Hermocrates 
was  determined  to  prevent.  The  day  on  which  the  battle  was 
fought  happened  to  be  sacred  to  Hercules,  and  a  festival  among 
the  Syracusans.  This  circumstance,  in  addition  to  the  joy  and 
elation  naturally  resvdting  from  so  great  a  victory,  had  thrown 
the  city  into  a  state  of  feasting  and  intoxication ;  and  had 
the  Athenians  taken  their  departure  that  night,  nobody  would 
have  been  found  to  oppose  them.  Hermocrates,  tlierefore,  when 
darkness  had  set  in,  sent  down  some  men  to  the  Athenian  wall, 
who,  pretending  to  come  from  the  secret  correspondents  of 
Nicias  in  Syracuse,  warned  liim  not  to  decamp  that  night,  as  all 
the  roads  were  beset  by  the  Syracusans.  Nicias  fell  into  the 
snare,  and  thus,  by  another  fatal  mistake,  really  afibrded  the 
Syracusans  an  opportunity  for  obstructing  his  retreat. 

It  was  not  till  the  next  day  but  one  after  the  battle  that  the 
Athenian  army  began  to  move.  Never  were  men  in  so  complete 
a  state  of  prostration.  Their  vessels  were  abandoned  to  the 
enemy  without  an  attempt  to  saA^e  them.  As  the  soldiers  turned 
to  quit  that  fatal  encampment,  the  sense  of  their  own  woes  was 
for  a  moment  suspended  by  the  sight  of  their  unburied  com- 
rades, who  seemed  to  reproach  them  with  the  neglect  of  a  sacred 
duty  ;  but  still  more  by  the  wailings  and  entreaties  of  the 
wounded,    who    clung   around   their  knees,    and   implored    not 


844  ]IlST()llV  OF  GREECE.  Ciiai-.  XXx 

to  bo  iibandoncd  to  ct-rtaiu  destruclion.  Amidst  this  sceiio  of 
universal  woe  and  dejection,  a  fresh  and  unwonted  spirit  of 
cnerfify  and  lieroisni  seemed  to  lie  infused  into  Is'icias.  Though 
suli("rin<f  under  an  incurable  eomjjhiint,  he  was  everywhere  seen 
iiiarsliailinf^  his  troops,  and  encouraf^ing  them  by  his  exliorta- 
tions.  The  march  was  directed  towards  tlie  territory  of  the 
Siccls  ia  the  interior  of  the  ipluiid.  The  army  was  fijrrned  into 
a  huildw  s([uare  with  the  hajL'frage  in  the  middle;  Nicias  leading 
the  van,  and  fJemostlienes  bringing  up  the  rear.  Having  Ibrced 
the  passage  of  the  river  Anapus,  they  marclied  on  the  lirst  day 
about  live  miles  to  the  westward,  on  the  second  day  about  hall" 
that  distance,  and  encamped  on  a  cultivated  plain.  From  this 
])hu-e  the  road  ascended  by  a  sort  of  ravine  over  a  steep  hill 
called  tlie  Acra;an  clili,  on  which  the  Syracusans  had  fortified 
themselves.  After  sjiending  two  days  iu  vain  attempts  to  iorce 
this  position,  Nicias  and  Demosthenes  resolved  during  the  night 
lo  strike  oil'  to  the  left  towards  the  sea.  Nicias,  with  the 
van,  succeeded  in  reaching  the  coast ;  but  Demosthenes,  who 
had  lost  liis  way,  was  overtaken  by  the  Syraeusans  at  noon 
on  the  following  day,  and  surrounded  iu  a  narrow  pass.  Many 
of  his  troops  had  di.sbanded  during  the  night  march,  and  many 
fell  iu  the  conflict  which  now  ensued,  till  being  reduced  to  the 
number  of  6000,  they  surrendered,  on  condition  of  their  lives 
being  spared. 

M7.  Meanwhile  Nicias,  with  the  van,  had  pursued  his  march, 
and  crossed  the  river  Erineus.  On  the  Ibllowing  day,  however, 
Gylippus  overtook  him,  and,  having  informed  him  of  the  faie  of 
his  colleague,  summoned  him  to  surrender.  But  Tsicias  was  in- 
credulous, and  pursued  his  march  amidst  the  harassing  attacks 
of  the  Syracusans.  The  attempt  to  cross  the  river  Asinarus 
decided  the  fate  of  his  army.  The  men  rushed  into  the  water 
in  the  greatest  disorder,  partly  to  escape  the  enemy,  hut  chiefly 
from  a  desire  to  quench  the  burinng  thirst  with  which  they  were 
tormented.  Hundreds  were  pressed  forwards  down  the  steep 
banks  of  the  river,  and  were  either  trodden  mider  fcot,  or  im- 
paled on  the  spears  of  those  below,  or  carried  away  by  the 
stream.  Yet  others  from  behind  still  kept  pressing  en,  anxious 
to  partake  of  the  now  turbid  and  bloody  water.  The  troops 
thus  became  so  completely  disorganised  that  all  further  resist- 
ance was  hopeless,  and  Nieias  surrendered  at  discretion. 

Out  of  the  40,000  who  started  from  the  camp  only  10,000  at 
the  utmost  were  left  at  the  end  of  the  sixth  days  march,  the 
rest  had  either  deserted  or  been  slain.  The  prisoners  were  sent 
to  Avork  in  the  stone-quarries  of  Achradina  and  Epipolaj.  Here 
they  were  crowded  together  without  any  shelter,  and  with  scarcely 


B.C.  413.      DEATH  OF  KICIAS  AKD  DEMOSTHENES.  345 

provisions  enough  to  sustain  life.  The  numerous  bodies  of  those 
who  died  were  left  to  putrefy  where  they  had  fallen,  till  at  length 
the  place  became  such  an  intolerable  centre  of  stench  and  in- 
fection that,  at  the  end  of  seventy  days,  the  Syracusans,  lor  their 
own  comfort  and  safety,  were  obliged  to  remove  the  survivors. 
All  but  the  Athenians  and  the  Italian  and  Sicilian  Greeks  were 
sold  into  slavery.  What  became  of  the  Athenians  we  are  not 
informed,  but  they  were  probably  employed  as  slaves  by  the 
richer  Syracusans,  since  the  story  runs  that  many  succeeded  in 
winning  the  aflection  and  pity  of  their  masters  by  reciting  por- 
tions of  the  dramas  of  Euripides.  Nicias  and  Demosthenes  were 
condemned  to  death  in  spite  of  all  the  efibrts  of  Gylippus  and 
Hermocrates  to  save  them.  The  latter  contrived  to  spare  them 
the  humiliation  of  a  public  execution  by  providing  them  with 
the  means  of  committing  suicide. 

M8.  Such  was  the  end  of  two  of  the  largest  and  best  appointed 
armaments  that  had  ever  gone  forth  from  Athens.  Nicias,  as 
we  have  seen,  was  from  the  first  opposed  to  the  expedition  in 
which  they  were  employed,  as  pregnant  with  the  most  dangerous 
consequences  to  Athens ;  and,  though,  it  must  be  admitted  that 
in  this  respect  his  views  were  sound,  it  cannot  at  the  same  time 
be  concealed,  that  his  own  want  of  energy,  and  his  incompetence 
as  a  general,  were  the  chief  causes  of  the  failure  of  the  under- 
taking. Possessing  much  fortitude  but  little  enterprise,  respect- 
able, in  private  life,  punctual  in  the  peribrmance  of  his  religious 
duties,  not  deficient  in  a  ceiiain  kind  of  political  wisdom,  which, 
however,  derived  its  colour  rather  from  timidity  and  over-caution 
than  from  that  happy  mixture  of  boldness  and  prudence  which 
characterises  the  true  statesman,  Nicias  had  by  these  qualities 
obtained  far  more  than  his  just  share  of  political  reputation  and 
influence,  and  had  thus  been  named  to  the  command  of  an  expe- 
dition for  which  he  was  qualified  neither  by  military  skill  nor 
by  that  enthusiasm  and  confidence  of  success  which  it  so  pecu- 
liarly demanded.  His  mistakes  involved  the  fiall  of  Demosthenes, 
an  officer  of  far  greater  resolution  and  ability  than  himself,  and 
who,  had  his  counsels  been  followed,  would  in  all  probability 
have  conducted  the  enterprise  to  a  safe  termination,  though 
there  was  no  longer  room  to  hope  for  success.  The  career  of 
Demosthenes  marks  him  as  one  of  the  first  generals  of  the  age, 
but  unfortunately  he  held  only  a  subordinate  rank  in  Sicily. 
The  Athenians  became  sensible  when  too  late  ( f  the  difierence 
between  the  two  commanders.  On  the  pillar  ore  cted  to  the  me- 
mory of  the  warriors  who  fell  in  Sicily  the  name  cf  Demosthenes 
(bund  a  place,  whilst  that  of  Nicias  was  omitted. 


Street  of  the  Tripods  at  Athens,  from  a  has  rclieC 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

FROM  THE  END  OF  THE  SICILIAN   EXrEDITION  TO  THE  0\'EUTIinOW 
OF   THE   FOUR   HUNDRED  AT  ATHENS. 

§  1.  Consternation  and  hardships  at  Athens.  §  2.  Measures  for  defence. 
§  3.  Revolt  of  Chios,  Erythr.'e,  and  Clazomeiire.  §  4.  Spread  of  the 
revolt.  Defection  ofTeos,  Lesbos,  and  Miletus.  Revolution  atSamos, 
which  becomes  the  head-quarters  of  the  Athenian  fleet,  g  ,5.  Reeoveiy 
of  Le.sbos  by  the  Athenians.  Dissatisfaction  of  the  Lacedfenionians 
■with  Tissaphernes.  §  6.  Schemes  of  Aleibiades.  §  7.  He  proposes  a 
league  between  the  Athenians  and  Persians,  and  the  establishment  of 
an  oligarchy  at  Athens.  §  8.  Agitation  for  an  oligarchy  at  Athens. 
§  9.  Conference  of  Pisandcr  witJi  Aleibiades.  Artitices  of  the  latter. 
Fresh  treaty  between  Tissaphernes  and  the  Lacediemonians.  §  10.  Pro- 
gress of  the  oligarchical  conspiracy  at  Athens  and  Samos.  ^11.  Es- 
tablishment of  the  Four  Hundred.  §  12.  Their  proceedings.  §  13.  Pro- 
ceedings at  Samos.  Aleibiades  joins  the  democracy  there.  ^  14.  The 
Athenian  envoys  at  Samos.  §  15.  Dissensions  among  the  Four  Hun- 
dred. They  negotiate  with  Sparta.  §  16.  Counter  revolution  at 
Athens.  Defeat  of  the  Athenian  fleet  and  capture  of  Euboea  by  the 
Lacedaemonians.  §  17.  The  Four  Hundred  deposed  and  democracy 
re-established  at  Athens. 


§  1.  The  first  intelligence  of  the  destruction  of  the  Sicilian  arma- 
ment is  said  to  have  been  conunnnicated  by  a  stranger,  in  a 
barber's  shop  in  the  Pii-a^ns.  Big  Mith  the  eventful  news,  the 
unfortunate  barber  hastened  up  to  Alliens  to  communicate  it  to 
the  archons  anJ  the  public  ;  but  he  Avas  treated  as  a  tale-bearer 
and  impostor  ;  ind  being  unable  to  corroborate  his  stor}',  in 
consequence  of  the  chsappearance  of  his  inionnant,  he  Avas  put 
to  the  torture.  The  tidings  \\i're.  liov\'ovcr,  soon  confirmed  by 
the  arrival  of  fugitives  who  had  managed  to  escape  from  the 


B.C.  413.  DISMAY  OF  THE  ATHEKIAIS'S.  847 

disastrous  scene.  Athens  was  now  filled  with  affliction  and  dis- 
may. To  private  grief  for  the  loss  of  iiiends  was  added  despair 
of  the  public  safety.  There  seemed  to  be  no  means  of  prevent- 
ing the  city  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Lacedajmonians. 
The  popular  fury  vented  itself  in  abusnig  the  orators  who  had 
re<'ommended  the  expedition,  and  the  soothsayers  who  had  fore- 
told its  success. 

The  affairs  of  the  Athenians  wore  indeed  a  most  ttireatening 
aspect.  The  Laceda?monian  post  at  Decelea  was  a  constant 
source  of  annoyance.  No  part  of  Attica  escaped  the  forays 
which  were  made  from  thence.  All  the  cattle  were  destroyed, 
and  the  most  valuable  slaves  began  to  desert  in  great  numbers 
to  the  enemy.  Athens  was  almost  in  a  state  of  siege.  The 
fatigue  of  guarding  the  lai'ge  extent  of  wall  became  very  onerous 
on  the  reduced  number  of  citizens.  The  knights  or  horsemen 
were  on  constant  duty  in  order  to  repress  the  enemy's  ma- 
rauders ;  but  their  horses  were  soon  lamed  and  rendered  ineffi- 
cient by  the  hard  and  stony  nature  of  the  soil.  But  what  chiefly 
excited  the  despondency  of  the  Athenians  was  the  visible  decliire 
of  their  naval  superiority.  An  engagement  with  the  Corinthian 
fleet  near  Naupactus,  in  the  summer  of  413  B.C.,  had  ended  with 
neither  side  gaining  the  advantage,  though  the  forces  were 
nearly  equal ;  but  to  the  Athenians  the  moral  effects  were  equi- 
valent to  a  defeat. 

§  2.  Yet  that  cheerfulness  and  energy  under  misfortune  which 
form  such  striking  and  excellent  traits  in  the  character  of  the 
Athenians,  did  not  long  desert  them.  After  the  flrst  movements 
of  rage  and  despair,  they  began  to  contemplate  their  condition 
more  calmly,  and  to  take  the  necessaiy  measures  for  defence. 
A  board  of  elders  was  appointed,  under  the  name  of  Probuli,^'*' 
to  watch  over  the  public  safety.  The  splendour  of  the  public 
ceremonies  M'as  curtailed  in  order  to  raise  funds  for  the  neces- 
sities of  the  state ;  the  garrison  recently  established  on  the 
coast  of  Laconia  was  recalled  ;  the  building  of  a  new  fleet  was 
commenced  ;  and  Cape  Sunium  was  fortified  in  order  to  ensure 
an  uninterrupted  communication  between  Piraeus  and  Euboea, 
from  which  island  the  Athenians  principally  drew  their  pro- 
visions. 

^  3.  "VA'hilst  the  imperial  city  was  thus  driven  to  consult  for 
her  very  existence,  it  seemed  a  chimerical  hope  that  she  could 
retain  her  widely  scattered  dependencies.  Her  situation  in- 
spii-ed  her  enemies  with  new  vigour ;  states  hitherto  neutral  de- 
clared against  her  ;  her  subject-allies  prepared  to  throw  olF  the 


848  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XXXL 

yoko  ;  even  the  Persian  .satraps  and  tlie  (;f)urt  of  8usa  bestirred 
tli(ua.selve.s  a<fainst  her.  The  liiMt  hli)W  to  the  Athenian  cmpiro 
was  strnek  by  the  wealthy  and  populon.s  i.shmd  ol  Chios.  This 
a^ain  was  tlie  work  ol  Aleihiaderf,  tlie  implacable  enerny  of  his 
native  land.  In  the  winter  following  the  overthrow  of  the  Athe- 
nian annainent  in  Sicily,  several  of  the  ino.st  powerful  allie.s  of 
Athen.s,  ainnn<j  whom  were  the  Enbajans,  Chian.s,  and  Lesbians, 
had  solicited  Sparta  to  assi.st  them  in  throwinj^  oli  the  Athenian 
V'oke.  At  the  same  time  envoys  appeared  at  Sparta  from  Tissa- 
pliernes,  the  Persian  .satrap  of  Ionia,  Caria,  and  tlie  adjacent 
coasts,  and  from  Pharnabazus,  whose  satrapy  extended  from  the 
Eu.vine  to  the  gulf  of  Ela-a,  inviting  tlie  Lacedternonians  to  co- 
operate with  them  in  destroying  the  Athenian  empire  in  Asia, 
and  promising  to  provide  the  necessary  funds. 

By  the  advice  of  Alcibiades,  the  Lacedtemouiaus  resolved  that 
tiie  Chians  should  have  the  preference,  and  that  a  lleet  should 
ba  sent  to  their  a.ssistaiice.  Impatient  of  delay,  Alcibiades 
shortly  afterwards  crossed  over  to  Chios  with  a  Lacedaemonian 
squadron  of  five  ships,  under  the  command  of  Chalcideus.  The 
oligarchical  party  at  Chios  had  matured  all  their  plans  for  the 
revolt,  and  the  arrival  of  Alcibiades  caused  them  to  be  put  into 
execution.  The  people  were  taken  by  surprise,  and  were  re- 
luctantly induced  to  renounce  their  alliance  with  Athens.  Their 
example  was  almost  immediately  followed  by  Erythra;  and  Cla- 
zomente. 

^  4.  The  rcsei-\-e  of  1000  talents,  set  apart  by  Pericles  to  meet 
the  contingency  of  an  actual  invasion,  still  remained  untouched  ; 
but  now  by  a  unanimous  vote  the  penalty  of  death,  which  forbad 
its  appropriation  to  any  other  purpose,  was  abolished,  and  the 
fund  applied  in  fitting  out  a  fleet  against  Chios.  Meantime, 
Alcibiades  was  iudeiatigable  in  fanning  the  llames  of  revolt, 
which  now  spread  rapidly  through  the  Athenian  allies.  Teos, 
Lesbos,  and  Miletus  proclaimed  their  independence  of  Athens. 
At  Miletus,  Chalcideus,  on  the  part  of  Sparta,  concluded  an  in- 
famous treaty  with  Tissaphernes,  stipulatuig  that  the  Greek  cities 
and  teri'itory  Ibrmerly  belonging  to  Persia  should  be  restored  to 
iier ;  that  the  Athenians  should  not  be  permitted  to  derive  any 
revenue  from  them  ;  and  that  Persia  and  the  Lacedaemonians 
should  jointly  carry  on  the  war  against  Athens.  To  conclude 
the  bargain,  Miletus  was  handed  over  to  Tissaphernes. 

Samos  still  remained  faithful  to  the  Athenians,  and  amidst 
the  general  defection  of  their  Asiatic  allies  had  become  of  the 
last  importance  to  them.  This  island,  like  Chios,  was  governed 
by  an  oligarchy  ;  but  warned  by  the  revolution  in  that  island, 
the  Samians  rose  against  the  oligarchs,  slew  200  of  them,  and 


B.C.  412.  REYOLUTIOX  AT  SAMOS.  349 

banished  400  more.  The  Athenians  at  once  recognized  the 
newly  estabhshed  democracy,  and  secured  the  adhesion  of  the 
Samians  by  putting  them  on  the  footing  of  equal  and  independ- 
ent allies.  iSamos  became  the  head-quarters  of  the  Athenian 
fleet,  and  the  base  of  their  operations  during  the  remainder  of 
the  war. 

§  5.  The  tide  of  success  at  length  began  to  turn  in  favour  of 
the  Athenians.  They  had  succeeded  in  collecting  a  considerable 
fleet  at  tSamos,  with  which  they  recovered  Lesbos  and  Clazome- 
nsB,  defeated  the  Chians,  and  laid  waste  their  territory.  They 
also  gained  a  victoiy  over  the  Peloponnesians  at  Miletus,  but 
this  powerful  city  still  remained  in  the  hands  of  Tissaphernes 
and  the  Peloponnesians. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year,  Astyochus,  the  Lacedsemonian 
commander,  received  large  reinlbrcements  from  Peloponnesus, 
and  was  now  at  the  head  of  so  imposing  an  armament  that  he 
was  enabled  to  modify  the  former  treaty  with  Tissaphernes,  of 
which  the  Lacedaemonians  w^ere  heartily  ashamed.  The  new 
treaty,  however,  differed  from  the  previous  one  rather  in  terms 
than  substance,  and  appears  to  have  been  far  from  giving  satis- 
faction at  Sparta.  The  conduct  of  Tissaphernes  afforded  another 
reason  for  discontent.  He  had  given  notice  that  he  could  no 
longer  continue  the  high  rate  of  payment  of  a  drachma  per  day 
for  the  seamen's  wages,  the  sum  agreed  upon  in  the  first  treaty, 
w"ithout  express  instructions  from  the  court  of  Susa  ;  and  though 
he  had  reduced  that  sum  by  one  half,  it  was  very  irregularly 
paid ;  whilst  his  whole  behaviour  displayed  a  great  want  of 
hearty  co-operation  with  the  Laceda?monians.  Another  Pelo' 
ponnesian  squadron  was  therefore  despatched  to  the  coast  of 
Asia,  having  on  board  Lichas  and  ten  other  Spartans,  for  the 
purpose  of  remonstrating  with  Tissaphernes  and  opening  fresh 
negotiations.  Having  obtained  an  interview  with  Tissaphernes 
at  C  nidus,  Lichas  took  exceptions  to  the  two  former  treaties ;  of 
which  the  first  expressly,  the  second  by  implication,  recognized 
the  claims  of  Persia  not  only  to  the  islands  of  the  iEgean,  but 
even  to  Thessaly  and  Boeotia.  Lichas,  therefore,  proposed  a  new 
treaty ;  but  Tissaphernes  was  so  indignant  at  the  proposition 
that  he  immediately  broke  oil  the  negotiation. 

^  6.  The  conduct  of  Tissaphernes  towards  the  Lacedsemo- 
nians  was  the  result  of  the  counsels  of  Alcibiades,  who  was 
scheming  to  eltect  his  return  to  Athens  by  means  of  his  in- 
trigues with  the  Persian  Satrap.  In  the  course  of  a  few  months 
Alcibiades  had  completely  forleited  the  confidence  of  the  Lace- 
daemonians. His  ultra-Athenian  temperament  and  mamiers 
must  have  been  as  unwelcome  to  them  as  their  own  slowness 


8:,0  IHSTOllV  OF  OI{Ki;CE.  Chap.  XXXL 

:iii(l  ^riivity  were  to  liiin.  The  .Sj);irtriii  Kirif(  Apis,  whose  wife 
lie  liad  sfducc'cl,  was  his  personal  ciiciiiy  ;  and  the  lij)hor  Endiue, 
liiri  chiel"  i)roteclor,  went  out  ol"  olhee  in  '112  n.c.  To  llie  prc- 
cedinfi  causes  lor  private  dislike  Mas  now  added  the  want  ol'  that 
raj)id  sueuess  whieh  he  had  promised  to  the  Lacedariionians  in 
the  JCast.  In  a  man  whose  eharaeter  lor  deceit  was  notorious  it 
is  not  surprising  that  this  failure  should  excite  a  suspicion  of 
treachery.  Alter  the  defeat  of  the  I'eloponnesians  at  Miletus, 
Kiufj  Af:is  denounced  Alcibiades  as  a  trailor,  and  persuaded  the 
new  Ej)h()rs  to  send  out  instructions  to  put  him  to  death.  Of 
this,  liowever,  he  was  informed  time  enoufrh  to  make  his  escape 
to  Tissai»hernes  at  Magnesia.  Here  he  be<raii  to  play  an  anti- 
llelleuic,  instead  of  his  former  anti-Athenian  game.  He  ingra- 
tiated himself  into  the  conlidence  of  the  satrap,  and  persuaded 
him  that  it  was  not  lor  the  interest  of  Persia  that  either  of  the 
Grecian  parties  should  be  successful,  but  rather  that  they  should 
wear  each  other  out  in  their  mutual  struggles,  when  Persia 
would  ill  the  end  succeed  in  expelling  both.  This  advice  was 
adopted  by  the  satrap ;  and  in  order  to  carry  it  into  execution, 
steps  were  taken  to  secure  the  inactivity  of  the  Pelopcnnesian 
armament,  which,  if  vigorously  employed,  was  poweri'ul  enough 
to  put  a  speedy  end  to  the  war.  With  this  view  the  Lacedde- 
nionian  commanders  were  first  persuaded  to  await  the  arrival  of 
the  Pho'iiician  fleet,  which,  however,  was  never  intended  to  ap- 
pear. But  as  this  was  a  pretext  which  could  not  be  made 
available  for  any  length  of  time,  the  next  argument  was  in  the 
more  solid  shape  of  pecuniary  bribes  administered  to  Astycchus 
and  the  other  Spartan  leaders.  Spartan  A'irtue,  which  exists 
rather  in  imagination  than  reality,  was  not  proof  against  this  se- 
duction. The  Syracusun,  Hermoerates — for  a  Sicilian  squadron 
was  co-operating  with  the  Pcloponnesian  fleet — was  alone  found 
to  he  incorruptible. 

^  7.  Alcibiades,  having  thus  in  some  degree  detached  Tissa- 
phernes  from  the  Lacedaemonians,  now  endeavoured  to  jiersuade 
him  that  it  was  more  for  the  Persian  interest  to  conclude  a 
league  with  Athens  than  with  Sparta ;  since  the  former  state 
sought  only  to  retain  her  maritime  dependencies,  whilst  Sparta 
had  held  out  promises  of  libei1;y  to  every  Grecian  city,  liom 
which  she  could  not  consistently  recede.  The  only  part  of  his 
advice,  however,  which  the  satrap  seems  to  have  sincerely 
adopted  Avas  that  of  playing  ofi"  cue  party  against  the  other. 
But  about  this  Alcibiades  did  not  at  all  concern  himself  It 
was  enough  lor  his  views,  which  had  merely  the  selfish  aim  of 
his  own  restoration  to  Athens,  if  he  could  make  it  appear 
that    he    jiossessed    suthcient    influence   Avith    Tissaphernes   \p 


B.C.  412.  SCHEMES  OF  ALCIBIADES.  351 

procure  his  assistance  for  the  Athenians ;  and  for  this  the 
intimate  terms  on  which  he  hved  with  the  satrap  seemed  a 
sufficient  guarantee.  He  therefore  began  to  communicate  with 
the  Athenian  generals  at  Samos,  and  held  out  the  hope  of  a 
Persian  alliance  as  the  price  of  his  restoration  to  his  country. 
But  as  he  both  hated  and  feared  the  Athenian  democracy,  he 
coupled  his  offer  with  the  condition  that  a  revolution  should  be 
elfected  at  Athens,  and  an  oligarchy  established.  The  Athenian 
genei'als  greedily  caught  at  the  proposal ;  and  though  the  great 
mass  of  the  soldiery  were  violently  opposed  to  it,  they  were 
silenced,  if  not  satisfied,  when  told  that  Athens  could  be  saved 
only  by  means  of  Persia.  The  oligarchical  conspirators  formed 
themselves  into  a  confederacy,  and  Pisander  was  sent  to  Athens 
to  organize  the  clubs  in  the  city.  But  the  conspirators  over- 
looked the  fact  that  the  word  of  Alcibiades  was  their  only  se- 
curity for  the  co-operation  of  Persia.  Phrynichus  alone  among 
the  Athenian  generals  opposed  the  scheme  ;  not  that  he  dis- 
liked oligarchy,  but  that  he  hated  Alcibiades,  and  saw  through 
his  designs. 

^  8.  The  proposition  for  an  oligarchy  which  Pisander  made  in 
the  Athenian  assembly  met  with  the  most  determined  oppo- 
sition ;  whilst  the  personal  enemies  of  Alcibiades,  especially  the 
sacred  families  of  the  Eumolpida;  and  Ceryces,  violently  opposed 
the  return  of  the  man  who  had  profaned  the  mysteries.  The 
single  but  unanswerable  reply  of  Pisander  was,  the  necessities 
of  the  republic.  A  reluctant  vote  for  a  change  of  constitution 
was  at  length  extorted  from  the  people.  Pisander  and  ten  others 
were  despatched  to  treat  with  Alcibiades  and  Tissaphernes.  At 
the  same  time  Phrynichus  and  his  colleague  Scironides  were  de- 
posed from  their  command  at  Samos,  and  their  places  sujDplied 
by  Diomedon  and  Leon.  Before  his  departure  Pisander  had 
brought  all  the  oligarchical  clubs  in  Athens  into  full  activity. 
During  his  absence  the  same  task  was  undertaken  by  Antiphon, 
the  rhetorician.  He  was  assisted  by  Theramenes,  and  subse- 
quently by  Phrynichus,  who,  after  his  arrival  at  Athens,  had  be- 
come a  violent  partisan  of  the  oligarchy. 

^  9.  When  Pisander  and  his  colleagues  arrived  in  Ionia,  they 
informed  Alcibiades  that  measures  had  been  taken  for  establish- 
ing an  oligarchical  form  of  government  at  Athens,  and  required 
him  to  fulfil  his  part  of  the  engagement  by  procuring  the  aid 
and  alliance  of  Persia.  But  Alcibiades  knew  that  he  had  under- 
taken what  he  could  not  perform,  and  now  resolved  to  escape 
from  the  dilemma  by  one  of  his  habitual  artifices.  He  received 
the  Athenian  deputation  in  the  presence  of  Tissaphernes  him- 
self, and  made  such  extravagant  demands  on  behalf  of  the  satrap 


352  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XXXL 

lliiit  Pisaiidcr  and  his  collc-airiifs  indifriiaiitly  broke  off  tlie  con- 
IItc'ik'c.  Tlicy  attributed,  bovvever,  llic  diipbcity  of  Alcibiades 
to  bis  want  ol'  will,  and  not  to  bis  want  of  jxAver,  to  Hcrvc  lliern; 
and  tlii-y  now  bi'<ran  to  suspect  tbat  bis  oli<rarcbifal  scberne  was 
a  mere  trick,  and  tbat  in  reality  be  desired  tbe  democracy  to 
reniaiu,  and  to  procure  bis  restoration  to  its  bosom. 

Tissaj)bernes,  wbo  did  not  wisb  absolutely  to  break  with  the 
Laceda-nionians,  now  be<ran  to  fear  that  be  was  pusbin«r  matters 
too  far  ;  and,  as  they  already  felt  tbe  pinch  of  want,  be  furnished 
them  with  some  pay,  and  cfjncluded  a  new  treaty  with  them,  by 
wiiich  they  aprecd  to  abandon  all  tbe  continent  of  Asia,  and 
consecjuently  tbe  Greek  cities  in  tbat  quarter.  To  this  treaty 
Pbarnabazus  was  also  a  party.  Persia  did  not  w'aive  her  claim 
to  tbe  islands,  but  nothing  was  stipulated  respecting  them.  On 
these  conditions  the  aid  of  a  Phcenician  fleet  was  promised  to 
tbe  Pcloponnesians. 

MO.  Notwithstanding  the  conduct  of  Alcibiades  the  oligarchi- 
cal con.'^pirators  proceeded  with  the  revolution  at  Athens,  in 
which  they  bad  gone  too  far  to  recede.  Pisander,  with  five  of 
the  envoys,  returned  to  Athens  to  complete  the  work  they  had 
begun  ;  tbe  rest  were  sent  to  establish  oligarchies  among  the 
allies.  The  leaders  of  the  army  at  tSamos  began  a  similar  move- 
ment in  tbat  island.  Their  lirst  step  was  the  gratuitous  murder 
of  Hyperbolus,  an  Athenian  demagogue  who  had  been  ostracised 
some  years  before,  and  who  Avas  now-  residing  at  J^amos,  though 
apparently  without  possessing  any  influence  there.  But  the  new 
commanders,  Diomedon  and  Leon,  were  favourable  to  the  de- 
mocracy, and  they  found  by  personal  inquir}'  tbat  the  great 
majority  of  the  crews,  and  especially  that  of  the  public  trireme 
called  the  Paralus,  were  ready  to  support  the  ancient  constitu- 
tion. Accordingly,  when  the  oligarchs  rose  they  were  over- 
})owered  by  superior  numbers  ;  thirty  of  them  were  killed  in  the 
contest,  and  three  were  subsequently  indicted  and  banished. 

Meanwhile  at  Athens,  after  the  departure  of  Pisander.  the 
council  of  Probuli,  as  well  as  many  leading  citizens,  had  joined 
the  oligarchs.  Their  attacks  upon  the  democracy  were  not  open, 
but  were  conducted  by  means  of  depreciating  speeches  respect- 
ing its  costliness,  through  tbe  pay  given  to  the  dicasts  and  others 
discharging  civil  offices,  which,  it  was  represented,  the  state  could 
no  longer  ailbrd.  They  did  not  venture  to  pro|X)se  the  entire 
abolition  of  the  democracy,  but  merely  a  modification  of  it,  by 
restricting  the  number  of  those  entitled  to  the  francbL^e  to  oOOO. 
But  even  this  proposition  was  never  intended  to  be  carried  into 
execution.  Those  who  stood  forward  to  oppose  the  scheme  were 
privately  assassinated.     A  reign  of  terror  now  commenced.     Citi- 


B.C.  411.  TIIE  FOUR  HUNDRED  AT  ATHENS.  35S 

zens  were  continually  falling  ;  yet  no  man  could  tell  whose  hand 
struck  the  blow,  or  whose  turn  might  come  next. 

s^  11.  The  return  of  Pisander  was  the  signal  for  coiLsummating 
the  revolution.  He  proposed  in  the  assembly,  and  carried  a 
resolution,  that  a  committee  of  ten  should  be  appointed  to  pre 
pare  a  new  constitution,  which  was  to  be  submitted  to  the  ap- 
probation of  the  people.  But  when  the  day  appointed  for  that 
purpose  arrived,  the  assembly  was  not  convened  in  the  Pnyx,  but 
in  the  temple  of  Poseidon  at  Colonus,  a  village  upwards  of  a  mile 
from  Athens.  Here  the  conspirators  could  plant  their  own  par- 
tisans, and  were  less  liable  to  be  overawed  by  superior  numbers. 
The  Graplie  Paranomon,  or  action  against  those  who  proposed 
any  unconstitutional  measure,  having  first  been  repealed,  Pisander 
obtained  the  assent  of  the  meeting  to  the  following  revolutionary 
changes  : — 1.  The  abolition  of  all  the  existing  magistracies  ; 
2.  The  cessation  of  all  payments  for  the  discharge  of  civil  func- 
tions ;  3.  The  appointment  of  a  committee  of  five  persons,  who 
were  to  name  ninety-hve  more  ;  each  of  the  hundred  thus  con- 
stituted to  choose  three  persons  ;  the  body  of  Four  Hundred  thus 
formed  to  be  an  irresponsible  government,  holding  its  sittings  in 
the  senate  house.  The  four  hundred  were  to  convene  the  select 
body  of  five  thousand  citizens  whenever  they  thought  proper. 
Nobody  knew  who  these  five  thousand  were,  but  they  answered 
two  purposes,  namely,  to  give  an  air  of  greater  popularity  to  the 
government,  as  well  as  to  overawe  the  people  by  an  exaggerated 
notion  of  its  strength. 

M2.  The  government  thus  constituted  proceeded  to  establish 
itself  by  force.  A  body  of  hoplites  having  been  posted  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Senate  House,  the  Four  Hundred  entered 
it,  each  with  a  dagger  concealed  under  his  garment,  and  followed 
by  their  body-guard  of  120  youths,  the  instruments  of  the  secret 
assassinations  already  mentioned.  The  ancient  senate  was  dis- 
missed, but  the  pay  due  to  the  members  was  oflered,  and  basely 
accepted.  Thus  perished  the  Atheinan  democracy,  after  an 
existence  of  nearly  a  century  since  its  establishment  by  Clis- 
thenes.  The  revolution  was  begun  from  despair  of  the  foreign 
relations  of  Athens,  and  from  the  hope  of  assistance  from  Persia  ; 
but  it  was  carried  out  through  the  machinations  of  Antiphon  and 
his  accomplices  after  that  delusion  had  ceased. 

Having  divided  themselves  into  Prytanies  or  sections,  and  in- 
stalled themselves  with  sacrifice  and  prayer,  the  Four  Hundred 
proceeded  to  put  to  death  or  imprison  the  most  formidable  of 
their  political  enemies.  Their  next  step  was  to  make  overtures 
for  peace  to  Agis.  The  Spartan  king,  however,  believed  that 
the   revolution  was   not   safely  established,   and    preferred   an 


Br,i  IIISTOIIV  or  (;itKi:CM  Chai-.  xxxl 

atU'iiii)l  1o  capture  llio  <;ily  diiriii;,'  tlio  (lis.sen.sions  by  ■which  he 
supposed  it  to  1)(3  toru.  Jjut  ou  jiiaitdiin;,'  up  to  the  wall»  lie 
l.)Ui)d  tlifui  carcluUy  (guarded,  and  liis  tro(»|).s  were  rcjiulsc-d  liy  a 
sally  ol  the  bcsii-fri'd.  A  second  aj)]ilifatiou  ol"  the  Four  Hun- 
dred mvX  with  a  Ijetter  reecption,  and  thry  were  encouraged  to 
send  to  Sparta. 

^  13.  Tlie  iaihire  of  the  revohition  at  Satnos  was  liifrldy  unfa- 
vourable to  the  success  of  the  revolution  at  Athens  ;  but  the 
Four  Ihuidred  despatched  envoys  to  that  island,  with  instruc- 
tions to  make  the  matter  as  palatable  as  possible.  These,  how- 
ever, had  been  iorcstalled  by  Choreas.  Under  the  impression 
that  the  democracy  still  existed  at  Athens,  Cha;reas  had  been 
sent  to  the  city  I'rom  Samos  in  the  Paralus  with  the  news  olthe 
counter-revolution  in  the  island.  But  Avhen  the  Paralus  arrived, 
the  Four  Hundred  had  already  been  installed;  whereupon  some 
of  lier  democratic  crew  were  imprisoned,  and  the  rest  transferred 
to  an  ordinary  trireme.  Clui-reas  himself  foiuid  means  to  escape, 
and  returned  to  Samos,  wlicre  lie  aggravated  the  jiroceediiifrs  at 
Atliens  by  additions  ot"  his  own,  and  tilled  the  army  with  uncon- 
trollable wrath.  At  the  instance  of  Thrasybulus  and  Thrasyilus, 
a  meetingf  was  called  in  which  the  soldiers  pledged  themselves  to 
maintain  the  democracy,  to  continue  the  war  against  Pelopon- 
nesus, and  to  put  down  the  usurpers  at  Athens.  The  whole 
army,  even  those  who  had  taken  part  in  ihe  oligarchical  move- 
ments, were  sworn  to  uphold  these  pruiciples  ;  and  to  every 
male  Samian  of  military  age  a  similar  oath  was  administered. 
Thus  the  Athenian  democracy  continued  to  exist  at  Samos  alone. 
The  soldiers,  laying  aside  for  awhile  their  miUtary  characier, 
■constituted  themselves  into  an  assembly  of  the  people,  deposed 
several  of  their  officers,  and  appointed  others  whom  they  C(»uld 
better  trust.  The  meeting  resounded  with  patriotic  speeches. 
Thrasybulus  and  Thrasyilus  were  appointed  to  the  chief  i:om- 
mand  ;  the  former  of  whom  proposed  the  return  of  Alcibiades, 
who,  it  was  believed,  Avas  now  able  and  willing  to  aid  the  demo- 
cratic cause  with  the  gold  and  forces  of  Persia.  Alter  consider- 
able opposition  the  proposal  was  agreed  to ;  Alcibiades  was 
brought  to  Samos  and  introduced  to  the  assembly,  where  by  his 
magnilicent  promises,  and  extravagant  boasts  respecting  his  influ- 
ence with  Tissaphernes,  he  once  more  succeeded  iu  deceiving  the 
Athenians.  The  accomplished  traitor  was  elected  one  of  the 
generals,  and,  in  pursuance  of  his  artful  policy,  began  to  pass 
backwards  and  forwards  between  Samos  and  Magnesia,  with  the 
view  of  inspiring  both  the  satrap  and  the  Athenians  with  a  reci- 
procal idea  of  his  influence  with  either,  and  of  instilling  distrust 
cf  Tissaphernes  into  the  minds  of  the  Pelopoimesians. 


B.C.  411.  PROCEEDINGS  AT  SAMOS.  355 

§  1 4.  Such  was  the  state  of  aflairs  at  Samos  when  th©  envoys 
from  the  Four  Hundred  arrived.  They  were  invited  by  the 
generals  to  make  their  communication  to  the  assembled  troops ; 
but  so  great  was  the  antipathy  manifested  towards  them,  that 
they  could  hardly  obtain  a  hearing.  Their  presence  revived  a 
proposition  which  had  been  started  bctbre, — to  sail  at  once  to 
Athens,  and  put  doAvn  the  oligarchy  by  force.  By  the  advice  of 
Alcibiades,  seconded  by  Thrasybulus,  this  proposal  was,  how- 
ever, again  discarded.  The  envoys  were  sent  back  to  Athens 
with  the  answer  that  the  army  approved  of  the  5000,  but  that 
the  Four  hundred  must  resign  and  reinstate  the  ancient  Senate 
of  Five  Hundred. 

^15.  At  the  first  news  of  the  re-establishment  of  democracy 
at  Samos,  distrust  and  discord  had  broken  out  among  the  Four 
Hundred.  Antiphon  and  Phrynicus,  at  the  head  of  the  ex- 
treme section  of  the  oligarchical  party,  were  for  admitting  a 
Lacedremouian  garrison ;  and  with  a  view  to  further  that  object, 
actually  caused  a  fort  to  be  erected  at  Eetionea,  a  tongue  of  land 
commanding  the  entrance  to  the  harbour  of  the  Pira3us.  But 
others,  discontented  with  their  share  of  power,  began  to  affect 
more  popular  sentiments.  Conspicuous  among  these  were  The- 
ramenes  and  Aristocrates,  the  former  of  whom  began  to  insist 
on  the  necessity  for  calling  the  shadowy  body  of  5000  into  a  real 
existence.  As  the  answer  from  Samos  very  much  strengthened 
this  party,  their  opponents  found  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost ; 
and  Antiphon,  Phrynicus,  and  ten  others,  proceeded  in  all  haste 
to  Sparta,  with  offers  to  put  the  Lacedaemonians  in  possession  of 
the  Piraeus.  The  latter,  however,  with  their  usual  slowness,  or 
perhaps  from  a  suspicion  of  treachery,  let  slip  the  golden  oppor- 
tunity. All  they  could  be  induced  to  promise  was,  that  a  fleet 
of  42  triremes  should  hover  near  the  Piraeus,  and  watch  a  favour- 
able occasion  for  seizing  it.  The  failure  of  this  mission  was  an- 
other blow  to  the  party  of  Phrynicus ;  and  shortly  afterwards 
that  leader  himself  was  assassinated  in  open  daylight  whilst 
leaving  the  Senate  House.  Some  hoplites,  of  the  same  tribe  as 
Aristocrates,  now  seized  the  fort  at  Eetionea.  Theramenes  gave 
his  sanction  to  the  demolition  of  the  fort,  which  was  forthwith 
accomplished  ;  whilst  the  inability  of  the  Four  Hundred  to  pre- 
vent it,  betrayed  the  extent  of  their  power,  or  ratiier  of  their 
weakness. 

§  16.  The  Four  Hundred  now  appear  to  have  taken  some  steps 
to  call  the  5000  into  existence.  But  it  was  too  late.  The  leadere 
of  the  counter-revolution  entering  armed  into  the  theatre  of 
Dionysus  at  the  Piraeus,  formed  a  democratic  assembly  inider 
the  old  forms,  which  adjourned  to  the  Anaceum,  or  temple  of 


886  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XXXL 

iVie  Dioscuri,  iminediatcly  under  the  Aerojiolis.  Here  the  Four 
Hundred  sent  dej)nlies  to  nefroti.'ite  witli  tliern,  and  another 
assembly  was  apj)()inted  to  be  held  in  the  theatre  of  Dionysus; 
but  just  as  they  were  meeting  the  news  arrived  tliat  the  Lace- 
da'mouian  fleet  was  approaehin<r  the  Pirauis.  The  Athenians 
were  iuunediately  on  the  alerl,  and  tin;  Laceda;monian  admiral, 
perceiving  no  sifnis  ol"  assistance  from  within,  doubled  Cape 
iSunium  and  j)roceeded  to  Oropus.  It  was  now  plain  that  their 
object  was  to  excite  a  revolt  in  Euboua.  In  all  haste  the  Athe- 
nians launched  an  inadequate  fleet  of  3G  triremes,  manned  by 
inexperienced  crews.  At  Eretria  in  Euba-a  it  was  encountered 
by  the  Lacedjernonian  fleet,  and  completely  defeated  with  the 
loss  of  22  ships.  Eubcea,  supported  by  the  Lacedaemonians  and 
Ba'otians,  then  revolted  from  Athens. 

^  n .  Great  was  the  di?may  of  the  Athenians  on  receiving  this 
news.  The  loss  of  Euba-a  seemed  a  death  blow.  The  Laceda> 
monians  mitrht  now  easily  blockade  the  ports  of  Athens  and  starve 
her  into  surrender;  whilst  the  partisans  of  the  Four  Hundred 
■would  doubtless  co-operate  with  the  enemy.  But  from  this  fate 
they  were  again  saved  by  the  characteristic  slowness  of  the 
Lacediemonians,  who  confined  themselves  to  securing  the  con- 
quest of  Eubcca.  Thus  left  unmolested,  the  Athenians  convened 
an  assembly  in  the  Pnyx.  Votes  Avere  passed  for  deposing  the 
Four  Hundred,  and  placing  tlie  government  in  the  hands  of  the 
5000,  of  whom  every  citizen  who  could  furnish  a  panoply  might 
be  a  member.  In  short,  the  old  constitution  was  restored, 
except  that  the  franchise  was  restricted  to  5000  citizens,  and 
payment  for  the  discharge  of  civil  functions  abolished.  In  sub- 
sequent assemblies,  the  Archons,  the  Senate,  and  other  institu- 
tions were  revived ;  and  a  vote  was  passed  to  recall  Alcibiades 
and  some  of  his  friends.  The  number  of  the  5000  was  never 
exactly  observed,  and  was  soon  enlarged  into  universal  citizen- 
ship. Thus  the  Four  Hundred  were  overthroA\Ti  after  a  reign 
of  four  months.  Thcranienes  stood  forward  and  impeached  the 
leaders  of  the  extreme  obgarcbical  partv,  on  the  ground  of  their 
embassy  to  Sparta.  Most  of  them  succeeded  in  making  their 
escape  from  Athens;  but  Antiphon  and  Arehiptolemus  were 
apprehended,  condemned  and  executed,  in  spite  of  the  admira- 
tion excited  by  the  speecli  of  the  former  in  his  defence.  The 
rest  were  arraigned  in  tlieir  absence  and  condemned,  their 
houses  razed,  and  their  property  confiscated. 


One  of  the  Caryatides  supporting  the  southern  portico  of  the  Erechtheum. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

FROM    THE    FALL    OF    THE    FOUR    HUNDRED    AT    ATHENS    TO    THII 
BATTLE    OF    ^GOSFOTAMI. 


§  1.  State  of  the  belligerents.  §  2.  Defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at  Cvnos- 
sema.  §  3.  Capture  of  Cyzicus  by  the  Athenians,  and  second  defeat  of 
the  Peloponnesians  at  Abydus.  §4.  Arrest  of  Alcibiades  by  Tissapher- 
nes,  and  his  subsequent  escape.  8ignal  defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at 
Cvzicus.  §  5.  The  Athenians  masters  of  the  Bosporus.  The  Lacedaemo- 
nians propose  a  peace,  which  is  rejected.  §  G.  Pharnabazus  assists  the 
Lacedseinonians.  §  7.  Capture  of  Chalcedon  and  Byzantium  by  the 
Athenians.  §  8.  Return  of  Alcibiades  to  Athens.  §  9.  He  escorts  the 
sacred  procession  to  Eleusis.  §  10.  Cyrus  comes  down  to  the  coast  of 
Asia.  Lysander  appointed  commander  of  the  Peloponnesian  fleet,  §  11. 
Interview  between  Cyrus  and  Lysander.  §  12.  Alcibiades  at  Samos. 
Defeat  of  Antiochns  at  Xotinm.  §13.  Alcibiades  is  dismissed.  §14. 
Lysander  superseded  by  Callicratidas.  Energetic  measures  of  the  lat- 
ter. §  15.  Defeat  of  Conon  at  Mytilene,  and  investment  of  that  town  by 
Callicratidas,    §  16.  Excitement  at  Athens,  and  equipment  of  a  largo 


888  iilSTOliV  OV  (niLKCE.  Ciur.  XXXIL 

flcot.  §17.  I5.it  tie  of  ArKiimsfp.  lJ(.'fi;fttnrnl  ileiithoff 'ullir;rut'nln«.  §18. 
ArniiKiiiiKiiit  in"l  ••ondeiiirmtioii  of  tho  AlliiMiiuii  i^crn-nil'*.  §  I'J.  Ueap- 
jtoiiitiiiciit  of  l,ysari(lcr  as  NavarcliuH.  g  '.iO.  Siege  of  Lauijisacurt,  aii<\ 
battli'  of  /Hj^oHjiotami. 

k  1.  It  i.s  iiL'(!c.s.s;iiy  iidw  1o  revert  to  the  war,  and  tyic  state  of 
the  coiiteiiiliii;f  parties.  Tlie  slnif.'frle  had  heeoiiie  wliolly  inari- 
tiine.  Althouf^li  the  Lacedajiiioiiiaii.s  or^cupied  at  iJeceh'-a  a 
strong  post  within  .si<rlit  of  Athen.s,  yet  lh(Mr  want  of  skill  in  the 
art  of  bcsieffing  towns  ])revented  them  iVoin  inakinj?  any  re^nlar 
attempt  to  eaptnre  that  city.  On  tlie  otlier  hand,  the  frreat  re- 
verses  sustained  by  the  Alhonians  in  Sieily  disabled  them  from 
carrying  the  war,  as  they  had  fjniierly  done,  into  the  enemy's 
country.  Yet  they  still  possessed  a  tolerable  fleet,  with  wliieh 
they  were  endeavouring  to  maintain  their  power  in  the  j'Egean 
and  oil  the  coasts  and  islands  of  Asia  Minor.  This  was  now 
become  the  vital  point  where  they  had  to  struggle  for  empire, 
and  even  for  exi.stenee  ;  for,  smcc  the  commencement  of  the  war, 
the  maritime  power  of  the  Spartans  and  their  allies  had  become 
almost  equal  to  the  maritime  power  of  Athens.  They  now  put  to 
sea  with  fleets  generally  larger  than  the  fleets  of  the  Athenians  ; 
and  their  slups  Avere  handled,  and  naval  manoeuvres  executed, 
with  a  skill  equal  to  that  of  their  rivals.  The  great  attention 
wliich  the  LacedcCinonians  had  bestowed  on  naval  aliiiirs  is  evinced 
by  the  importance  into  which  the  new  oflice  of  the  Xavarcliia* 
liad  now  risen  amongst  them.  The  Xavarchii.s*  enjoyed  a  power 
even  superior,  whilst  it  lasted,  to  that  of  the  Spartan  kings, 
since  he  was  wholly  uncontrolled  by  the  Ephors  ;  but  his  tenure 
of  otfice  was  limited  to  a  year.  From  this  state  of  things  it 
resulted  that  the  remainder  of  the  war  had  to  be  decided  on  the 
coasts  of  Asia  ;  and  it  will  assist  the  memory  to  conceive  it  divided 
into  four  periods  :  1.  The  war  on  the  Hellespont  (which  must  be 
taken  to  include  the  Propontis,  whither  it  was  transferred  soon 
after  the  oligarchical  revolution  at  Athens)  ;  2.  From  the  Hel- 
lespont it  was  transferred  to  Ionia  ;  3.  From  Ionia  to  Lesbos  ; 
4.   Back  to  the  Hellespont,  where  it  was  finally  decided. 

k  2.  Mindarus,  who  now  commanded  the  Peloponnesian  fleet, 
disgusted  at  length  by  the  often-broken  promises  of  Tissapherncs, 
and  the  scanty  and  irregular  pay  which  he  furnished,  set  sail 
from  Miletus  and  proceeded  to  the  Hellespont,  with  the  inten- 
tion of  assisting  the  satrap  Pharnabazus,  and  of  ellecting,  if  pos- 
sible, the  revolt  of  \\\i  Athenian  dependencies  in  that  quarter 
Hither  he  was  pursued  by  the  Athenian  fleet  under  Thrasyllus. 
In  a  few  days  an  engagement  ensued  (in  August,  411  e.g.),  in  the 
famous  straits  between  Sestos  and  Abydos,  in  which  the  Athe- 
*  Nai;ap;\;<'a :  NaiJap^of. 


B.C.  411.  NAVAL  VICTORY  AT  CYNOSSEMA.  359 

nians,  though  with  a  smaller  force,  gained  the  victoiy,  and  erected 
a  trophy  on  the  promontory  of  Cynossema,  near  the  tomb  and 
chapel  of  the  Trojan  queen,  Hecuba.  After  this  defeat  Mindarus 
sent  for  the  Pelopounesian  fleet  at  Euba?a,  which,  however,  was 
overtaken  by  a  violent  storm  near  the  headland  oi'Mount  Athos, 
and  totally  destroyed.  But  though  this  circumstance  afibrded 
some  relief  to  Athens,  by  withdrawing  an  annoying  enemy  IVcm 
her  shores,  it  did  not  enable  her  to  regain  possession  of  Eultea. 
The  Euboeans,  assisted  by  the  Boeotians,  and  by  the  inhabitants 
of  Chalcis  and  other  cities,  constructed  a  bridge  across  the  nar- 
rowest part  of  the  Euripus,  and  thus  deprived  Eubcea  of  its  in- 
sular cliavacter. 

§  3.  The  Athenians  followed  up  their  victory  at  Cynossema  by 
the  reduction  of  Cyzicus,  which  had  revolted  Ircm  them.  A 
month  or  two  afterwards  another  obstinate  engagement  took 
place  between  the  Pelopounesian  and  Athenian  fleets  near  Aby- 
dos,  which  lasted  a  whole  day,  and  was  at  length  decided  in 
favour  of  the  Athenians  by  the  arrival  of  Alcibiades  with  his 
squadron  oi" eighteen  ships  from  Samos.  The  Peloponnesian  ships 
were  run  ashore,  where  they  were  defended  with  great  personal 
exertion,  by  Pharnabazus  and  his  troops. 

^  4.  Shortly  after  this  battle  Tissaphenies  arrived  at  the 
Hellespont  with  the  view  of  conciliating  the  oflended  Pelopon- 
nesians.  He  was  not  only  jealous  of  the  assistance  which  the 
latter  were  ivow  rendering  to  Pharnabazus,  but  it  is  also  evident 
that  his  temporizing  policy  had  displeased  the  Persian  court. 
This  appears  from  his  conduct  on  the  present  occasion,  as  well 
as  from  the  subsequent  appointment  of  Cyrus  to  the  supreme 
command  on  the  Asiatic  coast,  as  we  shall  presently  have  to 
relate.  When  Alcibiades,  who  imagined  that  Tissaphernes  was 
still  favourable  to  the  Athenian  cause,  W'aited  on  him  with  the 
customary  presents,  he  was  arrested  by  order  of  the  satrap,  and 
sent  in  custody  to  Sardis.  At  the  end  of  a  month,  however,  he 
contrived  to  escape  to  Clazomena;,  and  again  joined  the  Athenian 
fleet  early  in  the  spring  of  410  b.c.  Mindarus,  with  the  assist- 
ance of  Pharnabazus  on  the  land  side,  was  now  engaged  in  the 
siege  of  Cyzicus,  which  the  Athenian  admirals  determined  to 
relieve.  Having  passed  up  the  Hellespont  in  the  night  they 
assembled  at  the  island  of  Proconnesus.  Here  Alcibiades  ad- 
dressed the  seamen,  telling  them  that  they  had  aothing  further 
to  expect  from  the  Persians,  and  must  be  prepared  to  act  with 
the  greatest  vigour  both  by  sea  and  land.  He  then  sailed  out 
with  his  squadron  towards  Cyzicus,  and  by  a  pretended  flight 
inveigled  Mindarus  to  a  distance  from  the  harbour  ;  whilst  the 
other  two  divisions  of  the  Athenian  lieet,  under  Thrasybulus  and 


860  IIISTOIIY  OF  (iKKIXK.  Cuap.  XXXIl 

ThriLsyllus,  Ijciuff  lavourcd  by  liazy  wcatlmr,  stole  between  Min- 
darus  and  the  liarbour,  and  eut  oil  his  retreat.  In  these  eircum- 
stanccs  tlie  Spaiiau  coniinander  ran  his  venf^els  ashore,  •where, 
witii  the  assistance  ol"  Phaniabazns,  lie  endeavoured  to  defend 
llicni  ufraiast  the  attacks  ol"  the  Athenians.  Aleibiades  bavitif^ 
landed  liis  men,  a  battle  ensued,  in  which  Mindarus  was  slain, 
the  Laceckeinonians  and  Persians  routed,  and  the  whole  Pelopon- 
nesian  lieet  captured,  with  the  exccjilion  ollhe  Syracusan  ships, 
which  Hennocrales  caused  to  be  burnt.  Th<;  severity  of  this 
blow  was  pictured  in  the  laconic  epistle  in  which  Hijipocrates, 
the  second  in  command,*  announced  it  to  the  Ephors  :  "  Our 
good  luck  is  gone  ;  Mindarus  is  slain  ;  the  men  are  starsing ; 
we  know  not  what  to  do." 

§5.  The  results  of  this  victory  Avere  most  important.  Perin- 
thus  and  Selymbria,  as  well  as  Cyzicus,  were  recovered  ;  and  the 
Athenians,  once  moi"e  masters  of  the  Propontis,  fortified  the  town 
of  Chrysopolis,  over  against  Byzantium,  at  the  entrance  of  the 
Bosporus  ;  re-established  their  toll  of  ten  per  cent,  on  all  ve£.^els 
passing  from  the  Euxine  ;  and  left  a  squadron  to  guard  the  strait 
and  collect  the  dues.  So  great  was  the  discouragement  of  the 
Laceda-monians  at  the  loss  of  their  fleet  that  the  Ephor  Endius 
proceeded  to  Athens  to  treat  for  peace  on  the  basis  of  both 
parties  standing  just  as  they  were.  The  Athenian  assembly  was 
at  this  time  led  by  the  demagogue  Cleophon,  a  lamp-maker, 
laiown  to  us  by  the  later  comedies  of  Aristophanes.  Cleophon 
appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  considerable  ability  ;  but  the  late 
victories  had  inspired  him  with  too  sanguine  hopes,  and  he  ad- 
vised the  Athenians  to  reject  the  terms  proposed  by  Endius. 
Athens  thus  threw  away  the  golden  oj)portunity  of  recruiting 
her  shattered  forces  of  which  she  stood  so  much  in  need  ;  and  to 
this  unfortunate  advice  must  be  ascribed  the  calamities  which 
subsequently  overtook  her. 

^  6.  Meanwhile  Pharnabazus  was  active  in  affording  the  Lace- 
daemonians all  the  assistance  in  his  power.  He  clothed  and 
armed  their  seamen,  furnished  them  with  provisions  and  pav  for 
two  mouths,  opened  to  them  the  forests  of  Mount  Ida  for  sup- 
plies of  timber,  and  assisted  them  in  biiilding  new  ships  at 
Antandros.  He  helped  them  to  defend  Chalcedon,  now  besieged 
by  Aleibiades,  and  by  his  means  that  town  was  enabled  to  hold 
out  for  a  long  time.  But  the  Athenians  had  already  obtained 
their  principal  object.  The  possession  of  the  Bosporus  reopened 
to  them  the  trade  of  the  Euxine.  From  his  lofty  fortress  at 
Deeelea  the  Spartan  king,   Agis,    could   descry  the  corn-ships 

*  Called £pistolcus  {'E-i(jTo?.evg)  or  "Secretarv"  in  the  Lacedemonian 
fleet. 


B.C.  407.  ALCIBIADES  RETURNS  TO  ATHENS.  36\ 

from  the  Euxine  sailing  into  the  liarbour  of  the  Pirseus,  and 
felt  how  fruitless  it  was  to  occupy  the  fields  of  Attica,  whilst 
such  abundant  supplies  of  provisions  Mere  continually  finding 
their  waj  to  the  city. 

^  7.  The  year  409  b.c.  was  not  marked  by  any  memorable 
events  ;  but  in  the  following  year  Chalcedou  at  length  surren- 
dered to  the  combined  Athenian  forces,  in  spite  of  an  attempt 
of  Pharnabazus  to  save  it.  Selymbria  was  also  taken  by  Alci- 
biades  about  the  same  time.  Byzantium  fell  next.  After  it  had 
been  besieged  by  Alcibiades  for  some  months,  the  gates  were 
opened  to  the  Athenians  towards  the  close  of  the  year  408  B.C., 
through  tlie  treachery  of  a  party  among  its  inhabitants. 

\^  8.  These  great  achievements  of  Alcibiades  naturally  paved 
the  way  for  his  return  to  Athens.  In  the  spring  of  407  B.C.  he 
proceeded  with  the  fleet  to  Samos,  and  from  thence  sailed  to 
Piraeus.  His  reception  was  far  more  favourable  than  he  had 
ventured  to  anticipate.  The  whole  population  of  Athens  flocked 
doM'n  to  Piraeus  to  welcome  him,  and  escorted  him  to  the  city. 
In  the  Senate  and  in  the  assembly  he  protested  his  innocence  of 
the  impieties  imputed  to  him,  and  denounced  the  injustice  of 
his  enemies.  Ills  sentence  was  reversed  without  a  dissentient 
voice  ;  his  confiscated  property  restored  ;  the  curse  of  the  Eu- 
molpidse  revoked,  arid  the  leaden  plate  on  which  it  was  engraven 
thrown  into  the  sea.  He  seemed  to  be  in  the  present  juncture 
the  only  man  capable  of  restoring  the  grandeur  and  the  empire 
of  Athens  :  he  was  accordingly  named  general  with  uidimited 
powers,  and  a  force  of  100  triremes,  1500  hoplites,  and  150 
cavalry  placed  at  his  disposal. 

^  9.  But  whatever  change  eight  years  of  exile  and  his  recent 
achievements  had  produced  in  the  public  feeling  towards  Alci- 
biades, it  was  one  of  forgiveness  rather  than  of  love,  and  rested 
more  on  the  hopes  of  the  future  than  on  the  remembrance  of  the 
past.  The  wounds  which  he  had  inflicted  on  Athens  in  the 
affairs  of  Syracuse  and  Decelea,  in  the  revolts  of  Chios  and  Mi- 
letus, and  in  the  organization  of  the  conspiracy  of  the  Four 
Hundred,  were  too  severe  to  be  readily  forgotten ;  and  he  had 
still  many  enemies  who,  though  silent  amid  the  general  applause, 
did  not  cease  to  whisper  their  secret  condemnation.  Alcibiades., 
however,  disbelieved  or  disregarded  their  machinations,  and 
yielded  himself  without  reserve  to  the  breeze  of  popular  favour 
which  once  more  filled  his  sails.  Before  his  departure,  he  took 
an  opportunity  to  atone  for  the  impiety  of  which  he  had  been 
suspected.  Although  his  ai'mament  was  in  perfect  readiness,  he 
delayed  its  sailing  till  after  the  celebration  of  the  Eleusinian 
ttiysteries  at  the  beginning  of  September.     For  seven  years  the 

R 


802  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  f.iAr.  XXXIf. 

rustnm.'iry  proncsHion  across  llic  Thria.sian  jilaiii  liad  been  fus- 
j)cn(l('(!,  owiiiir  to  llic  oecupalioii  of  J)cfclra  liy  the  enemy,  wliieh 
compelled  the  saen-d  trooj)  to  jtroceed  liy  H-a.  Aleibiades  now 
escorted  llicrn  on  their  j)ro^fresrt  and  retnrn  witli  his  f'orres,  and 
tluis  .siieeeeded  in  reeoneijintr  himself  with  the  ofrended  god- 
desses aiul  with  their  holy  priests,  the  Kumolpida;. 

^  10.  Meanwliile,  a  preat  ehanire  had  been  froing  on  in  the 
state  of  affairs  in  the  East.  We  have  already  seen  that  the 
Great  King  Avas  disj)lea.scd  with  the  vacillating  policy  of  Tissa- 
pherncs,  and  had  detennined  to  adopt  more  energetic  measures 
against  the  Athenians.  During  the  ab.sence  of  Aleibiades,  C\tus, 
the  younger  son  of  Darius,  a  prince  of  a  bold  and  enterprising 
spirit,  and  animated  with  a  lively  hatred  of  Athens,  liad  arrived 
M  the  coast  for  the  purpose  of  carrj'ing  out  the  altered  policy  of 
the  Persian  court ;  and  with  that  view  had  been  invested  with 
ilie  satrapies  of  Lydia,  the  Greater  Phrygia,  and  Cappadoeia,  as 
well  as  with  the  military  command  of  all  those  forces  which 
mustered  at  Castolus.  The  arrival  of  Cyrus  opens  the  last 
phase  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  Another  event,  in  the  highest 
degree  unfavourable  to  the  Athenian  cause,  was  the  accession  of 
Lysander,  as  NavarcliKS,  to  the  command  of  the  Peloponnesian 
fleet.  Lysander  was  the  third  of  the  remarkable  men  whom 
Sparta  produced  during  the  "war.  In  ability,  energy,  and  suc- 
cess he  may  be  compared  with  Brasidas  and  Gyhppus,  though 
immeasurably  inferior  to  the  former  in  every  moral  quality. 
He  was  born  of  poor  parents,  and  was  by  descent  a  motJuix, 
or  one  of  those  Lacedaemonians  w^ho  could  never  enjoy  the 
full  rights  of  Spartan  citizenship.  The  allui-ements  of  money 
and  of  pleasure  had  no  influence  over  him  ;  but  his  ambition 
was  boundless,  and  he  was  wholly  unscrupulous  about  the  means 
which  he  emjiloyed  to  gratify  it.  In  pursuit  of  his  objects  he 
hesitated  at  neither  deceit,  nor  jjcrjiury,  nor  cruelty,  and  he  is 
reported  to  have  laid  it  down  as  one  of  his  maxims  m  life  to 
avail  himself  of  the  fox's  skin  where  the  lion's  failed. 

S^  11.  Lysander  had  taken  up  his  station  at  Ephesus,  with  the 
Lacedaemonian  fleet  of  70  triremes  ;  and  when  Cyrus  arrived  at 
Sardis,  in  the  spring  of  107  b.c,  he  hastened  to  pay  liis  court 
to  the  young  prince,  and  was  received  with  everv  mark  of  fa- 
vour. A  vigorous  line  of  action  was  resolved  on.  C)tus  at 
once  offered  500  talents,  and  affirmed  that  if  more  Avere  needed, 
he  was  prepared  to  devote  his  private  funds  to  the  cause,  and 
even  to  coin  into  money  the  very  throne  of  gold  and  silver  on 
which  he  sat.  In  a  banquet  which  ensued  Cyrus  drank  to  the 
health  of  Lysander,  and  desired  him  1o  name  any  wish  which 
he  could  gratify.     Lysander  immediately  requested  an  addition 


B.C.  407.        ARRIVAL  OF  CYRUS  ON  THE  COAST.  863 

of  an  obolus  to  the  daily  pay  of  the  seamen.  Cyrus  was  sur- 
prised at  so  disinterested  a  demand,  and  from  that  day  conceived 
a  high  degree  of  respect  and  confidence  for  the  Spartan  com- 
mander. Lysander  on  his  return  to  Ephesus  employed  himself 
in  refitting  his  fleet,  and  in  organizing  clubs  in  the  Spartan  in- 
terest in  the  cities  of  Asia. 

§  12.  Alcibiades  set  sail  from  Athens  in  September.  He  first 
proceeded  to  Andros,  now  occupied  by  a  Lacedsemonian  force ; 
but,  meeting  Avith  a  stouter  resistance  than  he  expected,  he  left 
Conon  with  20  ships  to  prosecute  the  siege,  and  proceeded  with 
the  remainder  to  Samos.  It  was  here  that  he  first  learnt  the 
altered  state  of  the  Athenian  relations  with  Persia.  Being  ill 
provided  with  funds  for  carrying  on  the  war,  he  was  driven  to 
make  predatory  excursions  for  the  purpose  of  raising  money.  He 
attempted  to  levy  contributions  on  Cyme,  an  unoliendiiig  Athe- 
nian dependency,  and  being  repulsed,  ravaged  its  territoiy  ;  an 
act  which  caused  loud  complaints  against  him  to  be  lodged  at 
Athens.  During  his  absence  on  this  expedition  he  intrusted  the 
bulk  of  the  fleet  at  Samos  to  his  pilot,  Antiochus,  with  strict 
injunctions  not  to  venture  on  an  action.  Notwithstanding  these 
orders,  however,  Antiochus  sailed  out  and  brought  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian  fleet  to  an  engagement  ofl^  Notium,  in  which  the 
Athenians  were  defeated  with  the  loss  of  15  ships,  and  An- 
tiochus himself  was  slain.  Among  the  Athenian  armament 
itself  great  dissatisfaction  was  growing  up  against  Alcibiades. 
Though  at  the  head  of  a  splendid  force,  he  had  in  three  months' 
time  accomplished  literally  nothing.  His  debaucheries  and  dis- 
solute conduct  on  shore  were  charged  against  him,  as  well  as 
his  selecting  for  confidential  posts  not  the  men  best  fitted  for 
them,  but  those  who,  like  Antiochus,  were  the  boon  companions 
and  the  chosen  associates  of  his  revels. 

^  13.  These  accusations  forwarded  to  Athens,  strengthened  by 
complaints  from  Cyme,  and  fomented  by  his  secret  enemies, 
soon  produced  an  entire  revulsion  in  the  public  feeling  towards 
Alcibiades.  It  was  seen  that  he  was  still  the  same  man,  and 
that  he  had  relapsed  Liito  all  his  former  habits,  in  the  confidence 
that  his  success  and  two  or  three  years  of  good  behaviour  had 
succeeded  in  recovering  for  him  the  favour  and  esteem  of  his 
countrymen.  The  Athenians  voted  that  he  should  be  dismissed 
from  his  command,  and  appointed  in  his  place  ten  new  generals, 
with  Conon  at  their  head. 

^  11.  The  year  of  Lysander's  command  expired  about  the  same 
time  as  the  appointment  of  Conon  to  the  Athenian  command. 
Through  the  intrigues  of  Lysander,  his  successor  Callicratidas 
was  received  with  dissatisfaction  both  by  the  Lacedajmonian  sea- 


804  IliSTOIiV  or  GREECE.  Ciur.  XXXIL 

men  ;iii(l  l)y  Cyrus.  LouiJ  coriij)lain(«  wore  raised  of  llio  im- 
jKjlicy  of  ;iu  aiiiiual  o)iaiif(o  ol"  (loiuiiiandfrH.  Ly.saiulur  llirew 
all  sorts  ot"  dillicullius  into  thu  way  of  lii.s  HuccesHor,  to  whom 
hu  liandfd  over  an  einpty  chest,  liaviiif^  firKt  repaid  to  Cyrus 
all  the  money  iii  Ids  pos.sessioii,  under  the  pretence  that  it  was 
a  private  loan.  The  strai<^diti'or\vard  conduct  ol'  Callicratidas, 
liovvever,  who  summoned  the  Laceda;monian  couunandcrs,  and 
after  a  difjitiiied  remonstrance,  jdainly  put  the  ouestion  whether 
he  should  return  home  or  remain,  silenced  all  opposition.  But 
he  was  sorely  embarrassed  lor  I'unds.  Cyrus  treated  hirn  with 
haughtiness ;  and  wlicn  he  waited  on  that  prince  at  Sardis,  he 
was  dismissed  not  only  without  money,  but  even  witliout  an 
audience.  Callicratidas,  however,  liad  too  much  energy  to  be 
daunted  by  such  obstacles.  Sailing  with  his  fleet  from  Ephesus 
to  Miletus,  he  laid  before  the  assembly  of  that  city,  in  a  spirited 
address,  all  the  ills  they  had  suiiered  at  the  hands  of  the  Per- 
sians, and  exhorted  them  to  bestir  themselves  and  dispense  willi 
their  alliance.  He  succeeded  in  persuading  tlic  Milesians  to 
make  him  a  large  grant  of  money,  whilst  the  leading  men  even 
came  forward  with  private  subscriptions.  By  means  of  this 
assistance  he  w'as  enabled  to  add  50  triremes  to  the  90  delivered 
to  him  by  Lysander  ;  and  the  Chians  further  provided  hirn  with 
ten  days'  pay  for  the  seamen.  He  now  sailed  for  Lesbos,  and 
taking  the  town  of  Methymna  by  stomi,  delivered  it  over  to  be 
plundered  by  his  men.  He  likewise  caused  all  the  slaves  to  be 
sold  for  their  benefit,  but  he  nobly  refused  to  follow  the  example 
of  his  predecessors,  in  selling  the  Athenian  garrison  and  Methym- 
neean  citizens  as  slaves  ;  declaring,  that  so  long  as  he  held  the 
command,  no  Greek  should  ever  be  reduced  to  slavery. 

^  15.  The  fleet  of  Callicratidas  was  noAv  double  that  of  Conou. 
Like  the  doge  of  Venice  in  modern  times,  he  claimed  the  sea  as 
his  laAvful  bride,  and  warned  Conon  by  a  message  to  abstain  from 
his  adulterous  intercourse.  The  latter,  who  had  ventured  to  ap- 
proach Methymna,  was  compelled  to  nm  before  the  superior 
force  of  Callicratidas.  Both  lleets  entered  the  harbour  of  My- 
telene  at  the  same  time,  where  a  battle  ensued  in  which  Conon 
lost  30  ships,  but  he  saved  the  remaining  40  by  haiding  them 
ashore  under  the  walls  of  the  town.  Callicratidas  then  blockaded 
Mytilene  both  by  sea  and  land  ;  whilst  Cyrus,  on  learning  his 
success,  immediately  furnished  him  with  supplies  of  money.  Co- 
non, however,  contrived  to  despatch  a  trireme  to  Athens  with 
the  news  of  his  desperate  position. 

§16.  As  soon  as  the  Athenians  received  intelligence  of  the 
blockade  of  Mytilene,  vast  eflbrts  were  made  for  its  relief;  and 
we  learn  with  surprise  that  in  thirty  days  a  fleet  of  110  triremes 


B.C.  406.  BATTLE  OF  ARGINUS^.  36S 

was  equippea  and  despatched  from  Pirseus.  The  armament 
assembled  at  Samos,  where  it  M'as  reinforced  by  scattered  Athe- 
nian ships,  and  by  contingents  from  the  aUies  to  the  extent  of  40 
vessels.  The  whole  fleet  of  150  sail  then  proceeded  to  the 
small  islands  of  Arginusee,  near  the  coast  of  Asia,  and  facing 
Malea,  the  .south-eastern  cape  of  Lesbos.  Callicratidas,  who  went 
out  to  meet  them,  took  up  his  station  at  the  latter  point,  leaving 
Eteonicus  with  50  ships  to  maintain  the  blockade  of  Mytilene. 
He  had  thus  only  120  ships  to  oppose  to  the  150  of  the  Athe- 
nians, and  his  pilot,  Hermon,  advised  him  to  retire  before  the 
superior  force  of  the  enemy.  But  Callicratidas  replied  that  he 
would  not  disgrace  himself  by  flight,  and  that  if  he  should  perish, 
Sparta  would  not  feel  his  loss. 

s^  17.  The  greatest  precautions  were  taken  in  drawing  up  the 
Athenian  fleet.  The  main  strength  was  thrown  into  the  wings, 
each  of  which  consisted  of  60  Athenian  ships,  divided  into  four 
squadrons  of  15  each,  ranged  in  a  double  line.  The  Pelopon- 
nesian  fleet,  on  the  contrary,  was  drawn  up  in  a  single  extended 
line  ;  a  circumstance  displaying  great  conhdence  of  superiority, 
and  which  denoted  a  vast  change  in  the  relative  naval  skill  of  the 
parties ;  for  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  their  tactics  had  been 
precisely  the  reverse.  It  must,  however,  be  bonie  in  mind,  that 
the  far  gi'eater  part  of  the  Athenian  fleet  was  on  this  occasion 
manned  by  hastily  raised  crews,  who  had  never  been  to  sea 
before  ;  whilst  the  Peloponnesian  sailors  had  been  M'ell  trained 
by  several  years'  experience. 

The  battle  was  long  and  obstinate.  All  order  was  speedily 
lost,  and  the  ships  fought  singly  with  one  another.  In  one  of 
these  contests,  Callicratidas,  who  stood  on  the  prow  of  his  vessel 
ready  to  board  the  enemy,  Avas  thrown  overboard  by  the  shock 
of  the  vessels  as  they  met,  and  perished.  At  length  victory 
began  to  declare  for  the  Athenians.  The  Lacedaemonians,  after 
losing  77  vessels,  retreated  with  the  remainder  to  Chios  and 
Phoccea.      The  loss  of  the  Athenians  was  25  vessels. 

Eteonicus  was  now  in  jeopardy  at  Mytilene.  When  informed 
of  the  defeat  of  his  countrymen,  he  directed  the  vessel  which, 
brought  the  news  to  put  to  sea  again,  and  to  return  with  wreaths 
and  shouts  of  triumph  ;  whilst,  taking  advantage  of  the  false  im- 
pression thus  raised  in  the  minds  of  the  Athenians,  he  hastily 
got  ready  for  sea,  and  reached  Chios  in  safety.  At  the  same 
time  the  blockading  army  was  withdrawn  to  Methymna.  Conon, 
thus  unexpectedly  liberated,  put  to  sea,  and  the  united  fleet  took 
up  their  station  at  Samos. 

MS.  The  battle  of  Arginusfeled  to  a  deplorable  event,  which 
has  for  ever  sullied  the  pages  of  Athenian  history.     At  least  a 


3rtf,  IIISTOIIY  OF  GKKKCn  Chai-.  XXXII. 

(lo/.cii  Allicriiaa  vcskcIs  were  lell  lloaliiig  about  in  a  disabled 
(•(Miililioii  at'lcr  the  battle;  but,  owitif?  to  a  violent  sloirn  that 
ensued,  no  attciiijit  was  made  to  ret^cue  the  survivors,  or  to 
collect  the  bodies  of  the  dead  for  burial.  Eight  of"  the  ten 
generals  were  suimnoiied  home  to  answer  ibr  this  conduct ; 
Conon,  by  his  situation  at  Mytilene,  was  of  course  exculpated, 
and  Archestratus  had  died.  Six  of  the  generals  obeyed  the 
summons,  and  were  denounced  in  the  Assembly  by  Therarnenes, 
formerly  one  of  the  Four  Hundred,  for  neglect  oi  duty.  The 
generals  re])lied  that  they  had  commissioned  Therarnenes  him- 
self and  Thrasybulus,  each  of  whom  commanded  a  trireme  in 
the  engagement,  to  undertake  the  duty,  and  had  assigned  48 
ships  to  them  for  that  purpose.  This,  however,  was  denied  by 
Therarnenes  ;  and  unluckily  the  generals,  from  a  ieeling  of  kind- 
ness towards  the  latter,  had  made  no  mention  of  the  circum- 
stance in  their  public  despatches,  but  had  attributed  the  aban- 
donment of  the  foundering  vessels  solely  to  the  violence  of  the 
storm.  There  are  discrepancies  in  the  evidence,  and  we  have 
no  materials  for  deciding  positively  which  statement  was  true ; 
but  probability  inclines  to  the  side  of  the  generals.  Public  feel- 
ing, however,  ran  very  strongly  n gainst  them,  and  was  increased 
by  an  incident  M'hich  occurred  during  their  trial.  After  a  day's 
debate  the  question  was  adjourned  ;  and  in  the  interval  the 
festival  of  the  Ajxituria  was  celebrated,  in  A\hich,  according  to 
annual  custom,  the  citizens  met  together  according  to  their 
fa^iilies  and  phratries.  Those  who  had  perished  at  Arginusae 
were  naturally  missed  on  such  an  occasion  ;  and  the  usually 
cheerful  character  of  the  festival  was  deformed  and  rendered 
melancholy  by  the  relatives  of  the  deceased  appearing  in  black 
clothes  and  with  shaven  heads.  The  passions  of  the  people 
were  violently  roused.  At  the  next  meeting  of  the  Assembly, 
Callixenus,  a  senator,  proposed  that  the  people  shoidd  at  once 
proceed  to  pass  its  A^erdict  on  the  generals,  though  they  had 
been  only  partially  heard  in  their  defence  ;  and,  moreover,  that 
they  should  all  be  included  iir  one  sentence,  though  it  was  con- 
trary to  a  rule  of  Attic  law,  known  as  the  psephisma  of  Can- 
nonus,  to  indict  citizens  otherwise  than  individually.  Callixenus 
carried  his  motion  in  spite  of  the  threat  of  Eun-ptolemus  to 
indict  him  for  an  illegal  proceeding  under  the  Graplic  I'aranoyiwti. 
The  Prytanes,  or  senators  of  the  ])rosiding  tribe,  at  first  refused 
to  put  the  question  to  the  Assembly  in  this  illegal  way  ;  but 
their  opposition  was  at  length  overawed  Ly  clamour  and  vio- 
lence. There  was,  however,  one  lionourable  exception.  The 
philosopher  Socrates,  who  was  one  of  the  Prytans,  refused  to 
withdraw  his  protest.     But  his  opposition  was  disregarded,  and 


B.C.  406.  EXECUTION  OF  THE  GEXERALS.  367 

the  proposal  of  Callixenus  was  carried.  The  generals  were  con- 
demueJ,  delivered  over  to  the  Eleven  for  execution,  and  com- 
pelled to  druik  the  fatal  hemlock.  Among  them  was  Pericles, 
the  son  of  the  celebrated  statesman.  The  Athenians  afterwards 
repented  of  their  rash  precipitation,  and  decreed  that  Callixenus 
and  his  accomplices  should  in  their  turn  be  brought  to  trial ; 
but  before  the  appointed  day  they  managed  to  escape. 

^19.  After  the  battle  of  Arginusai  the  Athenian  fleet  seems 
to  have  remained  inactive  at  S.imos  during  the  rest  of  the  year. 
Through  the  influence  of  Cyrus,  and  the  other  allies  of  Sparta, 
Lysander  again  obtained  the  command  of  the  Peloponnesiau  fleet 
at  the  commencement  of  the  year  405  b.c.  ;  though  nominally 
under  Aracus  as  admiral  ;  since  it  was  contrary  to  Spartan  usage 
that  the  same  man  should  be  twice  JVavarchus.^  His  return  to 
power  was  marked  by  more  vigorous  measures.  Fresh  funds 
were  obtained  from  Cyrus  ;  the  arrears  due  to  the  seamen  were 
paid  up ;  and  new  triremes  were  put  upon  the  stocks  at  Antan- 
dru3.  Oligarchical  revolutions  were  effected  in  Miletus  and 
other  towns.  Summoned  to  visit  his  sick  father  in  Media, 
Cyrus  even  delegated  to  Lysander  the  management  of  his  satrapy 
and  reveimes  during  his  absence.  Lysander  was  thus  placed  in 
possession  of  power  never  before  realized  by  any  Lacedaemonian 
commander.  But  the  Athenian  fleet  under  Conon  and  his  coad- 
jutors was  still  superior  in  numbers,  and  Lysander  carefully 
avoided  an  engagement.  He  contrived,  however,  to  elude  the 
Athenian  fleet,  and  to  cross  the  /Egean  to  the  coast  of  Attica, 
where  he  had  an  interview  with  Agis  ;  and,  proceeding  theiice 
to  the  Hellespont,  which  Conon  had  left  unguarded,  he  took  up 
his  station  at  Abydos. 

^  20.  The  Athenians  were  at  this  time  engaged  in  ravaging 
Chios  ;  but  when  they  heard  of  this  movement,  and  that  Ly- 
sander had  commenced  the  siege  of  Lampsacus,  they  imme- 
diately sailed  for  the  Hellespont.  They  arrived  too  late  to  save 
the  town,  but  they  proceeded  up  the  strait  and  took  post  at  ^gos- 
potami,  or  the  "Goat's  River;"  a  place  which  had  nothing  to 
recommend  it,  except  its  vicinity  to  Lampsacus,  from  which  it 
was  separated  by  a  channel  somewhat  less  than  two  miles  broad. 
It  Avas  a  mere  desolate  beach,  without  houses  or  inhabitants,  so 
that  all  the  supplies  had  to  be  fetched  from  Sestos,  or  from  the 
surrounding  country,  and  the  seamen  were  compelled  to  leave 
their  ships  in  order  to  obtain  their  meals.  Lender  these  circum- 
stances the  Athenians  were  very  desirous  of  bringing  Lysander 
to  an  engagement.      But  the  Spartan  commander,  who  was  in  a 

*  Lysander  received  tlie  title  of  Epistoleiis.     See  note  on  p.  300. 


868  UISTORY  OF  GREECE  Ciur.  XXXIL 

stroiifif  position,  and  abundantly  fiirnislicd  with  proviHJonp,  was 
in  no  liiury  to  run  any  rit^ks.  In  vain  did  tlic  AlhcnianH  sail 
over  Hi'veral  days  in  Kucccssion  1o  olii-r  liirn  haltle  ;  they  always 
found  his  ships  ready  manned,  and  drawn  up  in  tco  strong  a 
position  to  warrant  an  attaek  ;  nor  could  they  by  all  their  rna- 
nauivres  succeed  in  enticing  him  out  to  comhat.  This  cowardice, 
as  they  deemed  it,  on  the  part  of  the  Lacedamonians,  bcpat  a 
.conesponding  negligence  on  theirs;  discipline  was  neglected  and 
the  men  allowed  to  straggle  almost  at  will.  It  was  in  vain  that 
Alcibiades,  who  since  his  dismissal  resided  in  a  fortress  in  that 
neighbourhood,  remonstrated  with  the  Athenian  generals  on  the 
exposed  nature  of  the  station  they  had  chosen,  and  advised 
them  to  proceed  to  Scstos.  His  counsels  were  received  with 
taunts  and  insults.  At  length  on  the  fifth  day,  Lysander,  havinor 
watched  an  opportunity  when  the  Athenian  seamen  had  gone  on 
shore  and  were  dispersed  over  the  country,  rowed  swiftly  across 
the  strait  with  all  his  ships.  He  found  the  Athenian  fleet,  with 
the  exception  of  10  or  12  ves.sels,  totally  unprepared,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  capturing  nearly  the  Avhole  of  it,  without  having  occa- 
sion to  strike  a  single  blow.  Of  the  l&O  ships  which  composed 
the  fleet,  only  the  trireme  of  Conon  himself,  the  Paralus,  and  8 
or  10  other  vessels  succeeded  in  escaping.  Conon  was  afraid 
to  return  to  Athens  after  so  signal  a  disaster,  and  took  refuge 
with  Evagoras,  prince  of  Salamis  in  Cyprus.  All  the  Athenian 
prisoners,  amounting  to  3000  or  4000,  together  with  the  generals, 
were  put  to  death  by  order  of  Lysander,  in  retaliation  for  the 
cruelty  with  which  the  Athenians  had  treated  the  prisoners  they 
had  lately  made. 

By  this  momentous  victoiy,  which  was  suspected  to  have  been 
achieved  through  the  corrupt  connivance  of  seme  of  the  Athe- 
nian generals,  the  contest  on  the  Hellespont,  and  virtually  the 
Pelopomiesian  war,  was  brought  to  an  end.  The  closing  scene 
of  the  catastrophe  was  enacted  at  Athens  itself;  but  the  fate  of 
the  imperial  city  must  be  reserved  for  another  chapter. 


EYPin;. 
Bust  of  the  Toet  Euriiiides. 


/-    V' 


A'-^f  ■ 


View  of  Phy:e. 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

FROM  THE  BATTLE  OF  .T:GOSPOTA3n  TO  THE  OVERTHROW  OF  THE 
THIRTY  TYRANTS  AND  THE  RE-ESTABLISHMENT  OF  DEMOCRACY 
AT   ATHENS. 


§  1.  Alarm  at  Athens.  §  2.  Proceedings  of  Lysander.  Capture  of  the 
Athenian  dependencies.  §3.  Measures  of  the  Athenians.  Athens  in- 
vested. §  4.  Embassy  of  Tlieramenes.  Conditions  of  capitulation. 
§  5.  Lj-sander  takes  possession  of  Athens.  Destruction  of  the  long 
■walls,  (fcc.  §6.  Return  of  the  oligarchical  exiles.  Establishment  of 
the  Thirty.  §  7.  Surrender  ofSamos  and  triumph  of  Lysander.  §8.  Pro' 
ceedings  of  the  Thirty  at  Athens.  §  9.  Opposition  of  Tlieramenes. 
§  10.  Proscriptions.  Death  of  Theramenes.  §  11.  Suppression  of  in- 
tellectual culture.  Socrates.  §  12.  Death  of  Alcibiades.  §  1-3.  Jealousy 
of  the  Grecian  states  towards  Sparta  and  Lvsander.  §  14.  Thrasy- 
bulus  at  Phyle.  §  15.  Seizure  and  massacre  of  the  Eleusinians. 
§  16.  Tiirasvbiilus  occupies  Pirseus.  Death  of  Critias.  §  17.  Deposi- 
tion of  the  Thirty,  and  establishment  of  tlie  Ten.  Return  of  Lvsander 
to  Athens,  and  arrival  of  Pausanias.  §  18.  Peace  with  Thrasybulus, 
and  evacuation  of  Attica  by  the  Peloponnesians.  §  19.  Restoration  of 
the  democracy,    g  20.  Archonship  of  Euelides.    Reduction  of  Eleusis. 

k  1.  The  defeat  of  iEgospotami,  \vhich  took  place  about  Sep- 
tember, 405  B.C.,  was  announced  at  Piraeus  in  the  night,  by  tha 

R* 


870  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Cuap.  XXXIU 

arriv.'il  of  the  Paraliis.  "On  that  nifrlit,"  says  XonopVion,  "no 
man  slept."  The  (h.sastcr,  indeed,  was  as  sudden  and  as  authen- 
tic; as  it  was  vast  and  irretrievahle.  Tlie  pri;fee(hiips  of"  llie  de- 
jected assembly  which  met  on  the  ioUowiMf,'  day  at  once  showed 
that  the  remaiiiinf^  strujigle  was  one  lor  hare  existence.  In 
order  to  make  the  best  preparations  for  a  sieffc,  it  was  resolved  to 
block  up  two  of  the  three  ports  of  Athen.s — a  plain  confession 
that  maritime  sujiremacy,  the  sole  basis  of  her  j)ower,  had  de- 
parted from  her. 

t  2.  Lysander,  secure  of  an  easy  triumph,  was  in  no  haste  to 
gather  it  by  force.  The  command  of  the  Euxine  enabled  him  to 
control  the  supplies  of  Athens  ;  and  sooner  or  later,  a  few  weeks 
of  famine  must  decide  her  fall.  ^Vith  the  view  of  liastening  the 
catastrophe  he  compelled  the  garrisons  of  all  the  towns  which 
surrendered  to  proceed  to  the  capital.  The  question  was  not 
one  of  arms,  but  of  hunger  ;  and  au  additional  gamson,  so  far 
from  adding  to  her  strength,  would  complete  her  weakness.  A 
strong  proof  of  the  insecure  foundation  ot'  her  power  I  A  naval 
defeat  in  a  remote  quai'ter  had  not  only  deprived  her  of  empire, 
but  was  about  to  render  her  in  turn  a  captive  and  a  subject. 

Lysander  now  sailed  forth  to  take  possession  of  the  Athenian 
towns,  which  fell  one  after  another  into  liis  power  as  soon  as 
he  appeared  hefore  them.  In  all  a  new  form  of  government 
was  established,  consisting  of  an  oligarchy  of  ten  of  the  citizens, 
called  a  decarchy,  under  a  Spartan  harmost.  Chalcedon,  Byzan- 
tium, Mytilcne,  surrendered  to  Lysander  himself ;  Avhilst  Eteoni- 
cus  was  despatched  to  occupy^  and  revolutionize  the  Athenian 
towns  in  Thrace.  Amidst  the  general  defection,  Samos  alone 
remained  faithful  to  Athens.  All  her  other  dependencies  at 
once  yielded  to  the  Laceda?monians  ;  whilst  her  cleruchs  were 
forced  to  abandon  their  possessions  and  return  heme.  Li  many 
places,  and  especially  in  Thasos,  these  revolutions  were  attended 
with  violence  and  bloodshed. 

^  3.  The  situation  of  Athens  was  now  more  desperate  even 
than  when  Xerxes  was  advancing  against  her  with  his  countless 
host.  The  juncture  demanded  the  hearty  co-operation  of  all 
her  citizens  ;  and  a  general  amnesty  was  proposed  and  carried 
for  the  purpose  of  releasing  all  debtors,  accused  persons,  and 
state  prisoners,  except  a  few  of  the  more  desperate  criminals 
and  homicides.  The  citizens  were  then  assembled  in  the  Acro- 
polis, and  swore  a  solemn  oath  of  mutual  forgiveness  and  har- 
mony. 

About  November  Lysander  made  his  appearance  at  ^^gina, 
with  an  overwhelming  fleet  of  150  triremes,  and  proceeded  to 
devastate  Salamis  and  blockade  Piraeus.     At  the  same  time  the 


B.C.  404.  CAPITULATION  OF  ATHENS.  371 

whole  Peloponnesian  army  was  marched  into  Attica,  and  en- 
camped in  the  precincts  ol'  the  Academus,  at  the  very  gates  of 
Athens.  Famine  soon  hegan  to  be  felt  within  the  walls.  Yet 
the  Athenians  did  not  abate  of  their  pretensions.  In  their  pro- 
posals for  a  capitulation  they  demanded  the  preservation  of  their 
long  walls,  and  of  the  port  of  Pirajus.  But  the  Spartan  Ephore, 
to  whom  the  Athenian  envoys  had  been  referred  by  king  Agis, 
refused  to  listen  to  such  terms,  and  insisted  on  the  demolition 
of  the  long  walls  for  the  space  of  10  stadia  at  least.  The  spirit 
of  the  people,  however,  was  still  so  unsubdued — though  some  of 
them  were  actually  dying  of  hunger — that  the  senator  Arches- 
tratus  was  imprisoned  for  proposing  to  accept  the  terms  offered 
by  the  Ephors  ;  and  on  the  motion  of  Cleophon,  it  was  forbidden 
to  make  any  such  proposal  in  future. 

^  4.  Theramenes,  formerly  one  of  the  Four  Hundred,  now 
ofTered  to  pi'oceed  to  Lysander  for  the  purpose  of  learning  his 
real  intentions  with  regard  to  the  fate  of  Athens  ;  and  as  he 
pretended  that  his  personal  connexions  would  afford  him  great 
facilities  in  such  an  undertaking,  his  ofTer  was  accepted.  After 
wasting  three  months  with  Lysander, — three  months  of  ter- 
rible suffering  to  the  Athenians, — he  said  that  Lysander  had 
then  informed  him  for  the  first  time  that  the  Ephors  alone 
had  power  to  treat.  The  only  construction  that  can  be  put  on 
this  conduct  of  Theramenes  is,  that  he  designed  to  reduce  the 
Athenians  to  the  last  necessity,  so  that  they  should  be  compelled 
to  purchase  peace  at  any  price.  If  such  was  his  object  he  com- 
pletely succeeded.  When  he  returned  to  Athens  the  famine  had 
become  so  dreadful,  that  he  was  immediately  sent  back  to  con- 
clude a  peace  on  whatcA'er  terms  he  could.  In  the  debate  which 
ensued  at  Sparta,  the  Thebans,  the  Corinthians,  and  others  of 
the  more  bitter  enemies  of  Athens,  urged  the  very  extinction 
of  her  name  and  the  sale  of  her  whole  population  into  slavery. 
But  this  proposition  was  resolutely  opposed  by  the  Laced  semo- 
nians,  who  declared,  with  great  appearance  of  magnanimity, 
though  probably  with  a  view  to  their  own  interest  in  converting 
Athens  into  a  useful  dependency,  that  they  would  never  consent 
to  enslave  or  annihilate  a  city  which  had  rendered  such  eminent 
services  to  Greece.  The  terms  which  the  Ephors  dictated,  and 
which  the  Athenians  were  in  no  condition  to  refuse,  were  :  That 
the  long  walls  and  the  fortifications  of  Piraeus  should  be  de- 
molished ;  that  the  Athenians  should  give  up  all  their  foreign 
possessions,  and  confine  themselves  to  their  own  territory  ;  that 
they  sliould  surrender  all  their  ships  of  war  ;  that  they  should 
readmit  all  their  exiles  ;  and  that  they  should  become  allies  of 
Sparta.     As  Theramenes  re-entered  Athens,  bearing  in  his  hand 


»7'2  HISTORY  OF  GREECI-l  Chap.  XXXIIL 

tliir  roll  or  sn/ffilc,  whidi  contained  ihcso  lonns,  lie  was  prccscd 
ujiou  l»y  an  anxious  and  liafrfrard  crowd,  m\h),  heedless  c/f  the 
leiins,  gave  loud  vent  1o  lluiir  joy  that  pear*;  was  at  lcn<:lh  ccn- 
chidcd.  And  llioufrli  there  was  still  a  Hinall  ininorily  lor  holding 
out,  the  vote  lur  accepting  the  conditions  was  carried,  and  noli- 
lled  to  Lysander. 

I)  5.  It  was  about  the  middle  or  end  of  March,  n.c.  404,  that 
Lysandei  sailed  into  I'ira-us,  and  took  lorrnai  possession  of 
Athens ;  the  war,  in  singular  conformity  with  the  prophecies 
current  at  the  beginning  of  it,  having  lasted  for  a  period  of  thrice 
nine,  or  27  years.  The  Laccdainonian  fleet  and  army  remained 
in  possession  of  the  city  till  the  conditions  of  its  capitulation 
liad  been  executed.  Lysandcr  carried  away  all  the  Athenian 
triremes  except  twelve,  de.stroyed  the  naval  arsenals,  and  burned 
the  ships  on  the  stocks.  The  insolence  of  the  victors  added 
another  blow  to  the  feelings  of  the  conqxiered.  The  work  of  de- 
struction, at  which  Lysander  presided,  was  converted  into  a  sort 
of  festival.  Female  ilute-players  and  wreathed  dancers  inaugu- 
rated the  demolition  of  the  strong  and  proud  bulwarks  of 
Athens  ;  and  as  the  massive  walls  fell  piece  by  piece  excla- 
mations arose  from  the  ranks  of  the  Peloponnesians  that  free- 
dom had  at  length  begun  to  davAn  upon  Greece.  The  solidity  of 
the  works  rendered  the  task  of  demtdition  a  laborious  one.  After 
some  little  progress  had  been  made  in  it,  Lysander  withdrew 
with  his  fleet  to  prosecute  the  siege  of  Samos. 

Thus  fell  imperial  Athens  in  the  seventy-third  year  after  the 
formation  of  the  Confederacy  of  Delos,  the  origin  of  her  subse- 
quent empire.  During  that  interv'al  she  had  doubtless  com- 
mitted many  mistakes  and  much  injustice  ;  had  uniformly,  per- 
haps, overrated  the  real  foundations  of  her  strength,  and  fre- 
quently employed  unjustifiable  means  in  order  to  support  it. 
But  on  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  recollected  that  in  that  brief 
career  she  had  risen  by  her  genius  and  her  valour,  from  the  con- 
dition of  a  small  and  subordinate  city  to  be  the  leading  power 
in  Greece  ;  that  in  tlie  first  instance  empire  had  not  been  sought 
by  her  ambition,  but  laid  at  her  feet,  and  in  a  manner  thrust 
upon  her  ;  that  it  had  been  accepted,  and  successfully  employed, 
for  the  most  noble  of  human  purposes,  and  to  avert  an  over- 
wlielming  deluge  of  barbarism  ;  and  that  Greece,  and  more 
particularly  Athens  herself,  had  been  thus  enabled  to  become  the 
mother  of  refinement,  the  nurse  of  literature  and  art,  and  the 
founder  of  European  civilisation. 

^  0.  The  fall  of  Athens  brought  back  a  host  cf  exiles,  all  of 
them  the  enemies  of  her  democratical  constitution.  Of  these  the 
most  distinguished  was  Critias,  a  man  of  wealth  and  family,  the 


B.C.  404.  THE  THIRTY  TYRANTS.  373 

uncle  of  Plato  and  once  the  intimate  friend  of  Socrates,  distin- 
guished both  for  his  literary  and  political  talents,  but  of  unmea- 
sured ambition  and  unscrupulous  conscience.  Critias  and  his 
companions  soon  found  a  party  with  which  they  could  co-operate. 
A  large  portion  of  the  senators  was  favourable  to  the  establish- 
ment of  an  oligarchy ;  of  which  Theramenes  had  already  laid 
the  foundation  during  his  residence  with  Lysander.  Scarcely 
%vas  the  city  surrendered,  when  this  faction  began  to  organize 
its  plans.  The  political  clubs  met  and  named  a  committee  of 
five,  who,  in  compliment  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  were  called 
Ephors.  Their  tirst  step  was  to  seize  the  leaders  of  the  de- 
mocratical  party,  whom  they  accused  of  a  design  to  overturn 
the  peace.  Cleophon  had  already  fallen,  on  an  accusation  of 
neglect  of  military  duty,  but  in  reality  from  his  perseverance  in 
opposing  the  surrender  of  Athens.  The  way  being  thus  pre- 
pared, Critias  and  Theramenes  invited  Lysander  from  Samos,  in 
order  that  his  presence  might  secure  the  success  of  the  move- 
ment. It  was  then  proposed  in  the  assembly  that  a  committee 
of  thirty  should  be  named  to  draw  up  laws  for  the  future 
government  of  the  city,  and  to  undertake  its  temporary  ad- 
ministration. Among  the  most  promuient  of  the  thirty  names 
were  those  of  Critias  and  Theramenes.  The  proposal  was  of 
course  carried.  Lysander  himself  addressed  the  assemblv,  and 
contemptuously  told  them  that  they  had  better  take  thought  for 
their  personal  safety,  which  now  lay  at  his  mercy,  than  for  their 
political  constitution.  The  committee  thus  appointed  soon  ob- 
tained the  title  of  the  Thirty  Tyrants,  the  name  by  which  they 
have  become  known  in  all  subsequent  time. 

^  7.  After  completing  the  revolution  of  Athens,  Lysander  re- 
turned to  Samos.  The  island  surrendered  towards  the  end  of 
summer,  when  an  oligarchical  governmeiit  was  established,  as 
in  the  other  conquered  states.  Never  had  Greek  commander 
celebrated  so  great  a  triumph  as  that  which  adorned  the  return 
of  Lysander  to  Sparta.  He  brought  with  him  all  the  prow  orna- 
ments of  the  numerous  ships  he  had  taken  ;  he  was  loaded 
with  golden  crowns,  the  gifts  of  various  cities  ;  and  he  ostenta- 
tiously displayed  the  large  sum  of  470  talents,  the  balance  which 
still  remained  of  the  sums  granted  by  Cyrus  for  prosecuting  the 
war. 

^  8.  Meanwhile,  the  Thirty  at  Athens  having  named  an  en- 
tirely new  Senate,  and  appointed  fresh  magistrates,  proceeded  to 
exterminate  some  of  their  most  obnoxious  opponents.  In  order 
to  insure  their  condemnation,  the  Thirty  presided  in  person  in 
the  place  formerly  occupied  by  the  Pr}'tanes  ;  and  the  senators 
were  obliged  to  deposit  their  voting  pebbles  on  tables  placed 


874  IIISTOIIY  OF  GREFX'E.  Ciur.  XXXllI. 

iniiiR-diutely  bcl'ore  tlii'iii.  Frequeiilly  even  this  show  of  legality 
AViis  (lis])eii.su(l  wilii,  and  the  ueeiised  weic  ]-ut  lo  death  by  the 
mere  order  of  the  Thirty.  But  CntiaH,  and  the  more  violent 
parly  anion*?  them,  Htill  called  ior  more  blood  ;  and  ^vith  the 
view  ot"  obtaining  it,  procured  a  Spartan  garrison,  under  the 
harrnost  Callibius,  to  be  installed  m  tiie  Acrojjolis.  Be.^ides 
this  ft)rcc,  they  had  an  organized  band  (A  assassins  at  their  dis- 
posal. Blood  now  flowed  on  all  sides.  Many  ol'  tlie  leading  rnen 
ol'  Athens  fell,  others  look  to  lliglit.  A  still  greater  reliiiement 
of  cunning  and  cruelty  was,  to  iiiijjlicatc  distinguisheil  citizens  in 
their  own  crimes  by  making  tliein  accomplices  in  their  acts  of 
violence.  Thus,  on  one  occasion,  they  sent  for  five  citizens  to 
the  government  liouf^e,  and  ordered  them  witli  horrible  menaces 
to  proceed  to  yalaiiiis,  and  bring  back  as  a  prisoner  an  eminent 
Atlienian  named  Locn.  Socrates  was  one  of  the  five,  and  again 
did  himself  immortal  Luiiour  by  refusing  to  participate  in  such 
an  act  of  violence. 

^  9.  Thus  the  reign  of  terror  was  completely  established.  In 
the  bosom  of  the  Thirty,  however,  there  was  a  party,  headed  by 
Theramenes,  who  disapproved  of  these  proceedings.  Thera- 
menes  was  long-sighted  and  cunning,  as  we  have  seen  from 
his  former  acts,  and  so  shifting  and  unstable  in  his  political 
views  as  to  have  obtained  the  nick-name  of  CotJtur?ms,  frcm 
resembling  a  shoe  that  would  fit  cither  foot.  But  he  Avas  not 
unnecessarily  and  gratuitously  cruel  ;  and  though  he  had  ap- 
proved of  tlic  slaughter  of  those  citizens  whom,  from  their  former 
political  conduct,  he  deemed  dangerous  and  irreconcilable  ene- 
inies  to  the  new  state  of  things,  yet  he  \vas  not  disposed  to 
sanction  murder  merely  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  the  wealth  of 
the  victims.  He  was  also  inclined  to  give  the  new  government 
a  more  constitutional  form  ;  and  it  was  at  his  suggestion  that 
the  Thirty  were  induced  to  bestow  the  franchise  on  3000  citi- 
zens, chosen,  however,  as  much  as  possible  from  their  own 
adherents.  But  this  show  of  liberality,  as  managed  by  the  ma- 
jority of  the  Thirty,  was  in  reality  only  a  vehicle  for  greater 
oppression  towards  the  remainder  of  the  citizens.  All  except 
the  chosen  3000  were  considered  to  be  without  the  pale  of  the 
law,  and  might  be  ])ut  to  death  without  form  of  trial  by  the 
simple  fiat  of  the  Thirty  ;  whilst  in  order  to  render  them  uica- 
pable  of  resistance,  they  w'ere  assembled  under  pretence  of  a 
review,  during  which  their  arms  v\ere  seized  by  a  stratagem. 

MO.  The  Thirty  now  proceeded  more  unsparingly  than 
ever.  A  regular  proscription  took  place.  A  list  A\as  made 
out  of  those  who  were  to  be  slain  and  plundered  ;  and 
the  adherents  of  the   Tliirty   were  permitted   to  insert   in   it 


B.C.  404.  DEATH  OF  THERAMENES.  375 

whatever  names  they  pleased.  So  httle  was  the  proscription 
of  a  poUtical  character,  that  it  extended  to  metics  (resident 
aliens)  as  well  as  to  citizens  ;  and  under  the  metics  were  in- 
cluded Lysias,  the  celebrated  orator,  and  his  brother,  Polemar- 
clius.  Therainenes  stood  aloof  from  these  atrocities  ;  and  when 
oflered  the  choice  of  a  victim  among  the  metics,  to  be  destroyed 
and  plundered  for  his  own  especial  benefit,  he  indignantly  re- 
jected the  oiler.  His  moderation  cost  him  his  life.  One  day 
as  he  entered  the  Senate-house,  Critias  rose  and  denounced  him 
as  a  public  enemy,  struck  his  name  out  of  the  privileged  3000, 
and  ordered  him  to  be  carried  oil' to  instant  death.  Upon  hear- 
ing these  words  Theramenes  sprang  for  refuge  to  the  altar  in 
the  Senate-house  ;  but  he  was  dragged  away  by  Satyrus,  the 
cruel  and  unscrupulous  head  of  the  "  Eleven,"  a  body  of  officers 
who  carried  into  execution  the  penal  sentence  of  the  law.  Being 
conveyed  to  prison,  he  was  compelled  to  drink  the  fatal  hem- 
lock. The  constancy  of  his  end  might  have  adorned  a  better 
life.  After  swallowing  the  draught,  he  jerked  on  the  floor  a 
drop  which  remained  in  the  cup,  according  to  the  custom  of  the 
game  called  cottabos,  exclaiming,  "  This  to  the  health  of  the 
gentle  Critias  !" 

§  1 1.  Thus  released  from  all  check,  the  tyranny  of  Critias  and 
his  colleagues  raged  with  tenfold  violence.  It  has  been  affirmed 
by  subsequent  orators  that  no  fewer  than  1500  victims  were  put 
to  death  without  trial  by  the  Thirty  ;  and,  though  this  is  pro- 
bably an  exaggeration,  the  number  was  undoubtedly  prodigious. 
Measures  were  taken  to  repress  all  intellectual  culture,  and  to 
convert  the  government  into  one  of  brute  force.  A  decree  was 
promulgated,  forbidding  the  teaching  of  "  the  art  of  words  ;"  a 
phrase  which,  in  its  comprehensive  Greek  meaning,  included 
logic,  rhetoric,  and  literature  in  general,  and  was  more  particu- 
larly levelled  at  those  ingenious  and  learned  men  who  went  by 
the  name  of  "  Sophi-sts."  Socrates,  the  most  distinguished  among 
them,  had  commented  with  just  severity  on  the  enormities  per- 
petrated by  the  Thirty.  He  was  summoned  before  Critias,  and 
prohibited  in  future  from  all  conversation  with  youths.  Socrates 
exposed,  in  his  usual  searching  style,  the  vagueness  of  the  com- 
mand, and  the  impossibility  of  its  execution  ;  but  this  only  pro- 
voked the  more  the  rage  of  the  tyrants,  who  dismissed  him  with 
the  hint  that  they  were  not  ignorant  of  the  censures  he  had 
passed  upon  them. 

k  12.  Alcibiadcs  had  been  included  by  the  Thirty  in  the  list 
of  exiles  ;  but  the  fate  which  now  overtook  him  seems  to  have 
sprung  from  the  fears  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  or  perhaps  from 
the  personal  hatred  of  Agis.     After  the  battle  of  jEgospotami 


878  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XXXllI. 

Alciltindcs  felt  liimsflf  iiiRcf-nre  on  the  Tliraciari  Chersonew,  and 
fled  to  riiarnabazu.s  in  IMiryj^Ma,  not,  liowovcr,  witlioul  the  los  of 
much  of  liis  wealth.  He  sohcitcd  IVoiii  the  .satrap  a  .'^aie  conduct 
to  the  court  of  Suza,  in  the  Iiojm-,  perhajjn,  of  j)hiying  the  Hame 
part  as  Thcrni.stoclcs.  Pliarnaha/u.s  refused  tlii.s  request,  but 
pcrniilted  liim  to  live  in  I'hrygia,  and  a.ssigned  him  a  revenue 
tor  his  maintenance.  But  a  scytale,  or  def-patch,  came  out  from 
Sparta  to  Lysander,  directing?  that  Alcibiades  should  be  put  to 
death.  Lysander  communicated  the  order  to  I'harnabazus.  The 
motives  of  the  latter  ior  carrying  it  into  execution  are  not  alto- 
gether clear.  It  seems  probable  that  the  demands  of  the  Spar' 
tans  were  supported  by  Cyrus,  mIio  Avas  now  forminrr  desifois 
against  his  brother's  throne,  and  feared  perhaps  that  Alcibiades 
would  reveal  them  at  Susa.  Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  it  is 
certain  that  the  murder  was  undertaken  under  the  superintend- 
ence of  the  uncle  and  brother  of  Pharnabazus.  They  surrounded 
the  house  of  Alcibiades  with  a  band  of  assassins,  and  eet  it  on 
fire.  Alcibiades  rushed  out  with  draMii  sword  upon  his  assail- 
ants, who  shrank  from  his  attack,  but  who  slew  liim  from  a 
distance  with  their  javelins  and  arrows.  Timandra,  a  female 
with  whom  he  lived,  performed  towards  his  body  the  last  offices 
of  duty  and  affection.  Thus  perished  miserably,  in  the  vigour 
of  his  age,  one  of  the  most  remarkable,  but  not  one  of  the 
greatest,  characters  in  Grecian  history'.  Alcibiades  was  endowed 
with  most  of  those  qualities  which  serve  to  constitute  gi'catness. 
He  possessed  talent,  ambition,  enterprise,  courage,  great  presence 
of  mind,  and  inexhaustible  resources  in  emergencies  ;  but  all 
these  w-ere  marred  and  rendered  pernicious,  instead  cf  profitable, 
to  himself  and  to  liis  country,  by  profligacy,  selfishness,  pride, 
rapacity,  and  utter  want  of  principle.  "With  qualities  whicli, 
properly  applied,  might  have  rendered  him  the  greatest  bene- 
factor of  Alliens,  he  contrived  to  attain  the  infamous  distinction 
of  being  that  citizen  avIio  had  inflicted  upon  her  the  most  signal 
amount  of  damage. 

k  13.  Meantime  an  altered  state  of  feeling  was  springing  up  in 
Greece.  Athens  had  ceased  to  be  an  object  of  fear  or  jealousy, 
and  those  feelings  began  now  to  be  directed  towards  Sparta. 
That  state  persisted  in  retaining  the  large  amount  of  booty 
acquired  by  the  war  ;  and  M'hen  the  Thebans  and  Corinthians 
sent  in  their  claim  it  was  resented  almost  as  an  insult.  Yet  in 
the  monument  erected  at  Delphi  in  commemoration  of  the  vic- 
tory at  iEgospotami,  Lysander  had  not  only  caused  his  own 
statue  in  bronze  to  be  erected,  hut  also  that  cf  each  commander 
of  the  allied  contingents.  Lysander  had  risen  to  a  h.eight  of  mi- 
paralleled  power.  He  was  in  a  manner  idolized.    Poets  showered 


B.C.  404.  THRASYBULUS  AT  PHYLE.  377 

their  praises  en  him,  and  even  altars  Avere  raised  in  liis  Iioncur  ty 
the  Asiatic  Greeks.  The  Ephesiaus  set  up  his  statue  in  the  famous 
temple  oftheir  goddess  Artemis  ;  the  Samians  did  the  like  at  Olym 
pia,  and  altered  the  name  of  their  principal  iestival  from  Hera^a 
to  Lysandria.  In  the  name  of  Sparta  he  exercised  almost  uncon- 
trolled authority  in  the  cities  he  had  reduced,  including  Athens 
itself.  But  it  was  soon  discovered  that,  instead  of  the  freedom 
promised  by  the  Spartans,  only  another  empire  had  been  esta- 
blished, whilst  Lysander  was  even  meditating  to  extoi't  from  the 
subject  cities  a  yearly  tribute  of  one  thousand  talents.  And  all 
these  oppressions  were  rendered  still  more  intolerable  by  the 
overweening  pride  and  harshness  of  Lysander's  demeanour. 

§  14.  Kven  in  Sparta  itself  the  conduct  of  Lysander  was  be- 
ginning to  inspire  disgust  and  jealousy.  Pausanias,  sen  of  Plis- 
toanax,  who  was  now  king  with  Agis,  as  well  as  the  new  Ephors 
appointed  in  September,  b.c.  404,  disapproved  of  his  proceedings. 
The  Thebans  and  Corinthians  themselves  were  beginning  to 
sympathise  with  Athens,  and  to  regard  the  Thirty  as  mere  in- 
struments for  supporting  the  Spartan  dominion  ;  whilst  Sparta 
in  her  turn  looked  upon  them  as  the  tools  of  Lysander's  ambi- 
tion. Many  of  the  Athenian  exiles  had  found  refuge  in  Bocotia ; 
and  one  of  them,  Thrasybulus,  with  the  aid  of  Ismenias  and 
other  Theban  citizens,  starting  from  Thebes  at  the  head  of  a 
small  band  of  exiles,  seized  the  fortress  of  Phyle,  in  the  passes 
of  Mount  Parnes  and  on  the  direct  road  to  Athens.  The  Thirty 
marched  out  to  attack  Thrasybulus,  at  the  head  of  the  La- 
cedcBrnonian  garrison,  the  three  thousand  enfranchised  citizens, 
and  all  the  Athenian  knights.  But  their  attack  was  repulsed 
with  considerable  loss.  A  timely  snow-storm,  by  compelling 
the  Thirty  to  retreat,  relieved  Thrasybulus  and  tlie  exiles  from 
a  threatened  blockade,  and  enabled  him  to  obtain  reinforce- 
ments which  raised  his  little  garrison  to  the  number  cf  seven 
hundred.  In  a  subsequent  rencontre  Thrasybulus  surprised  at 
daybreak  a  body  of  S])artaii  hoplitcs  and  Athenian  horse  that 
had  been  sent  against  him  ;  and,  after  killing  one  hundred  and 
twenty  of  the  Spartans,  carried  off  a  considerable  store  of  arms 
and  provisions  to  Phyle. 

4  15.  Symptoms  of  wavering  now  began  to  be  perceptible,  not 
only  among  the  tliree  thousand,  but  even  among  the  Thirty 
themselves  ;  and  Critias,  fearful  that  power  was  slipping  from  his 
grasp,  resolved  to  secure  Salamis  and  Eleusis  as  places  of  refuge. 
All  the  Eleusians  capable  of  bearing  arms  were  accordingly 
seized  and  carried  to  Athens,  and  their  town  occupied  by  ad- 
herents of  the  Thirty.  The  same  was  done  at  Salamis.  Critias 
then  convoked  the  three  thousand  and  the  knights  in  the  OdOum, 


878  HISTORY  OF  GREECK  Chap.  XXXIIl 

wliicli  he  had  partly  filled  with  Lacfda-moiiiaii  soliUers,  and  com- 
|)  •llc.i  llicm  to  pass  a  vole  eoiiduiiiiiiii;^  tlie  Eieu.siiiiau.s  to  death. 
Tiii.i  was  done,  as  he  plainly  told  tiiein,  in  order  the  more 
thoroughly  to  identify  their  interests  with  those  ol"  the  Thirty. 
Tlie  prisoners  were  immediately  led  oilto  execution. 

MO.  Tluasybulus,  whose  lorccs  were  now  a  thousand  strong, 
incited  probably  by  this  enormity,  and  reckoninpr  on  support 
from  the  party  of  the  reaction  at  Athens,  marched  from  Pliyle  to 
Pirajus,  which  was  now  an  open  town,  and  seized  upon  it  without 
opposition.  When  the  whole  force  of  the  Thirty,  including  the 
Lacjdaiinouians,  marched  on  the  Jbllowing  day  to  attack  him,  he 
retired  to  the  hill  of  Munychia,  the  citadel  of  Piraeus,  the  only 
approach  to  which  was  by  a  steep  a.scent.  Here  he  drew  up  his 
lioplites  in  files  of  ten  deep,  posting  behind  them  his  sliugers 
an  1  dartmjn,  whose  missiles,  owing  to  the  rising  ground,  could 
be  hurled  over  the  heads  of  the  foremo.st  ranks.  Against  them 
Critias  and  his  confederates  advanced  in  close  array,  his  hofilitea 
fonn?d  in  a  column  of  hfly  deep.  Thra.sybulus  exhorted  his  men 
to  stand  patiently  till  the  enemy  came  within  reach  of  the  mis- 
siles. A I  the  first  discharge  the  assailing  column  seemed  to 
waver  ;  and  Thrasybulus,  taking  advantage  of  their  confusion, 
charged  dawn  the  hill,  and  completely  routed  them,  killing 
seventy,  among  whom  was  Critias  himself. 

^  17.  Tn3  partisans  of  the  Thirty  acknowledged  the  victory 
by  hogging  a  truc3  to  bury  their  dead.  The  loss  of  their  leader 
had  thrown  the  mijority  into  the  hands  of  the  party  formerly 
led  by  Tnaramjnas,  who  resolved  to  depose  the  Tliirty  and  con- 
stitute a  njw  oligarchy  of  Ten.  Some  of  the  Tiiirty  were  re- 
elected into  this  body  ;  but  the  more  violent  colleagues  of  Critias 
W3V3  depjssd,  and  retired  for  safety  to  Eleusis.  The  new 
government  of  th3  Ten  sent  to  Sparta  to  solicit  further  aid;  and 
a  siailar  application  was  made  at  the  same  time  from  the  section 
of  the  T.urly  at  Eleusis.  Their  request  was  complied  with; 
aifi  Lysaiider  once  more  entered  Athens  at  the  head  of  a  La- 
ced.cniJiiian  force,  whilst  his  brother  Libys  blockaded  Pineus 
with  40  triremes.  Fortunately,  however,  the  jealousy  of  the 
LacedaeniDnians  towards  Lysander  led  them  at  this  critical 
juncture  to  supersede  him  in  the  command.  King  Pausanias 
was  appointed  to  lead  an  army  into  Attica,  and  when  he  en- 
camped in  the  Academus  he  was  joined  by  Lysander  and  his 
forces.  It  was  known  at  Athens  that  the  views  of  Pausanias 
were  unfavourable  to  the  proceedings  of  Lysander  ;  and  his 
presence  elicited  a  vehement  reaction  against  the  oligarchy, 
whicli  fear  had  liitherto  suppressed.  At  lii-st,  hoA\ever.  Pausa- 
nias made  a  show  of  attacking  Thrasybulus  and  his  adherents, 


B.C.  403.  THE  THIRTY  DEPOSED.  3T9 

and  sent  a  herald  to  require  them  to  disband  and  return  to  their 
homos.  As  this  order  was  not  obeyed,  Pausanias  made  an  atlack 
on  Piraeus,  but  was  repulsed  with  lo.ss.  Retiiing  to  an  eminence 
at  a  little  distance  he  rallied  his  I'oices  and  ibimed  them  into  a 
deep  phalanx.  Thrasybulus,  elated  by  his  success,  was  rash 
enough  to  venture  a  combat  on  the  plain,  in  which  his  troops 
were  completely  routed  and  driven  back  to  Puajus  with  the  loss 
of  150  men. 

§  18.  Pausanias,  content  with  the  advantage  he  had  gained, 
began  to  listen  to  the  entreaties  for  an  acccmmcdation  which 
poured  in  on  all  sides  ;  and  when  Thrasybulus  sent  to  sue  for 
peace,  he  granted  him  a  truce  for  the  purpose  of  sending  envoys 
to  Sparta.  The  Ten  also  despatched  envoys  thither,  ohering  to 
submit  themselves  and  the  city  to  the  absolute  discretion  of 
Sparta.  The  Ephors  and  the  Laceda!monian  Assembly  rel'erred 
the  question  to  a  committee  of  fifteen,  of  whom  Pausanias 
was  one.  The  decision  of  this  board  was  :  That  the  exiles  in 
Pirseus  should  be  readmitted  to  Athens  ;  and  that  there  should 
be  an  amnesty  for  all  that  had  passed,  except  as  regarded  the 
Thirty,  the  Eleven,  and  the  Ten.  Eleusis  was  recognised  as  a 
distinct  government,  in  order  to  serve  as  a  refuge  for  those  who 
felt  themselves  compromised  at  Athens. 

§  19.  When  these  terms  were  settled  and  sworn  to,  the  Pelopon- 
nesians  quitted  Attica  ;  and  Thrasybulus  and  the  exiles,  marching 
in  solemn  procession  from  PirjEus  to  Athens,  ascended  to  the 
Acropolis  and  oifered  up  a  solemn  sacrifice  and  thanksgiving. 
An  assembly  of  the  people  was  then  held,  and  after  Thrasybulus 
had  addressed  an  animated  reproof  to  the  oligarchical  party,  the 
democracy  was  unanimously  restored.  This  important  counter- 
revolution appears  to  have  taken  place  in  the  spring  of  403  B.C. 
The  archons,  the  senate  of  500,  the  public  assembly,  and  the 
dicasteries  seenx  to  have  been  reconstituted  in  the  same  Ibim  as 
before  the  capture  of  the  city.  All  the  acts  of  the  Thirty  were 
annulled,  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  revise  the  laws  of 
Draco  and  Solon,  and  to  exhibit  their  amendments  at  the  statues 
of  the  eponymous  heroes.  These  laws,  as  afterwards  adopted 
by  the  whole  body  of  500  nomothetse,  and  by  the  Senate,  were 
ordered  to  be  inscribed  on  the  walls  of  the  Pcecilc  Stoa,  on  which 
occasion  the  full  Ionic  alphabet  of  24  letters  Avas  for  the  first 
time  adopted  in  public  acts,  though  it  had  long  been  in  private 
use.  The  old  Attic  alphabet,  of  16  or  18  letters,  had  been  pre- 
viously employed  in  public  documents. 

^  20.  Thus  was  terminated,  alter  a  sway  of  eight  months,  the 
despotism  of  the  Thirty.  The  year  which  contained  their  rule 
was  not  named  after  the  archon.  but  was  termed  "  the  year  of 


880 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


'iiAP.  XXXll/ 


anal•(;h]^"  Tho  first  archoii  drawn  aftor  llicir  fall  was  EucIhIcs, 
wlio  f,'ave  his  name  to  a  year  ever  aiU'rwards  rrK/rrioraljlc  among 
the  Athenians.  The  deinocracy,  thoii<,'h  Hinarting  under  recent 
wrongs,  beliaved  with  great  moderation  ;  a  circumstance,  how- 
ever, wliieii  may  in  some  degree  be  accounted  lor  by  the  facts, 
tliut  aOOO  of  the  more  inlluential  citizens  had  been  more  or  less 
imjjlicatcd  in  the  j)r()ceedings  of  the  Thirty,  and  that  the  number 
of  those  entitled  to  the  franchise  was  now  reduced  by  its  being 
restricted  to  such  only  as  were  born  of  an  Athenian  mother  as 
well  as  father.  Eleusis  w'as  soon  afterwards  brotight  back  into 
community  with  Athens.  The  only  reward  of  Thrasybulus  and 
his  party  were  wreaths  of  olive,  and  1000  drachma.-  given  for  a 
common  sacrifice. 

But  thoiigh  Athens  thus  obtained  internal  peace,  she  was  left 
a  mere  shadow  of  her  former  self  Her  fortilications,  her  fleet, 
her  revenues,  and  the  empire  founded  on  them  had  vauishiid  ; 
and  her  history  henceforwards  consi.sts  of  struggles,  not  to  rule 
over  others,  but  to  maintain  her  own  independence. 


Clio,  the  Muse  of  History. 


The  Erechtlieutn  restored,  viewed  from  the  S.W.  angle. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 


ATHENS,   AND  ATHENIAN    AND   GRECIAN    ART    DURING    THE    PERIOD 
OF    HER   EMPIRE. 

§  1.  Situation  of  Athens.  §  2.  Origin  and  progress  of  the  ancient  city. 
g  3.  Extent  of  tlie  new  cit}' .  Pineus  and  the  ports.  §  4.  General 
appearance  of  Athens.  Population.  §  5.  Periods  and  general  char- 
acter of  Attic  art.  §6.  Sculj)tors  of  the  first  period.  Ageladas,  Ona- 
tas,  and  others.  §  7.  Second  period.  Phidias.  §  8.  Polycletus  and 
Myron.  §  9.  Painting.  Polygnotus.  §  10.  ApoUodorus,  Zenxis,  and 
Parrhasius.  §11-  Architecture.  Monuments  of  the  age  of  Cimon. 
The  temple  of  Kik6  Apteros,  the  Theseiim,  and  the  Poecilo  Stoa.  §  12. 
The  Acropolis  and  its  monuments.  The  Propyla^a.  §  13.  The  Par- 
thenon. §  14.  Statues  of  Athena.  §  15.  The  Erechtheuni.  §  16. 
Monuments  in  the  Asty.  The  Dionysiac  theatre.  The  Odeum  of 
Pericles.  The  Areopagus.  The  Pnyx.  The  Agora  and  Ceraniicus. 
§  17.  Monuments  out  of  Attica.  The  Temple  of  Jove  at  Olympia. 
§  18.  The  Temple  of  Apollo  near  Phigalia. 

O.  In  the  present  book  we  have  beheld  the  rise  of  Athens 
from  the  condition  of  a  second  or  third  rate  city  to  the  lieadsliip 
of  Greece  '    we  are  now  to  contemplate  her  triumphs   in   the 


882  HISTORY  OF  GREECE  Cmap.  XXXIV. 

pivicoful  hut  not  loss  j^lorious  pursuits  of  art,  and  to  hcliold  her 
establishing  an  empire  of  taste  and  frenius,  not  only  over  her 
own  nation  and  a<^e,  but  over  the  nio.st  civilized  portion  of  the 
world  throujfhout  all  time. 

First  of  all,  however,  it  is  necessary  to  pivc  a  brief  description 
of  Athens  itself,  the  repository,  as  it  were,  in  which  the  most 
precious  treasures  of  art  were  preserved.  Athens  is  situated 
about  three  miles  from  the  sea-coast,  in  the  central  plain  of 
Attica,  which  is  enclosed  by  mountains  on  every  side  except 
the  south,  where  it  is  open  to  the  sea.  In  the  southern  part 
of  the  ])lain  riso  several  eminences.  Of  the.se  the  mo.st  pro- 
minent is  a  lofty  insulated  mountain,  with  a  conical  peaked 
summit,  now  called  the  Hill  of  St.  Georfre,  and  which  bore  in 
ancient  inms  the  name  of  Lijcabrttus.  This  mountain,  which 
was  not  included  within  the  ancient  walls,  lies  to  the  north-east 
of  Athens,  and  forms  the  most  striking  feature  in  the  environs 
of  the  city.  It  is  to  Athens  what  Vesuvius  is  to  Naples,  or 
Arthur's  Seat  to  Edinburtrh.  South-west  of  Lycabettus  there 
are  four  hills  of  moderate  height,  all  of  which  formed  part  of  the 
city.  Of  these  the  nearest  to  Lycabettus,  and  at  the  distance  of 
a  mile  from  the  latter,  was  the  Acropollx,  or  citadel  of  Athens,  a 
square  craggy  rock  rising  abruptly  about  150  feet,  with  a  flat 
summit  of  about  1000  feet  long  from  east  to  west,  by  500  feet 
broad  from  north  to  south.  Immediately  west  of  the  Acropolis 
is  a  second  hill  of  irregular  form,  the  Areopagus.  To  the  south- 
west there  rises  a  third  hill,  the  Pnj/x,  on  which  the  assemblies 
of  the  citizens  were  held  ;  and  to  the  south  of  the  latter  is  a 
fourth  hill,  known  as  the  Museum.  On  the  eastern  and  western 
sides  of  the  city  there  run  two  small  streams,  which  are  nearly 
exhausted  before  they  reach  the  sea,  by  the  heats  of  summer  and 
by  the  channels  for  artificial  irrigation.  That  on  the  east  is  the 
Ilissus,  which  flowed  through  the  southern  quarter  of"  the  city  : 
that  on  the  west  is  the  Cephissus.  South  of  the  city  was  seen 
the  Sarouic  Gulf  with  the  liarbours  of  Athens.  The  ground  on 
which  Athens  stands  is  a  bed  of  hard  limestone  rock,  which  the 
ingenuity  of  the  inhabitants  converted  to  architectural  purposes, 
by  hewing  it  into  walls,  levelling  it  into  pavements,  and  forming  it 
into  steps,  seats,  cisterns,  and  other  objects  of  utility  or  ornament. 

The  noblest  description  of  Athens  is  given  by  Milton  in  his 
Paradise  Regained  : — 

"Look  once  more,  er.  we  leave  this  specular  mount, 
Westward,  mueh  nearer  by  south-west  behold, 
Wliere  on  tlie  ^-EErean  shore  a  eity  stands. 
Built  nobly;   pure  t)ie  air.  ami  light  tlie  soil; 
Athens,  the  eve  of  Greece,  niotlier  of  arts 
And  eloquence,  native  to  famous  wits, 


Chap.  XXXIV. 


CITY  OF  ATHENS. 


Or  hospitable,  in  her  sweet  recess, 

City  or  suburban,  studious  walks  rtnd  shades. 

See  there  the  olive  grove  of  Academe, 

Plato's  retirement,  where  tlie  Attic  bird 

Trills  her  tiiick  warbled  notes  the  summer  long; 

Tliere  flowery  hill  llymettus,  with  the  sound 

Of  bees'  industrious  murmur,  oft  invites 

To  studious  musing;  tliere  Ilissus  rolls 

His  whispering  stream:   witliin  the  walls  then  view 

The  schools  of  ancient  sages ;  his  who  bred 

Great  Alexander  to  subdue  tlie  world, 

Lyceum  there,  and  painted  Stoa  next." 


Plan  of  Athens. 


Pnyx  Ecclesift. 
Theseuni. 
Theatre  of  Dionj's 


4.  Odeum  of  Pericles. 

5.  Temple  of  the  Olympiao 


§  2.  Athens  is  said  to  have  derived  its  name  from  the  pro> 
minence  fjiven  to  the  worship  of  Athena  by  its  King  Erechtheus. 
The  inhabitants  were  previously  called  Cranai  and  Cecropidae, 
from  Cecrops,  who,  according  to  tradition,  was  the  original 
founder  of  the  city.  This  at  first  occupied  only  the  hill  or  rock 
which  afterwards  became  the  Acropolis ;  but  gradually  the 
buildings  began  to  spread  over  the  ground  at  the  southern  foot 
of  this  hill.  It  was  not  till  the  time  of  Pisistratus  and  his 
sons  (b.c.  560-514)  that  the  city  began  to  assume  any  degree 
of  splendour.  The  most  remarkable  building  of  these  despots 
was  the  gigantic  temple  of  the  Olympian  Jove,  which,  however. 


S84  mSTOKY  OF  GRP:ECH  Ciiaf'.  XXXIV. 

\vu.s  iKil  liiii.liL'il  till  lUiiiiy  ceiilnrie;;  Inter.  In  u.c.  .000,  llic 
lliiMliL'  ol'  iJioiiysu.^  w;irf  cotimiLMiced  on  llic  .south-eastern  hloj)c 
(if  the  Acropolis,  but  w;i.s  not  coiii|»l!'lt'(l  till  ii.c.  lilO;  llioii<:li  it 
iiiusl  li;ivc  Ixicn  usod  lor  the  representation  ol"  plays  lon<(  before 
that  period. 

^  ."5.  Xerxe.-i  rediicrd  thi"  ancient  rity  almost  to  a  heap  of 
ashiis.  Afler  tlie  departure  of  the  Persians,  its  reconslrnction 
on  a  much  larger  scale  was  connneneed  under  the  superintend- 
ence of  Themistooles,  who.~c  first  care  was  to  provide  lijr  its 
safety  by  the  erection  of  walls.  The  Acropolis  now  formed  the 
centre  of  the  city,  round  which  the  new  walls  described  an  ir- 
re;^ular  circle  of  about  GO  stadia,  or  7^  miles  in  circumference. 
Tlie  new  walls  were  built  in  great  haste  in  consequence  of  the 
attempts  of  the  Spartans  to  interrupt  their  progress;  but  though 
this  occasioned  great  irregularity  in  their  structure,  they  were 
neverthele.-js  firm  and  solid.  Tlic  space  thus  enclosed  formed 
the  Astif*  or  city,  properly  .so  called.  But  the  views  of  Thcrnis- 
tocles  were  not  conhned  to  the  mere  defence  of  Athens  :  he 
contemplated  making  her  a  great  naval  power,  and  for  this  pur- 
pose adequate  docks  and  arsenals  were  required.  Previously  the 
Athenians  had  used  as  their  only  harbour  the  open  roadstead  of 
PluiJcriini  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Phaleric  bay,  where  the 
sea-shore  is  nearest  to  Athens.  But  Theinistocles  transferred 
the  naval  station  of  the  Athenians  to  the  peninsula  of  Pirajus, 
which  is  distant  about  Ig  miles  from  Athens,  and  contains  three 
natural  harbours — a  large  one  on  the  western  side,  called  simply 
Fircciis,  or  Tkc  ILirhour,  and  two  smaller  ones  on  the  eastern 
side,  called  respectively  Zea  and  Munycliia,  the  latter  being 
nearest  to  the  city.  Themistocles  seems  to  have  anticipated 
from  the  first  that  the  port-town  would  spcnlily  become  as  large 
a  place  as  the  Asty  or  city  itself;  for  the  walls  which  he  built 
around  the  peninsula  of  PirsBus  were  of  the  same  circumference 
as  those  of  Athens,  and  were  11  or  15  feet  thick.  It  was  not, 
however,  till  the  time  of  Pericles  that  Piraeus  was  regularly  laid 
out  as  a  town  by  the  architect,  Hippodamus  of  Miletus.  It  was 
also  in  the  administration  and  by  the  advice  of  Pericles,  but  in 
pursuance  of  the  policy  of  Themistocles,  that  the  walls  were 
built  wliich  connected  Athens  with  her  ports.  These  were  at 
first  the  outer  or  northern  Long  Wall,  which  ran  from  Athens  to 
Pirccus,  and  the  Phaleric  wall  connecting  the  city  with  Phalerum. 
These  wei'e  commenced  in  b.c.  457,  and  finished  in  the  following 
year.  It  was  socv  found,  however,  that  the  space  thus  inclosed 
was  too  vast  to  oe  easily  defended  ;  and  as  the  port  of  Phalerum 

*■  To  'Aff?^. 


Chap.  XXXIV.       ITS  GENERAL  APPEARANCE. 


S8S 


was  small  and  insignificant  in  comparison  with  the  Piraeus,  and 
soon  ceased  to  be  used  Ly  the  Atheuiau  ships  of  war,  its  wall 
was  abandoned  and  probably  allowed  to  iall  into  decay.  Its 
place  was  supplied  by  another  Long  Wall,  which  was  built  parallel 
to  the  first  at  a  distance  of  only  550  feet,  thus  rendering  both 
capable  of  being  defended  by  the  same  body  of  men.  The  mag- 
nitude of  these  walls  may  be  estimated  from  the  fact  that  the 
foundations  of  the  northern  one,  which  may  still  be  traced,  are 
about  12  feet  thick,  and  formed  of  large  quadrangular  blocks  of 
stone.  Their  height  in  all  probability  was  not  less  that  GO  feet. 
In  process  of  time  the  space  between  the  two  Long  Walls  was 
occupied  on  each  side  by  houses. 

§  4.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  ])receding  description  that  Athens, 
in  its  larger  acceptation,  and  nicluding  its  port,  consisted  of  two 
circular  cities,  the  Asty  and  Pirffius,  each  of  about  7^  miles  in 
circumference,  and  joined  together  by  a  broad  street  of  between 
4  and  5  miles  long.  Its  first  appearance  was  by  no  means  agree- 
able or  striking.  The  streets  were  narrow  and  crooked,  and  the 
meanness  of  the  private  houses  formed  a  strong  contrast  to  the 


Athens  and  its  Port-towns. 


A.  The  Asty. 

B.  Piraus. 

C.  Munvchift,  citadel  of  F'irfieua. 

D.  Pluilenim. 

EE,  FI'\  The  Lons  Walk;  EE,  the  Northern 
long  wall  ;  FF,  tba  Southern  wall. 


GG.  The  Phaleric  WalL 
H.   Harbour  of  PirKUS. 
I.   Phaleric  Bav. 
K.  Harbour  of  MunychU. 
L.  Harbour  of  Zea. 


386  HISTORY  OF  GREECK  Chap.  XXXIV. 

mairnifiooncc  of  llio  public  liuildinps.  None  of  Uic  houses  •\vcre 
nmn-  lliaii  one  Hlory  lii<:li,  which  ol'loii  projected  over  llic  Htrcet. 
They  were  fur  llie  iiio.st  part  eoii.~triicte<l  either  of  a  framework 
of  wood,  or  of  uiiburiit  Ijricks  dried  in  the  open  air.  Tlie  front 
towards  tlie  street  liad  rarely  any  windows,  and  was  u.sually 
notiiiuf^  hut  a  curtain  wall  covereil  with  a  coating  of  pla.stcr.  It 
was  not  till  the  Macedonian  period,  when  jjuhlic  spirit  had  de- 
cayed, that  the  Athenians,  no  longer  satisfied  with  participating 
in  the  grandeur  of  the  state,  began  to  erect  handsome  private 
houses.  Athens  was  hadly  drained,  and  scantily  supplied  with 
Avaler.  It  was  not  lighted,  and  very  few  of  the  streets  were 
paved.  Little  care  was  taken  to  cleanse  the  city  ;  and  it  appears 
to  have  been  as  dirty  as  the  filthiest  town  of  southern  Eurojx;  in 
the  present  day. 

The  population  of  Athens  cannot  be  accurately  ascertained. 
The  population  of  the  whole  of  Attica  probably  exceeded  half  a 
million,  of  whom,  however,  nearly  four-fifths  were  slaves,  and 
half  the  remainder  metics,  or  resident  aliens.  The  number  of 
citizens — native  males  above  the  age  of  twenty,  enjoyhig  the 
franchise — was  20,000  or  21,000.  The  population  resident  m 
Athens  itself  has  been  variously  estimated  at  from  120,000  to 
192,000  souls. 

^  5.  Such  was  the  outward  and  material  form  of  that  city,  which 
during  the  brief  period  comprised  in  our  present  book  reached 
the  highest  pitch  of  militar}',  artistic,  and  hterarj-  glory.  The 
progress  of  the  first  has  been  already  traced,  and  it  is  to  the  last 
two  subjects  that  we  are  now  to  devote  our  attention.  The 
Avhole  period  contemplated  embraces  about  80  years,  the  middle 
portion  of  Avhich,  or  that  comprised  under  the  ascendency  of 
Pericles,  exhibits  Athenian  art  in  its  highest  state  of  perfection, 
and  is  therefore  by  way  of  excellence  commonly  designated  as 
the  age  of  Pericles.  The  generation  wliich  preceded,  and  that 
which  followed  the  time  of  that  statesman,  also  exhibit  a  high 
degree  of  excellence  ;  but  in  the  former  perfection  had  not  yet 
attained  its  full  development,  and  in  the  latter  we  already  begin 
to  observe  traces  of  incipient  decline.  The  progress  botii  of 
poetry  and  of  the  plastic  arts  during  this  epoch  is  strikingly 
similar.  The  great  principle  that  pervaded  all  was  a  lively  and 
tnathful  imitation  of  nature,  but  nature  of  an  ideal  and  elevated 
stamp.  Epic  poetry  and  the  ode  give  place  to  a  more  accurate 
and  striking  rendering  of  nature  by  means  of  dramatic  repre- 
sentations ;  whilst  sculpture  presents  us  not  only  with  more 
graceful  forms,  but  with  more  of  dramatic  action  in  the  ar- 
rangement of  its  groups.  In  this  latter  respect,  however,  the 
age  was  probably  excelled  by  the  succeeding  one   of  Scopas 


Chap.  XXXIV.      BEST  PERIOD  OF  ATHEJ^IAN  ART.  387 

and  Praxiteles.  The  process  by  which  Athenian  genius  freed 
itself  from  the  trammels  of  ancient  stiiihess,  is  as  visible  in  the 
tragedies  of  ^schylus,  Sophocles,  and  Euripides,  as  in  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  great  masters  of  the  plastic  arts  during  the  same 
period.  In  the  dramas  of  jEschylus  majesty  and  dignity  are 
not  unmixed  with  a  rigid  and  archaic  simplicity,  which  also 
marks  the  works  of  the  contemporary  sculptors.  In  the  next 
generation,  during  the  time  of  Pericles,  we  find  this  character- 
istic giving  place  to  the  perfection  of  grace  and  sublimity  united, 
as  in  the  tragedies  of  Sophocles  and  in  the  statues  of  Phidias. 
Art  could  not  be  carried  higher.  In  the  next  step  we  find 
equal  truthfulness  and  grace ;  but  the  former  had  lost  its  ideal 
and  elevated  character,  and  the  latter  was  beghming  to  degene- 
rate into  over-refinement  and  afiectation.  Such  are  the  examples 
offered  by  the  plays  of  Euripides,  and  by  the  sculptures  of  Myron 
and  Polycletus.  In  like  manner,  with  regard  to  architecture, 
the  Parthenon,  erected  in  the  time  of  Pericles,  presents  the  most 
exquisite  example  of  the  Doric  style  in  the  happiest  medium 
between  antique  heaviness  and  the  slender  weakness  of  later 
monuments.  Painting  also,  in  the  hands  of  Polynotus,  attamed 
its  highest  excellence  in  the  grace  and  majesty  of  single  figures. 
Bat  painting  is  a  complicated  art ;  and  the  mechanical  improve- 
ments in  perspective,  light  and  shade,  grouping,  and  compo- 
sition in  general,  afterwards  introduced  by  Apollodorus  and 
Zeuxis,  and  still  later  by  Apelles,  undoubtedly  brought  the  art 
to  a  greater  degree  of  perfection. 

§  6.  Among  the  artists  of  this  period  the  sculptors  stand  out 
prominently.  In  general  the  eminent  sculptors  of  this  period  also 
possessed  not  only  a  theoretical  knowledge,  but  frequently  great 
practical  skill  in  the  sister  arts  of  painting  and  architecture. 

One  of  the  earliest  sculptors  of  note  was  Ageladas  of  Argos, 
whose  fame  at  present  chiefly  rests  on  the  circumstance  of  Iris 
having  been  the  master  of  Phidias,  Myron,  and  Polycletus.  He 
was  probably  born  about  B.C.  540,  so  that  he  must  have  been  an 
old  man  when  Phidias  became  his  pupil.  Another  distinguished 
statuary  and  painter  among  the  immediate  predecessors  of  Phi- 
dias was  Onatas,  an  iEginetan,  who  flourished  down  to  the 
year  e.g.  460.  His  merit  as  a  painter  appears  from  the  fact 
that  he  was  employed,  in  conjunction  with  Polygndtus,  to  deco- 
rate with  paintings  a  temple  at  Platsea. 

Contempoi'ary  with  these  elder  masters  of  the  best  period  of 
Greek  art  were  Hegias,  Canachus,  Calamis,  and  others.  The 
somewhat  stifle  and  archaic  style  which  distinguished  their  pro- 
ductions from  those  of  Phidias  and  his  school  was  preserved  even 
by  some  artists  who  flourished  at  the  same  time  with  Phidias ; 


388  HISTORY  OF  GREECR  Chap.  XXXIV. 

as,  lor  instance,  by  I'ruxias  and  AiidrostlKtnn.-,  avIio  executed  some 
of  the  statuary  wliicjli  adorned  the  teinjdc  of'JJeljjlii. 

s^7.  Phidias  is  the  head  of  the  new  school.  He  was  bom 
about  490  u.c,  began  to  flourish  about  400,  and  died  just  before 
the  breaking  out  of  the  Pehjporuiesiau  war  in  4o2.  He  scorns  to 
have  belonged  to  a  family  of  artists,  and  to  have  first  turned  Ins 
attention  towards  painting.  He  was  the  pupil,  as  we  liavc  said, 
of  Ageladas,  and  probaijjy  of  llegias ;  and  his  great  abilities  were 
developed  in  executing  or  superintending  the  works  of  art  with 
which  Athens  was  adorned  during  the  administration  oi"  Pericles. 
He  Avent  to  Jilis  about  v,.v.  437,  wliere  he  executed  liis  famous 
statue  of  the  Olympian  Jove.  He  returned  to  Athens  about  434, 
and  shortly  aftei-wanls  fell  a  victim  to  the  jealousy  against  his 
friend  and  patron,  Pericles,  which  was  then  at  its  height;  and, 
though  he  was  ac(\uitted  on  the  cliarge  of  peculation,  he  was  con- 
demned on  that  of  impiety,  for  having  introduced  his  own  like- 
ness, as  well  as  that  of  Pericles,  among  the  figm^es  in  the  battle  of 
the  Amazons,  sculptured  on  the  shield  of  Atlicna.  He  was  in  con- 
sequence thrown  into  prison,  where  he  shortly  afterwards  died. 

The  chief  characteristic  of  the  works  of  Phidias  is  ideal 
beauty  of  the  sublimest  order,  especially  in  the  representation 
of  divinities  and  their  worship.  He  entirely  emancipated  him- 
self from  the  stifTness  which  had  hitherto  marked  the  archaic 
school,  but  without  degenerating  into  that  almost  meretricious 
grace  which  began  to  cornipt  art  in  the  hands  of  some  of  his 
successors.  His  renderings  of  nature  had  nothing  exaggerated 
or  distorted :  all  was  marked  by  a  noble  dignity  and  repose. 
We  shall  speak  of  his  works  when  we  come  to  describe  the 
buildings  which  contained  them. 

^  8.  Among  the  most  renowned  sculptors  contemporar}'  with 
Phidias  were  Polycletus  and  Myron.  There  were  at  least  two 
sculptors  of  the  name  of  Polycletus ;  but  it  is  the  elder  one  of 
whom  we  here  speak,  and  who  was  the  more  famous.  He  seems 
to  have  been  born  at  tSicyon,  and  to  liave  become  a  citizen  of 
Argos.  The  exact  date  of  his  birth  is  micertain,  but  he  was 
rather  younger  than  Phidias,  and  flourished  ])robably  from  about 
452  to  412  B.C.  Of  his  personal  history  we  know  absolutely 
nothing.  The  art  of  Polycletus  w^as  not  of  so  ideal  and  elevated 
a  character  as  that  of  Phidias.  The  latter  excelled  in  statues 
of  gods,  Polycletus  in  those  of  men ;  but  in  these  he  reached  so 
great  a  pitch  of  excellence  that  on  one  occasion,  when  several 
artists  competed  in  the  statue  of  an  Amazon,  he  was  adjudged 
to  have  carried  away  the  palm  from  Phidias.  The  greatest  of 
his  M'orks  Avas  the  ivory  and  gold  statue  of  Hera  in  her  temple 
between  Argos  and  Mycena;,  which  always  remained  the  ideal 


Chap.  XXXIV.       SCULPTURE  AXD  PAINTING.  389 

model  of  the  queen  of  the  gods,  as  Phidias's  statue  at  Olympia 
was  considered  the  most  perlisct  image  of  the  king  of  heaven. 

Myron,  also  a  contemporary  and  fellow-pupil  of  Phidias,  was 
a  native  of  Eleutherse,  a  town  on  the  borders  of  Attica  and 
BcBotia.  He  seems  to  have  been  younger  than  Phidias,  and 
was  probably  longer  in  attaining  excellence,  since  he  flourished 
about  the  begiiniing  of  the  Pelopomiesian  war.  He  excelled 
in  representing  the  most  difficult,  and  even  transient,  postures 
of  the  body,  and  his  works  were  marked  by  great  variety  and 
versatility.  He  appears  to  have  been  the  first  eminent  artist 
who  devoted  much  attention  to  the  figures  of  animals,  and  one 
of  his  statues  most  celebrated  in  antiquity  was  that  of  a  cow. 
It  was  represented  as  lowing,  and  stood  on  a  marble  base  in  the 
centre  of  one  of  the  largest  open  places  in  Athens,  where  it  was 
still  to  be  seen  in  the  time  of  Cicero,  but  was  subsequently  re- 
moved to  Rome.  This,  as  well  as  most  of  his  other  works,  was 
in  bronze.  He  excelled  in  representing  youthful  athletaj ;  and 
a  celebrated  statue  of  his,  of  which  several  copies  are  still  extant, 
was  the  discobolus,  or  quoit-player. 

§  9.  The  art  of  painting  was  developed  later  than  that  of 
sculpture,  of  which  it  seems  to  have  been  the  ofispring,  and  in 
its  earlier  period  to  have  partaken  very  closely  of  the  statuesque 
character.  The  ancient  Greek  paintings  were  either  m  Avater 
colours  or  in  w^ax :  oil  colours  appear  to  have  been  unknown. 
We  have  already  given  some  account  of  the  rudiments  of  the 
art  among  the  Greeks.*  The  first  Grecian  painter  of  any  gi-eat 
renown  was  Polygnotus,  who  was  contemporary  with  Pliidias, 
though  probably  somev/hat  older.  He  was  a  native  of  Thasos, 
whence  he  was,  in  all  probability,  brought  by  his  friend  and 
patron  Cimon,  when  he  subjugated  that  island  ui  B.C.  463.  At 
that  period  he  must  at  least  have  been  old  enough  to  have 
earned  the  celebrity  which  entitled  him  to  Cimon's  patronage. 
He  subsequently  became  naturalized  at  Athens,  where  he  pro- 
bably died  about  the  year  42G  b.c.  His  chief  works  in  Athens 
were  executed  in  adorning  those  buildings  which  were  erected 
in  the  time  of  Cimon;  as  the  temple  of  Theseus,  and  the  Poecile 
Stoa,  or  Painted  Colonnade.  His  paintings  were  essentially  sta- 
tuesque— the  representation  by  means  of  colours  on  a  flat  sur- 
face of  figures  similar  to  those  of  the  sculptor.  But  the  improve- 
ments which  he  introduced  on  the  works  of  his  predecessors 
were  very  marked  and  striking,  and  form  an  epoch  in  the  art. 
He  first  depicted  the  open  mouth,  so  as  to  show  the  teeth,  and 
varied  the  expression  of  the  countenance  from  its  ancient  stiff 

*  See  p.  150. 


:5'.)0  HISTORY  OK  fJREECK  Chap.  XXXW. 

iicss.  lie  excelled  in  repreHeiitiii*,'  leiiialo  beauty  and  com- 
plexion, and  introduced  fiiaeelul,  ilowinj,'  draperies,  in  place  of 
I  Ik;  hard  stiillincs  by  whieli  tliey  bad  been  previounly  dejiicted. 
lie  excelled  in  accuracy  ol'drawinfr,  and  in  tbe  noblenesH,  grace, 
and  beauty  of  bis  figures,  "wbicb  ■were  not  mere  transcrijits  Ifom 
nature,  but  liad  an  ideal  and  elevated  character.  His  master- 
pieces were  executed  in  the  Lcsdie  (ineb)Hed  court  or  Jiall  for 
converi^ation)  of  tbe  Cnidians  at  Delphi,  the  subjects  of  "which 
\vere  taken  from  the  cycle  of  ejjic  jioetry.  In  these  there  seems 
to  have  been  no  attempt  at  peri^pective,  and  names  were  aflixed 
to  tbe  dillerent  lipures. 

k  lU.  Painting  reached  a  further  stage  of  excellence  in  the 
bands  of  A})ollod6rus,  Zeuxis,  and  Parrbasius,  tbe  only  other 
artists  whom  we  need  notice  during  this  period.  Ajiollcdorus 
was  a  native  of  Athens,  and  first  directed  attention  to  the  efk-ct 
of  light  and  shade  in  painting,  thus  creating  another  epoch  in 
tbe  art.  His  immediate  successors,  or  ratber  contemporaries, 
Zeuxis  and  Parrbasius,  brought  the  art  to  a  still  greater  degree 
of  perfection.  Neither  tbe  place  nor  date  of  tbe  birth  of  Zeuxis 
can  be  accurately  ascertained,  though  be  was  probably  born  about 
4oo  C.C.,  since  thirty  years  after  that  date  Ave  find  him  practising 
his  art  with  great  success  at  Athens.  He  was  patronised  by 
Arebelaiis,  king  of  Macedonia,  and  spent  some  time  at  bis  court. 
He  must  also  have  visited  Magna  Graicia,  as  he  painted  his 
celebrated  picture  of  Helen  for  tbe  city  of  Croton.  He  acquired 
great  wealth  by  his  pencil,  and  was  very  ostentatious  in  display- 
ing it.  He  appeared  at  Olympia  in  a  magnificent  robe,  having 
his  name  embroidered  in  letters  of  gold ;  and  tbe  same  vanity  is 
also  displayed  in  tbe  anecdote  that,  after  he  bad  reached  tlie  sum- 
mit of  bis  fame,  be  no  longer  sold,  but  gave  away,  bis  pictures, 
as  being  above  all  price.  With  regard  to  bis  style  of  art,  single 
figures  were  bis  favourite  subjects.  He  could  depict  gods  or 
heroes  with  sufiicient  majesty,  but  lie  particularly  excelled  in 
painting  tbe  softer  graces  of  female  beauty.  In  one  important 
respect  be  appears  to  have  degenerated  frcm  the  style  of  Poly- 
gnotus,  bis  idealism  being  ratber  that  oifarm  than  oi  character 
and  expression.  Thus  bis  style  is  analogous  to  that  of  Euripides 
in  tragedy.  He  was  a  great  master  of  colour,  and  his  paintings 
were  sometimes  so  accurate  and  life-like  as  to  amount  to  illusion. 
This  is  exempbfied  in  tbe  stor}'  told  of  him  and  Parrbasius.  As 
a  trial  of  skill,  these  artists  painted  two  pictures.  That  of  Zeuxis 
represented  a  bunch  of  grapes,  and  was  so  naturally  executed 
that  tbe  birds  came  and  pecked  at  it.  Afier  this  proof,  Zeuxis, 
coniident  of  success,  called  upon  his  rival  to  draw  aside  the  cur- 
tain wbicb  concealed  bis  picture.    But  the  painting  of  Parrbasius 


•Chap.  XXXIV.  MONUMENTS  OF  CIMON,  391 

was  the  curtain  itself,  and  Zeuxis  was  now  obliged  to  acknow- 
ledge himself  vanquished  ;  for,  though  he  had  deceived  birds, 
Parrhasius  had  deceived  the  author  of  the  deception.  "Whatever 
may  be  the  historical  value  of  this  tale,  it  at  least  shows  the 
high  reputation  which  both  artists  had  acquired  for  the  natural 
representation  of  objects.  But  many  of  the  pictures  of  Zeuxis 
also  displayed  great  dramatic  power.  He  worked  very  slowly 
and  carefully,  and  he  is  said  to  have  replied  to  somebody  who 
blam3d  him  for  his  slowness,  "  It  is  true  I  take  a  long  time  to 
paint,  but  then  I  paint  works  to  last  a  longtime."  His  master- 
piece was  the  picture  of  Helen,  already  mentioned. 

Parrhasius  was  a  native  of  Ephesus,  but  his  art  was  chiefly 
exercised  at  Athens,  where  he  was  presented  with  the  right  of 
citizenship.  His  date  cannot  be  accurately  ascertained,  but  he 
was  probably  rather  younger  than  his  contemporary,  Zeuxis,  and 
it  is  certain  that  he  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  before  the  death 
of  Socrates.  The  style  and  degree  of  excellence  attained  by 
Parrhasius  appear  to  have  been  much  the  same  as  those  of 
Zeuxis.  He  was  particularly  celebrated  for  the  accuracy  of  his 
drawing,  and  the  excellent  proportions  of  his  figures.  For  these 
he  established  a  canon,  as  Phidias  had  done  in  sculpture  for  gods, 
and  Polycletus  for  the  human  figure  ;  whence  (Xuintilian  calls 
him  the  legislator  of  his  art.  His  vanity  seems  to  have  been  as 
remarkable  as  that  of  Zeuxis.  Among  the  most  celebrated  of  his 
wjrks  was  a  portrait  of  the  personified  Athenian  Demos,  which  is 
said  to  have  miraculously  expressed  even  the  most  contradictory 
qualities  of  that  many-headed  personage. 

The  excellence  attained  during  this  period  by  the  great  mas- 
ters in  the  higher  walks  of  sculpture  and  painting  wa?,  as  may 
be  well  supposed,  not  without  its  influence  on  the  lower  grades 
of  art.  Tais  is  particularly  visible  in  the  ancient  painted  vases, 
which  have  been  preserved  to  us  in  such  numbers,  the  paintings 
on  which,  though  of  course  the  productions  of  an  inferior  class 
of  artists,  show  a  marked  improvement,  both  in  design  and  exe- 
cution, after  the  time  of  Polygndtus. 

§  11.  Having  thus  taken  a  brief  survey  of  the  progress  of 
sculpture  and  painting  in  the  hands  of  the  most  eminent  masters, 
we  now  turn  to  contemplate  soms  of  the  chief  buildings  which 
they  were  employed  to  adorn. 

The  first  public  monuments  that  arose  after  the  Persian  wars 
were  erected  under  the  auspices  of  Cimon,  who  was,  like  Pericles, 
a  lover  and  patron  of  the  arts.  The  principal  of  these  were  the 
small  Ionic  temple  of  Nike  Apteros  (Wingless  Victory),  the 
Theseum,  or  temple  of  Theseus,  and  the  Poecile  Stoa.  The 
temple  of  Nike  Apteros  was  only  27  feet  in  length  by  18  in 


r.02  IIISTOUY  OF  GREECK  Chap.  XXXI  V. 

l)rr;i(ltli,  and  was  erected  on  the  Acrojx/lis  in  commemoration 
ol'Uiiiion'a  victory  at  the  Euryinedon.  It  was  Btill  in  existence 
in  the  year  1G7G,  but  it  was  suLsecjuently  des^troyed  by  the  Tnrks 
in  order  to  lorm  a  batter)'.  lis  reniains  were  discovered  in  lbo5, 
and  it  was  rel)uilt  with  the  or'.>(inal  materials.  A  view  of"  it  is 
piven  on  ]>.  21G,  and  its  position  on  the  Acropohs,  on  one  side 
oftlic  I'nijjyla.'a,  is  seen  in  the  drawinjrs  on  pp.  2G'5  and  273. 
Four  shibs  of"  its  sculptured  frieze,  found  in  a  neighbouring  wall, 
are  now  in  the  British  Museum. 

The  Thesc'um  is  situated  on  a  height  to  the  north  of  the 
Areopagus,  and  was  built  to  receive  the  bones  of  Theseus,  which 
Cinion  brought  from  Scyros  in  B.C.  4G9.  It  was  probably  fuiished 
about  IGS,  and  is  tlie  best  preserved  of  all  the  monuments  of 
ancient  Athens.  (Sec  drawing  on  p.  239.)  It  was  at  once  a 
tomb  and  temple,  and  posses&ed  the  privileges  of  an  a.sylum.  It 
is  of  the  Doric  order,  104  feet  in  length  by  45  feet  broad,  and 
surrounded  with  columns,  of  which  there  are  G  at  each  front, 
and  13  at  the  sides,  reckoning  those  at  tlie  angles  twice.  The 
cella  is  40  feet  in  length.  It  is  not  therefore  by  its  size,  but  by 
its  symmetry,  that  it  impresses  the  beholder.  The  eastern  front 
was  the  principal  one,  since  all  its  metopes,  together  with  the 
four  adjoining  ones  on  either  side,  are  sculptured,  whilst  all  the 
rest  are  plain.  The  scidptures,  of  which  the  subjects  are  the 
exploits  of  Hercules  and  Theseus,  have  sustained  great  injury, 
though  the  temple  itself  is  nearly  perfect.  The  figures  in  the 
pediments  have  entirely  disappeared,  and  the  metopes  and  frieze 
have  been  greatly  mutilated.  The  relief  is  bold  and  salient,  and 
the  sculptures,  both  of  the  metopes  and  friezes,  were  painted, 
and  still  preserve  remains  of  the  colours.  There  are  casts  from 
some  of  the  finest  portions  of  them  in  the  British  Museum.  The 
style  exhibits  a  striking  advance  on  that  of  the  ^l^ginetan  marbles, 
and  forms  a  connecting  link  between  them  and  the  sculptures 
of  the  Parthenon.  The  Pa'cile  Stoa,  which  ran  along  one  side  of 
the  Agora,  or  market-])lace,  Avas  a  long  colonnade  formed  by 
columns  on  one  side  and  a  Avail  on  the  other,  against  which  were 
placed  the  paintings,  which  were  on  panels. =* 

^12.  But  it  Avas  the  Acropolis  Avhich  Avas  the  chief  centre  of 
the  architectural  splendour  of  Athens.  After  the  Persian  Avars 
the  Acropolis  had  ceased  to  be  inhabited,  and  Avas  appropriated 
to  the  AA'oi'ship  of  Athena,  and  the  other  guardian  deities  of  the 
city.  It  was  coA'ered  Avith  the  temjdes  of  gods  and  heroes  ;  and 
thus  its  platform  presented  not  only  a  sanctuarj",  but  a  museum, 
containing  the  finest  productions  of  the  architect  and  the  sculptor, 

*  Ilenoc  its  name  of  Poecilu  {-ocki?.?!,  varkgatcd  or  painted). 


Chap.  XXXIY. 


THE  PROPYL^A. 


393 


Plan  of  the  Acropolis. 

1.  Parthenon.  3.  Propyliea. 

2.  Erechtheun 


ill  which  the  whiteness  of  the  marble  was  reheved  by  briUiant 
colours,  and  rendered  still  more  dazzling  by  the  transparent 
clearness  of  the  Athenian  atmosphere.  It  was  surrounded  with 
walls,  and  the  surface  seems  to  have  been  divided  into  terraces 
communicating  with  one  another  by  steps.  The  only  approach  to 
it  was  from  the  Agora  on  its  western  side.  At  the  top  of  a  mag- 
nificent flight  of  marble  steps,  70  feet  broad,  stood  the  Propylsa,* 
constructed  under  the  auspices  of  Pericles,  and  which  sci-\-ed  as 
a  suitable  entrance  to  the  exquisite  works  within.  The  Pro- 
pylaia  were  themselves  one  of  the  mastei'pieces  of  Athenian  art. 
They  were  entirely  of  Pentelic  marble,  and  covered  the  whole  of 
the  western  end  of  the  Acropolis,  having  a  breadth  of  1G8  feet. 
They  were  erected  by  the  architect  Mnesicles,  at  a  cost  of  2000 
talents,  or  400,000/.  The  central  portion  of  them  consisted  of 
two  hexastyle  porticoes,  of  which  the  western  one  faced  the  city, 
and  the  eastern  one  the  interior  of  the  Acropolis.  Each  portico 
consisted  of  a  front  of  six  fluted  Doric  columns,  4i  feet  in 
diameter,  and  nearly  29  feet  in  height,  supporting  a  pediment. 
The  central  part  of  the  building  just  described  was  58  feet  in 
breadth,  but  the  remaining  breadth  of  the  rock  at  this  point  was 
covered  by  two  wings,  which  projected  26  feet  in  front  of  the 
western  portico.  Each  of  these  wings  was  in  the  form  of  a  Doric 
temple.  The  northern  one,  or  that  on  the  left  of  a  person  ascend- 
ing the  Acropolis,  was  called  the  Pinacothcca,  from  its  walls  being 
covered  with  paintings.  The  southern  wing  consisted  only  of  a 
porch  or  open  galler}\     Immediately  before  its  western  front. 

*  Ti.Qonv'kaia. 
S* 


894  HISTORY  OF  GUEECR  Chap.  XXXIV. 

slond  the  little  temple  of  Nike  Aptcros  alrwuly  mentioned.     (See 
(Iniwiiig  on  p.  273.) 

^  13.  On  i)assinj^  llironfrh  the  Prfijjyla-.'i  all  the  plorics  of  the 
Acropoli.s  became  visible.  Tliccliicl'buildinf,' was  tlie  Parthenon,* 
the  most  perfect  production  of  Grecian  architecture.  It  de- 
rived its  name  from  its  beinp  the  temple  of  Athena  Parthenog.t 
or  Atlicna  the  Virgin,  the  invincible  frodde.«s  of  war.  It  was  also 
called  llcaitompcdon,  from  its  breadth  of  100  ieet.  It  was  built 
inider  the  administration  of  Pericles,  and  was  completed  in  B.C. 
438.  Tlie  architects  were  Ictinus  and  Callicrates  ;  but,  as  we 
have  said,  the  ffcneral  superintendence  of  the  building  was  in- 
trusted to  Pliidias.  The  Parthenon  stood  on  the  highest  part  of 
the  Acropolis,  near  its  centre,  and  probably  occupied  the  site  of 
an  earlier  temple  destroyed  by  the  Persians.  It  was  entirely 
of  Pentelic  marble,  on  a  rustic  basement  of  ordinary  limestone, 
and  its  architecture,  which  was  of  the  Doric  order,  was  of  the 
purest  kind.  Its  dimen.?ions,  taken  from  the  upper  step  of  the 
stylobate,  were  about  228  feet  in  length,  101  ic'ct  in  breadth, 
and  G6  feet  in  height  to  the  top  of  the  pediment.  It  consisted 
of  a  cella,  surrounded  by  a  peristile,  which  had  8  columns  at 
either  front,  and  17  at  either  side  (reckoning  the  corner  columns 
twice),  thus  containing  4G  columns  in  all.  These  columns  were 
6  feet  2  inches  in  diameter  at  the  base,  and  34  feet  in  height. 
The  cella  was  divided  into  two  chambers  of  unequal  size,  the 
eastern  one  of  which  was  about  98  feet  long,  and  the  western 
one  about  43  feet.  The  ceiling  of  both  these  chambers  was  sup- 
ported by  rows  of  columns.  The  Avhole  building  was  adorned 
with  the  most  exquisite  sculptures,  executed  by  various  artists 
under  the  direction  of  Pliidias.  These  consisted  cf,  1.  The  sculp- 
tures in  the  tympana  of  the  pediments  (i.e.  tlie  inner  portion  of 
the  triangular  gable  ends  of  the  roof  above  the  two  porticoes), 
each  of  which  was  filled  with  about  24  colossal  figures.  The 
group  in  the  eastern  or  principal  front  represented  the  birth  of 
Athena  from  the  head  of  Jove,  and  the  western  the  contest 
between  Athena  and  Poseidon  for  the  land  of  Attica.  An  en- 
graving of  one  of  the  figiu'cs  in  the  pediments  is  given  on 
p.  296.  2.  The  metopes  between  the  triglyphs  in  the  frieze  of 
the  entablature  (i.e.  the  upper  of  the  two  portions  into  which 
the  space  between  the  columns  and  the  roof  is  divided)  were 
filled  with  sculptures  in  high  relief,  representing  a  variety  of 
subjects  relating  to  Athena  herself,  or  to  the  indigenous  heroes 
of  Attica.  Each  tablet  was  4  feet  3  inches  square.  Those  on 
the  south  side  related  to  the  battle  ef  the  Athenians  with  tlie 

*  Tla^Evuv,  i.e.,  House  of  the  Virgin,  f  'Adrivd  jrup^cvof. 


Chap.  XXXIV.  THE  PARTHENON.  395 

Centaurs.  One  of  the  metopes  is  figured  on  p.  321.  3.  The 
frieze  which  ran  along  outside  the  wall  of  the  cella,  and  within 
the  external  columns  which  surround  the  building,  at  the  same 
height  and  parallel  with  the  metopes,  was  sculptured  with  a 
representation  of  the  Panathenaic  festival  in  very  low  relief 
Tliis  frieze  was  3  feet  4  inches  in  height,  and  520  feet  in  length. 
A  small  portion  of  the  frieze  is  figured  on  p.  306.  A  large  num- 
ber of  the  slabs  of  the  frieze,  together  with  sixteen  metopes 
from  the  south  side,  and  several  of  the  statues  of  the  pediments, 
were  brought  to  England  by  Lord  Elgin,  of  whom  they  were 
purchased  by  the  nation  and  deposited  in  the  British  Museum. 
The  engraving  on  p.  285  represents  the  restored  western  front  of 
the  Parthenon. 

M-i.  Bat  the  chief  wonder  of  the  Parthenon  was  the  colossal 
statue  of  the  Virgin  G-oddess  executed  by  Phidias  himself,  which 
stood  in  the  eastern  or  principal  chamber  of  the  cella.  It  was 
of  the  sort  called  chryselephantine  *  a  kind  of  work  said  to  have 
been  invented  by  Phidias.  Up  to  this  time  colossal  statues  not 
of  bronze  were  acroliths,  that  is,  having  only  the  face,  hands,  and 
feet  of  mirble,  the  rest  being  of  wood,  concealed  by  real  drapery. 
But,  in  the  statue  of  Athena,  Phidias  substituted  ivory  for  marble 
in  those  parts  which  were  uncovered,  and  supplied  the  place  of 
the  real  drapery  with  robes  and  other  ornaments  of  solid  gold. 
Its  height,  including  the  base,  was  2G  cubits,  or  nearly  40  feet. 
It  represented  the  goddess  standing,  clothed  with  a  tunic  reach- 
ing to  the  ankles,  with  a  spear  in  her  left  hand,  and  an  image 
of  Victory,  4  cubits  high,  in  her  right.  She  was  girded  with 
the  a3gis,  and  had  a  helmet  on  her  head,  and  her  shield  rested 
on  the  ground  by  her  side.  The  eyes  were  of  a  sort  of  marble 
resembling  ivory,  and  were  perhaps  painted  to  represent  the 
iris  and  the  pupil.  The  weight  of  solid  gold  employed  in  the 
statue  was,  at  a  medium  statement,  44  talents,  and  was  remov- 
able at  pleasure. 

The  Acropolis  was  adorned  with  another  colossal  figure  of 
Athena  in  bronze,  also  the  work  of  Phidias.  It  stood  in  the 
opan  air,  nearly  opposite  the  Propylse,  and  was  one  of  the  first 
objects  seen  after  jiassing  through  the  gates  of  the  latter.  With 
its  pedestal  it  must  have  stood  about  70  feet  high,  and  conse- 
quently towered  above  the  roof  of  the  Parthenon,  so  that  the 
point  of  its  spear  and  the  crest  of  its  helmet  were  visible  olf  the 
promontory  of  Sunium  to  ships  approaching  Athens.  It  was 
called  the  "  Athena  Promachus,"t  because  it  represented  the 
goddess  armed,  and  in  the  very  attitude  of  battle.     It  was  still 

*  i.e.,  of  gold  and  ivory,  from  ;(;()Vffoi)f,(7oWen,  and.  D.e(puvTLVog,  of  ivory. 
f  ngofiaxog,  the  Defender. 


890  IIISTOI'vY  OF  rntKKCK  Cuat.  XXXIV. 

slaiidiiim'  in  A.u.  395,  and  i.s  said  to  liavo  wared  away  Alaric  ■when 
lie  ciimc  to  Hack  llie  AcrojMtlis.  In  lln;  annexed  coin  the  Htatue 
ol  Adieiia  rroniaelius  and  the  Parthenon  are  renre^enled  on  tlie 
pnnnnit  of  llie  Arropoh.s  :  helow  i.s  Uie  eave  ol'  Tan,  with  a  flight 
ol'  bteps  leading  up  ihe  top  ol'  the  Acropolis. 


Coin  showing  the  Parthenon,  Athena  PromachuR,  and  the  Cave  of  Par. 

§  15.  The  only  other  monument  on  the  summit  of  the  Acro- 
polis which  it  is  necessaiy  to  describe  is  the  Erechtheum,  or 
temple  ol'Erechtheus.  The  Erechtheum  was  the  most  revered  of 
all  the  sanctuaries  of  Athens,  and  was  closely  connected  with  the 
earliest  legends  of  Attica.  The  traditions  respecting  Erechtheus 
vary,  hut  according  to  one  set  of  them  he  was  identical  with 
the  god  Poseidon.  He  was  worshipped  in  his  temple  under  the 
name  of  Poseidon  Erechtheus,  and  I'rom  the  earliest  times  was 
associated  with  Athena  as  one  of  the  tAvo  protecting  deities  of 
Athens.  The  original  Erechtheum  was  burnt  by  the  Persians,  but 
the  new  temple  was  erected  on  the  ancient  site.  This  could  not 
have  been  otherwise  ;  for  on  this  spot  was  the  sacred  olive-tree 
which  Athena  evoked  from  the  earth  in  her  contest  with  Posei- 
don, and  also  the  well  of  salt-water  which  Poseidon  produced  by 
a  stroke  of  his  trident,  the  impression  of  which  was  seen  upon 
the  rock.  The  building  was  also  called  the  temple  of  Athena 
Polias,  because  it  contained  a  separate  sanctuary  of  the  goddess, 
as  well  as  her  most  ancient  statue.  The  building  of  the  new 
Erechtheum  was  not  commenced  till  the  Parthenon  and  Propylrea 
were  finished,  and  probably  not  before  the  vear  preceding  the 
Ibreaking  out  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  Its  progress  was  no 
doubt  delayed  by  that  event,  and  it  was  probably  not  completed 
before  393  b.c.  ^Yhen  fniishcd  it  presented  one  of  the  hnest 
models  of  the  Ionic  order,  as  the  Parthenon  was  of  the  Doric. 
It  stood  to  the  north  of  the  latter  building,  and  close  to  the 
northern  wall  of  the  Acropolis.  The  form  of  tl>e  Erechtheum 
differs  from  every  known  example  of  a  Grecian  temple.    Usually 


CoAF.  XXXIV.      ERECHTHEUM.     DIOXYSIAC  THEATRE.       397 

a  Grecian  temple  was  an  oblong  figure  -with  a  portico  at  each 
extreniity.  The  Erechthcum,  on  the  contrary,  though  oblong  in 
shape,  and  having  a  portico  at  the  eastern  or  principal  front,  had 
none  at  its  western  end,  where,  however,  a  portico  projected 
north  and  south  from  either  side,  thus  forming  a  kind  of  tran- 
sept. Tliis  irregidarity  seems  to  have  been  chiefly  owing  to  the 
necessity  of  preserving  the  diflerent  sanctuaries  and  religious 
objects  belonging  to  the  ancient  temple.  A  view  of  it  from  the 
,  north-west  angle  is  given  on  p.  381.  The  roof  of  the  southern 
portico,  as  shoA«i  in  the  view,  was  supported  by  six  Carj^atides, 
or  figures  of  young  maidens  in  long  draperies,  one  of  which  is 
figured  on  p.  357. 

Such  were  the  principal  objects  which  adorned  the  Acropohs 
at  the  time  of  which  we  are  now  speaking.  Their  general  ap- 
pearance will  be  best  gathered  from  the  engraving  on  p.  2Go. 

§  16.  Before  quitting  the  city  of  Athens,  there  are  two  or 
three  other  objects  of  interest  which  must  be  briefly  described. 
First,  the  Dionysiac  theatre,  which,  as  already  stated,  occupied 
the  slope  at  the  south-eastern  extremity  of  the  Acropolis.  The 
middle  of  it  was  excavated  out  of  the  rock,  and  the  rows  of  seats 
ascended  in  curves  one  above  another,  the  diameter  increasing 
with  the  height.  It  was  no  doubt  sufficiently  large  to  accom- 
modate the  whole  body  of  Athenian  citizens,  as  well  as  the 
strangers  who  flocked  to  Athens  during  the  Dionysiac  festival, 
but  its  dimensions  cannot  now  be  accurately  ascertained.  It 
had  no  roof,  but  the  spectators  were  probably  protected  from 
the  sun  by  an  awning,  and  from  their  elevated  seats  they  had  a 
distinct  view  of  the  sea,  and  of  the  peaked  hills  of  SaLamis  in 
the  horizon .  A  representation  of  this  theatre  viewed  from  below 
is  given  on  a  brass  coin  of  Athens.  The  seats  for  the  spectators 
are  distinctly  seen ;  and  on  the  top,  the  Parthenon  in  the  centre, 
with  the  Propylaja  on  the  left. 


Theatre  of  Dionysus,  from  coin. 


398  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XXXIV. 

Close  to  the  Diony.«iac  theatre  on  the  east  was  tlic  Odium  of 
IViicK's,  a  pinallcr  kind  oi  theatre,  Avhieh  Heeiiis  to  liave  been 
cliiedy  desipiu'tl  tor  tlic  rehearsal  (if  imi.-ieal  ijeribiiiianeefi.  It 
was  covered  with  a  conical  roof,  like  a  lent,  ni  order  to  retain 
the  sound,  and  in  its  original  state  was  perhaps  actually  covered 
with  the  lent  cl"  Xerxes.  It  served  as  a  rel'uge  ibr  the  audience 
when  driven  out  of  the  theatre  by  rain,  and  as  a  place  for  training 
the  chorus. 

The  Areopagus*  was  a  rocky  height  opposite  the  western  end 
of  the  Acropolis,  from  which  it  was  separated  only  by  seme 
hollow  ground.  It  derived  its  name  iicm  the  tradition  that 
Ares  was  brought  to  trial  here  belbre  the  assembled  gtds,  by 
Poseidon,  for  murdering  Halirrhothius,  the  son  of  the  latter. 
It  was  here  that  the  Council  ol'  Areopagus  met,  frequently  called 
the  Upper  Council,  to  distinguish  it  ircm  the  Council  of  Five 
Hundred,  which  asseniLkd  in  the  valley  below.  The  Areopagites 
sat  as  judges  in  the  open  air,  and  two  blocks  of  stone  are  still 
to  be  seen,  probably  those  which,  according  to  the  description  of 
Euripides,!  were  occupied  respectively  by  the  accuser  and  the 
accused.  The  Areopagus  was  the  spot  where  the  Apostle  Paul 
preached  to  the  men  ol'  Athens.  At  the  south-eastern  corner  of 
the  rock  is  a  wide  chasm  leading  to  a  gloomy  recess,  containing 
a  fountain  of  very  dark  water.  This  was  the  sanctuary  of  the 
Eumenides,  called  by  the  Athenians  the  SemncB,X  or  Venerable 
Goddesses. 

The  Pnyx,  or  place  for  holding  the  public  assemblies  of  the 
Athenians,  stood  on  the  side  of  a  low  rocky  hill,  at  the  distance 
of  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  Areopagus. 

Between  the  Pnyx  on  the  west,  the  Areopagus  on  the  north 
and  the  Acropolis  on  the  east,  and  closely  adjoining  the  base  ox" 
these  hills,  stood  the  Agora  (or  market-place.)  Its  exact  bound- 
aries cannot  be  determined.  The  Stoa  Pa-cile,  already  described, 
ran  along  the  western  side  of  it,  and  consequently  between  it  and 
the  Pnyx.  In  a  direction  from  north-west  to  south-east  a  street 
called  the  Ceramicus  ran  diagonally  through  the  Agora,  entering 
it  through  the  valley  between  the  Pnyx  and  the  Areopagus. 
The  street  was  named  after  a  district  of  the  city,  which  was 
divided  into  two  parts,  the  Inner  and  Outer  Ceramicus.  The 
fomier  lay  within  the  city  walls,  and  included  the  Agora.  The 
Outer  Ceramicus,  which  formed  a  handsome  suburb  on  the 
north-west  of  the  city,  was  the  burial-place  of  all  persons  ho- 
noured with  a  public  funeral.     Through  it  ran  the  road  to  tha 

*  6  'kQEiog  ■niiyog,  or  Hill  of  Ares  (Mars).  f  Iphig.  Taur.  961. 

\  at  'Lefjvai, 


Chap.  XXXIV.    STATUE  OF  THE  OLYMPIAN  JOVE.  399 

g}'mnasium  and  gardens  of  the  Academy,  which  were  situated 
about  a  niilo  from  the  walls.  The  Academy  Avas  the  place  where 
Plato  and  his  disciples  taught.  On  each  side  of  this  road  were 
monuments  to  illustrious  Athenians,  especially  those  who  had 
fallen  in  battle. 

East  of  the  city,  and  outside  the  walls,  was  the  Lyceum,  a 
gymnasium  dedicated  to  Apollo  Lyceus,  and  celebrated  as  the 
place  in  which  Ai'istotle  taught. 

^  17.  Space  will  allow  us  to  advert  only  very  briefly  to  two  of 
the  most  distinguished  monuments  of  the  art  of  this  period  out 
of  Attica.  These  are  the  temple  of  Jove  at  Olympia,  and  the 
temple  of  Apollo  Epicurius  at  Bassse,  near  Phigalia  in  Arcadia. 
The  former,  built  with  the  spoils  of  Pisa,  was  finished  about  the 
year  435.  It  was  of  the  Doric  order,  230  feet  long  by  95  broad. 
There  are  still  a  few  remains  of  it.  We  have  already  adverted  to 
the  circumstance  of  Phidias  being  engaged  by  the  E  leans  to  exe- 
cute ^ome  of  the  works  here.  His  statue  of  the  Olympian  Jove 
was  reckoned  his  masterpiece,  and  one  of  the  wonders  of  the 
world.  The  idea  which  he  essayed  to  embody  in  this  work  was 
that  of  the  supreme  deity  of  the  Hellenic  nation,  enthroned  as  a 
conqueror,  in  perfect  majesty  and  repose,  and  ruling  with  a  nod 
the  subject  world.  The  statue  was  about  40  feet  high,  on  a 
pedestal  of  12  feet.  The  throne  was  of  cedar- wood,  adorned  with 
gold,  ivory,  ebony,  precious  stones,  and  colours.  The  god  held 
in  his  right  hand  an  ivory  and  gold  statue  of  Victory,  and  in  his 
left  a  sceptre,  ornamented  with  all  sorts  of  metals,  and  sur- 
mounted by  an  eagle.  The  robe  which  covered  the  lower  part 
of  the  figure,  as  well  as  the  sandals,  was  of  gold.  After  the  com- 
pletion of  the  statue,  Jove  is  related  to  have  struck  the  pavement 
in  front  of  it  with  lightning  in  token  of  approbation. 

§  18.  The  Doric  temple  of  Apollo  near  Phigalia  was  built  by 
Ictinus,  and  finished  about  430  B.C.  It  was  125  feet  long  by 
47  broad.  The  frieze  of  this  temple,  which  is  preserved  in  the 
British  Museum,  represents  in  alto-rilievo  the  combat  of  the 
Centaurs  and  Amazons,  with  Apollo  and  Artemis  hastening 
to  the  scene  in  a  chariot  drawn  by  stags.  The  sculpture  by  no 
means  equals  that  of  the  Parthenon,  or  even  of  the  Theseum. 
The  figures  are  short  and  fleshy.  Some  of  the  groups  evidently 
indicate  the  influence  of  Attic  art,  and  especially  an  imitation  of 
the  sculptures  of  the  Theseum  ;  but  in  general  they  may  be  re- 
garded as  aOording  a  standard  of  the  difference  between  Athe- 
nian and  Peloponnesian  art  at  this  period. 


Melpomene,  the  Muse  of  Tragedy. 


Thalia,  the  Muse  of  Comedy. 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 


HISTORY  OF  ATHENIAN  LITERATURE  DOWN  TO  THE   END  OP   THE 
PELOrONNESIAN  WAR. 

8  1.  Characteristics  of  the  early  literature  of  Athens,    g  2.  Origin  of  the 
drama.     ^'  "    t„*_„  ]..„4.: etU^A  —  .^ 1  a^u —     c ; — "m :- 


Pi 


rama.  §  3.  Introduction  of  the  drama  at  Athens.  Susarion.  The.*pis, 
hrynieluis,  Pratinas.  §  4.  ^Eschylus.  §  5.  Sophocles.  §  6.  Euripides. 
7.  Athenian  comedy.    Cratinus,  Eupolis,  Aristophanes.     §  8.  Prose 

-writers  of  the  period.    Thueydides.    §  0.  Xcno]ihon.    §  10.  Athenian 

education.    §  11.  Rhetors  and  sophists,    g  12.  Life  of  Socrates,    g  13. 

How  he  differed  from  the  sophists,    g  14.  Enmity  against  him.    §  15. 

His  impeachment,  trial,  and  death. 

^  1.  Although  the  lonians  were  one  of  the  most  intellectual  of 
the  Grecian  races,  we  have  had  as  yet  little  occasion  to  mention 
the  Athenians  in  the  literary  history  of  Greece.  In  this  path  they 
were  at  first  outstripped  hy  their  colonists  in  Asia  Minor.  The 
Asiatic  Greeks,  settled  in  a  fertile  and  luxurious  countr}',  amongst 
a  race  wealthier  but  far  inferior  to  themselves,  soon  found  these 
means  of  ease  and  leisure  which,  to  a  certain  degree  at  least, 
seem  necessarj'  to  the  development  of  intellectual  culture ; 
whilst  at  the  same  time  their  kinsmen  in  Attica  were  stniggling 
for  a  bare  existence,  and  were  often  hard  pressed  by  the  sur- 


CiiAP.  XXXV.  ORIGIX  OF  THE  DRAMA.  401 

rounding  tribes.  It  was  not  till  the  time  of  Pisistratus  and  his 
sons  that  we  behold  the  tirst  dawn  of  literature  at  Athens.  But 
this  literature  was  of  an  exotic  growth  ;  the  poets  assembled  at 
the  court  of  the  Pisistratids  were  mostly  foreigners  ;  and  it  was 
only  after  the  fall  of  that  dynasty,  and  the  establishment  of  more 
liberal  institutions  at  Athens,  that  we  lind  the  native  genius 
shooting  forth  with  vigour. 

It  was  probably  the  democratic  nature  of  their  new  consti- 
tution, combined  with  the  natural  vivacity  of  the  people,  which 
caused  Athenian  literature  to  take  that  dramatic  form  which 
pre-eminently  distinguishes  it.  The  democracy  demanded  a 
literature  of  a  popular  kind,  the  vivacity  of  the  people  a  litera- 
ture that  made  a  lively  impression  ;  and  both  these  conditions 
were  fulfilled  by  the  drama. 

^  2.  Though  the  drama  was  brought  to  perfection  among  the 
Athenians,  it  did  not  originate  with  them.  Both  tragedy  and 
comedy,  in  their  rude  and  early  origin,  were  Dorian  inventions. 
Both  arose  out  of  the  worship  of  Dionysus.  There  was  at  first 
but  little  distinction  between  these  two  species  of  the  drama, 
except  that  comedy  belonged  more  to  the  rural  celebration  of  the 
Dionysiac  festivals,  and  tragedy  to  that  in  cities.  The  name  of 
tragedy^  was  far  from  signifying  any  thing  mournful,  being  de- 
rived from  the  goat-like  appearance  of  those  who,  disguised  as 
satyrs,  performed  the  old  Dionysiac  songs  and  dances.  In  like 
manner,  comedy  f  was  called  after  the  song  of  the  band  of  revel- 
lers, X  who  celebrated  the  vintage  festivals  of  Dionysus,  and 
vented  the  rude  merriment  inspired  by  the  occasion  in  jibes  and 
extempore  witticisms  levelled  at  the  spectators.  It  was  among 
the  Alegarians,  both  those  in  Greece  and  those  in  Sicily,  whose 
political  institutions  were  democratical,  and  who  had  a  turn  for 
rough  humour,  that  comedy  seems  first  to  have  arisen.  It  was 
long,  however,  before  it  assumed  anything  like  a  regular  shape. 
Epicharmus  appears  to  have  been  the  lirst  who  moulded  the 
wild  and  irregular  Bacchic  songs  and  dances  into  anything  ap- 
proaching a  connected  fable,  or  plot.  He  was  born  at  Cos, 
about  B.C.  540,  but  spent  the  better  part  of  his  life  at  Syracuse. 
He  wrote  his  comedies  some  years  before  the  Persian  war,  and 
from  the  titles  of  them  still  extant  it  Avould  appear  that  the 
greater  part  of  them  were  travesties  of  heroic  myths.  They 
seem,  however,  to  have  contained  an  odd  mixture  of  sententious 
wisdom  and  broad  bulibonery,  for  Epicharmus  was  a  Pythago- 
rean pliilosopher  as  well  as  a  comic  poet. 

*  TQayudia — literally  "  the  goat-song." 


402  IHSTOIIV  OF  GREl-XJE.  Chap.  XXXV. 

^  3.  Comedy,  in  its  rude  and  early  .«tate,  \va.s  introduced  into 
Altica  ](m<i  Ijoibrc  the  liine  of  Epifliariiius  by  Su.sarirjn,  a  native 
of  Tri|)i)(li<cMis,  in  Megara.  It  was  at  Icaria,  an  Attic  village 
noted  ibr  the  worship  of"  Dionysus,  wlicre  Susarion  had  taken  up 
his  residence,  that  he  first  represented  comedy,  such  as  it  then 
existed  among  the  Megarians,  in  the  year  078  u.c.  The  per- 
i'oniianees  of  Susarion  took  no  root ;  and  we  licar  nothing  iriore 
of  comedy  in  Attica  Ibr  nearly  a  hundred  years. 

It  Avas  during  tliis  interval  that  tragedy  was  introduced  into 
Attica,  and  continued  to  be  successfully  cultivated.  We  have 
already  observed  that  tragedy,  like  comedy,  arose  out  of  the 
worsliip  of  Dionysus  ;  but  tragedy,  in  its  more  peri'ect  form, 
was  the  olLspring  of  the  ditliyrambic  odes  with  which  that  wor- 
ship was  celebrated.  These  were  not  always  of  a  joyous  cast. 
Some  of  them  expressed  tlie  sulierings  of  Dionysus  ;  and  it  was 
from  this  more  mournful  species  of  dithyramb  that  tragedy, 
properly  so  called,  arose.  Arion  introduced  great  improvements 
into  the  Dithyrambic  odes.*  They  formed  a  kind  of  lyrical 
tragedy,  and  were  sung  by  a  chorus  of  fifty  men,  dancing  round 
the  altar  of  Dionysus.  The  improvements  in  the  Dythyramb 
were  introduced  by  Arion  at  Corinth  ;  and  it  was  chiefly  among 
the  Dorian  states  of  the  Peloponnesus  that  these  choral  dithy- 
rambic songs  prevailed.  Hence,  even  in  Attic  tragedy,  the  chorus, 
which  was  the  foundation  of  the  drama,  was  written  in  the  Doric 
dialect,  thus  clearly  betraying  the  source  frona  wliich  the  Athe- 
nians derived  it. 

In  Attica  an  important  alteration  was  made  in  the  old  tragedy 
in  the  time  of  Pisistratus,  in  consequence  of  ^Ahich  it  obtained 
a  new  and  dramatic  character.  This  innovation  is  ascribed  to 
Thespis,  a  nati^-e  of  the  Attic  village  of  Icaria.  It  consisted  in 
the  introduction  of  an  actor,  for  the  purpose,  it  is  said,  of  giving 
rest  to  the  chorus.  Ho  probably  a])poared  in  that  capacity  him- 
self, taking  various  parts  in  the  same  piece  by  means  of  dis- 
guises eliectcd  by  linen  masks.  Thus  by  his  successive  appear- 
ance in  diliereut  charactei's,  and  by  the  dialogue  which  he  main- 
tained with  the  chorus,  or  rather  with  its  leader,  a  dramatic  I'able 
of  tolerable  complexity  might  be  represented.  The  first  repre- 
sentation given  by  Thespis  was  in  535  E.c.  He  was  succeeded 
by  Chterilus  and  Phrynicus,  the  latter  of  whom  gained  his  fii-st 
prize  in  the  dramatic  contests  in  51 1  B.C.  He  deviated  from  the 
hitherto  established  custom  in  making  a  contemporary  event 
the  subject  of  one  of  his  dramas.  His  tragedy  on  the  capture  of 
Miletus  was  so  pathetic  that  the  audience  were  melted  into 

*  See  p.  132. 


UiiAP.  XXXV.  ^SCHYLUS.  403 

tears  ;  but  the  subject  was  cousidered  so  ill-chosen  that  he  was 
fiu3j  a  thousand  drachruce.*  The  only  other  dramatist  whom 
we  need  mention  betbre  vEschjliis  is  the  Dorian  Pratinas,  a 
native  of  Phlius,  but  who  exhibited  his  tragedies  at  Athens. 
Pratinas  was  one  of  the  improvers  of  tragedy  by  separating 
the  satyric  from  the  tragic  drama.  As  neither  the  f)opular 
taste  nor  the  ancient  religious  associations  connected  with 
the  festivals  of  Dionysus  would  have  permitted  the  chorus  of 
Sityrs  to  be  entirely  banished  from  the  tragic  representations, 
Pratinas  avoided  this  by  the  invention  of  what  is  called  the 
Satyric  drama  ;  that  is,  a  species  of  play  in  which  the  ordinary 
subjects  of  tragedy  were  treated  in  a  lively  and  farcical  man- 
ner, and  in  which  the  chorus  consisted  of  a  band  of  Satyrs  in 
appropriate  dresses  and  masks.  After  this  period  it  became 
customary  to  exhit  dramas  in  tetralogies,  or  sets  of  four ; 
namely,  a  tragic  trilogy,  or  series  of  three  tragedies,  followed  by 
a  Satyric  play.  These  were  often  on  connected  subjects  ;  and 
the  Satyric  drama  at  the  end  served  like  a  merry  after-piece  to 
relieve  the  minds  of  the  spectators. 

The  subjects  of  Greek  tragedy  were  taken,  with  few  exceptions, 
from  the  national  mythology.  Hence  the  plot  and  story  were 
of  necessity  known  to  the  spectators,  a  circumstance  which 
strongly  distinguishes  the  ancient  tragedy  from  the  modern.  It 
must  also  be  recollected  that  the  representation  of  tragedies 
did  not  take  place  every  day,  but  only,  after  certain  fixed  inter- 
vals, at  the  festivals  of  Dionysus,  of  which  they  formed  one  of 
the  greatest  attractions.  During  the  whole  day  the  Athenian 
public  sat  in  the  theatre  witnessing  tragedy  after  tragedy  ;  and 
a  prize  was  awai'ded  by  judges  appointed  for  the  purpose  to  the 
poet  who  produced  the  best  set  of  dramas. 

M.  Such  was  Attic  tragedy  when  it  came  into  the  hands  of 
^schylus,  who,  from  the  great  improvements  which  he  intro- 
duced, was  regarded  by  the  Athenians  as  its  father  or  founder, 
just  as  Homer  was  of  Epic  poetry,  and  Herodotus  of  History. 
jEschylus  was  born  at  Eleusis  in  Attica  in  B.C.  525,  and  was  thus 
contemporary  with  Simouides  and  Pindar.  His  father,  Eupho- 
rion,  may  possibly  have  been  connected  with  the  worship  of 
Demeter  at  Eleusis  ;  and  hence,  perhaps,  were  imbibed  those 
religious  impressions  which  characterized  the  poet  through 
life.  His  first  play  was  exhibited  in  B.C.  500,  when  he  was  25 
years  of  age.  He  fought  with  his  brother  Cynaigirus  at  the 
battle  of  Marathon,!  and  also  at  those  of  Artemisium,  Salamis, 
and  Plataja.     In  b.c.  48-4  he  gained  liis  first  tragic  prize.     The 

*  See  p.  169.  f  See  p.  178. 


404  HISTORY  OF  OREFX'Iu  Ciiai-.  XXXY 

lirsl  iif  liis  t'xtaiil.  diaiiius,  llie  Pcrscr,  was  not  brouplit  out  f.ill 
i;.c.  17:2,  wlicu  lie  ffuiiicd  the  pri/t;  with  llic  trilofry  of  wliich  it 
loniKid  one  of  the  pieces.  In  lOb  lie  was  deleated  in  a  trajric 
wiiitest  by  liis  youiipcr  rival  Sojihocles  ;  sliortly  afterwards  he 
retired  to  the  court  of  kinj^  Iliero,  at  Syracuse.  In  407  Iliero 
died  ;  and  in  458  yEsehylus  rnu.st  liavc  returned  to  Athens, 
since  he  produced  liis  trilojry  of  the  Orcstcia  in  that  year.  This 
1rilo<ry,  wliieh  was  coriipo.sed  of  the  tragedies  of  the  Ai^avicmnon, 
the  (Jliocphorcc,  and  the  I'2iimcnidcs,  is  remarkable  as  the  only  one 
that  has  conic  down  to  us  in  any  thing  like  a  jx-rfcct  shape.  His 
detence  of  the  Areo])agus,  however,  contained  in  the  last  of  these 
three  dramas,  proved  nn])alatable  to  tlic  new  and  more  demo- 
cratic generation  which  had  now  sprung  up  at  Athens  ;  and 
either  Irom  (lisapi)ointinezit  or  fear  of  the  consequences  ^schy- 
lus  again  (piitted  Athens  and  retired  once  more  to  Sicily.  On 
this  occasion  he  repaired  to  Gela,  where  he  died  in  «.(,•.  ioG,  in 
the  Cytli  year  of  his  age.  It  is  unanimously  related  that  an  eagle, 
mistaking  the  poets  bald  head  for  a  stone,  let  a  tortoise  fall 
upon  it  in  order  to  break  the  shell,  thus  I'ullilling  an  oracle  pre- 
dicting that  he  was  to  die  by  a  blow  from  heaven.  After  his 
death,  his  memory  was  held  in  high  reverence  at  Athens.  A 
decree  was  passed  that  a  chorus  should  be  provided  at  the  public 
expense  for  any  one  who  might  wish  to  revive  his  iragedies ;  and 
hence  it  happened  that  they  were  frequently  reproduced  upon 
the  stage. 

The  improvements  introduced  into  tragedy  by  JEschylus 
concerned  both  its  form  and  composition,  and  its  manner  of 
representation.  In  the  former  his  principal  innovation  was  the 
introduction  of  a  second  actor  ;  whence  arose  the  dialogue,  pro- 
perly so  called,  ajid  the  limitation  of  the  choral  parts,  which 
now  became  subsidiary.  His  improvements  in  the  manner  of 
representing  tragedy  consisted  in  the  introduction  of  painted 
scenes,  drawn  according  to  the  rules  of  perspective,  for  which 
he  availed  himself  of  the  pictorial  skill  of  Agatharchus.  He 
furnished  the  actors  with  more  appropriate  and  more  mag- 
nificent dresses,  invented  for  them  more  various  and  expres- 
sive masks,  and  raised  their  stature  to  the  heroic  size  by  pro- 
viding them  with  thick  soled  cothurni  or  buskins.  He  paid 
great  attention  to  the  choral  dances,  and  invented  several  new 
figures.* 

The  genius  of  ^schylus  inclined  rather  to  the  awlul  and  sub- 

*  "persona)  palhvque  vepertor  lionestie 

jEschylus,  et  niodicia  instiavit  pulpita  tignis, 
Et  dociiit  magnunique  loqiii,  nitique  cothurno." 

IIoK.,  Ar.  Poet.  278. 


Chap.  XXXV.  SOPHOCLES.  405 

lime  than  to  the  tender  and  pathetic.  He  excels  in  representin*^ 
the  superhuman,  in  depicting  demigods  and  heroes,  and  in  tracing 
tlie  irresistible  march  of  liite.  His  style  resembles  the  ideas 
which  it  clothes.  It  is  bold,  sublime,  and  full  of  gorgeous 
imagery,  but  sometimes  borders  on  the  turgid.* 

§  5.  Sophocles,  the  younger  rival  and  immediate  successor  of 
^Eschylus  in  the  tragic  art,  was  born  at  Colonus,  a  village  about 
a  mile  from  Athens,  in  B.C.  495.  We  know  little  of  his  family, 
except  that  his  father's  name  was  Sophilus ;  but  that  he  was 
carefully  trained  in  music  and  gymnastics  appears  from  the  fact 
that  in  his  sixteenth  year  he  was  chosen  to  lead,  naked,  and  Vv^ith 
l)Te  in  hand,  the  chorus  which  danced  round  the  trophy,  and 
sang  the  hymns  of  triumph,  on  the  occasion  of  the  victory  of 
Salamis  (e.g.  480).  We  have  already  adverted  to  his  M'resting 
the  ti'agic  prize  from  ^schylus  in  4G8,  which  seems  to  have 
been  his  first  appearance  as  a  dramatist.  This  event  was  ren- 
dered very  striking  by  the  circumstances  under  which  it  occurred. 
The  Archon  Eponymus  had  not  yet  appointed  the  judges  of  the 
approaching  contest,  respecting  which  public  expectation  and 
party  feeling  ran  very  high,  when  Cimon  and  his  nine  colleagues 
in  command  entered  the  theatre,  having  just  returned  from 
Scyros.  After  they  had  made  the  customary  libations  to  Dio- 
nysus, the  archon  detained  them  at  the  altar  and  administered 
to  them  the  oatli  appointed  for  the  judges  in  the  dramatic  con- 
tests. Their  decision,  as  Vv'e  have  said,  was  in  favour  of"  Sopho- 
cles. From  this  time  forwards  he  seems  to  have  retained  the 
almost  undisputed  possession  of  the  Athenian  stage,  until  a 
young  but  formidable  rival  arose  in  the  person  of  Euripides. 
In  440  we  find  Sophocles  elected  one  of  the  10  Strategi,  of  whom 
Pericles  was  the  chief,  to  conduct  the  expedition  againsr  Samos  ; 
an  honour  which  he  is  said  to  have  owed  to  his  play  of  the 
Antigone,  which  was  brought  out  in  the  spring  of  that  year,  and 
which  is  the  earliest  of  his  extant  dramas.  He  v/as  now  55 
years  of  age,  yet  his  poetical  life  seemed  oidy  beginning.  From 
this  time  to  his  death  was  the  period  of  his  greatest  literary 
activity  ;  but  of  his  personal  history  we  have  few  details.  He 
was  one  of  the  ten  elders,  or  Probouli,  a  sort  of  committee  of 
public  safety  appointed  by  the  Athenians  af:.er  the  failure  of  the 
Sicilian  exi)edition,  unless  indeed  the  Sophocles  mentioned  on 
that  occasion  by  Thucydides  be  some  other  person.     The  close 


*  ^schylus  is  said  to  have  written  seventy  tragedies ;  but  only  seven 
are  extant,  which  were  probably  repi'esented  in  the  following  order;  tha 
Persians,  b.c.  47  "2;  the  Seven  against  Thebes,  d.c.  471;  the  Suppliants ; 
the  Prc/methcus ;  the  Agam-emnon,  Choephorce,  and  Eumenides,  b.c.  458. 


406  HISTORY  OK  GREECE.  Ciiai-.  XXXV. 

of  liis  lifi?  "\v;is  troubled  villi  fiirnily  dissensions.  lophon,  hig 
8011  by  !Ui  Athfuian  wile,  and  llieiclijie  lii.s  lefriliinate  licir,  was 
jealous  of  the  allectiou  iiiaiiire.sted  by  liia  father  lijr  l)i.s  grandson 
bophoclcs,  the  ollspriug  of  another  Kon,  Ari.ston,  "whom  he  had 
liad  by  a  Sicyonian  woman.  Fearing  les-t  his  father  should 
bestow  a  great  part  of  his  y)roperty  upon  his  favourite,  lophon 
surmuoned  him  before  the  Phratores,  or  tribe.«inen,  on  the  ground 
that  his  mind  was  adcctcd.  The  old  man'.«  only  reply  was — "  If 
I  am  !S()j)hock's  I  am  not  lu-.-^ide  myself;  and  if  1  am  beside 
myself  1  am  not  iSo])hocles."'  Then  taking  up  his  CKdipis  at  Co- 
lonns,  which  he  had  lately  written,  but  had  not  yet  brought  out, 
he  read  Irom  it  the  Leautiliil  passage  beginning— 

"EUtttvov ,  ^£ve,  Tua(h  X'^P'^C — 

with  w'liich  the  judges  were  so  struck  that  they  at  once  dis- 
missed the  case.  He  died  shortly  afterwards  in  b.c.  406,  in  his 
90th  year. 

As  a  poet  Sophocles  is  universally  allowed  to  have  brought 
the  drama  to  the  greatest  perfection  of  which  it  is  susceptible. 
His  plays  stand  in  the  just  medium  between  the  sublime  but 
unregulated  flights  of  iEschylus,  and  the  too  famihor  scenes  and 
rhetorical  declamations  of  Euripides.  His  plots  are  worked  up 
with  more  skill  and  care  than  the  plots  of  either  of  his  great 
rivals:  that  of  the  CEdijms  T?/ra>?«z/s  in  particular  is  remarkable 
for  its  skilful  devolopemeut,  and  for  the  manner  in  which  the  in- 
terest of  the  piece  increases  through  each  succeeding  act.  So- 
phocles added  the  last  improvement  to  the  ibrm  of  the  drama 
by  the  introduction  of  a  third  actor  ;  a  change  which  greatly 
enlarged  the  scope  of  the  action.  The  improvement  was  so 
cbvious  that  it  was  adopted  by  ^Eschylus  in  his  later  plays  :  but 
the  number  of  three  actors  seems  to  have  been  seldom  or  never 
exceeded.  Sophocles  also  made  considerable  alterations  in  the 
choral  parts,  by  curtailing  the  length  of  the  songs,  and  by  giving 
the  chorus  itself  the  character  of  an  impartial  spectator  and 
judge,  rather  tlran  that  of  a  deeply  interested  party  which  it 
often  assumes  in  the  plays  of  ^-Eschylus.^* 

§  6.  Euripides  Mas  born  in  the  island  of  Salamis,  in  r..c.  480, 
his  parents  having  been  among  those  who  lied  thither  at  the 
time  of  the  invasion  of  Attica  by  Xerxes.  In  early  life  he  prac- 
tised painting  with  some  success,  but  he  devoted  himself  with 

*  Sophocles  is  said  to  have  •written  117  tragedies,  but  of  tliese  only 
seven  are  extant,  which  are  to  be  lanked,  probably,  in  the  following 
chronological  order:  the  Antigone,  B.C.  ilO;  Electra ;  Tracliiiiim; 
CEdipus  Ti/ranmts ;  Ajajc ;  P/iUocletrs,  B.C.  409;  (Ediptis  at  Colontu, 
brought  out  by  the  younger  Sophocleo  b.c.  401. 


Chap.  XXXV.  EURIPIDES.  407 

still  more  earnestness  to  philosophy  and  literature.  He  studied 
rhetoric  under  Prodicus,  and  physics  under  Anaxagoras,  and  also 
lived  on  intimate  terms  with  tSocrates.  He  is  said  to  have  written 
a  tragedy  at  the  age  of  18  ;  hut  the  first  play  brought  out  in  his 
own  name  was  acted  in  B.C.  455,  when  he  was  25  years  of  age. 
It  was  not,  however,  till  441  that  he  gained  his  first  prize,  and 
from  this  time  he  continued  to  exhibit  plays  until  b.c.  408,  the 
date  of  his  Orestes.  Soon  after  this  he  repaired  to  the  court  of 
Macedonia,  at  the  invitation  of  King  Archelaiis,  where  he  died 
two  years  afterwards  at  the  age  of  74  (b.c.  406).  Common  re- 
port relates  that  he  was  torn  to  pieces  hy  the  king's  dogs,  which, 
according  to  some  accounts,  were  set  upon  him  hy  two  rival 
poets  out  of  envy. 

Euripides  received  tragedy  perfect  from  the  hands  of  his  pre- 
decessors, and  we  do  not  find  that  he  made  any  changes  in  its 
outward  form.  But  he  varied  from  them  considerably  in  the 
poetical  mode  of  handling  it,  and  his  innovations  in  this  respect 
ware  decidedly  for  the  worse.  He  converted  the  prologue  into  a 
vehicle  for  the  exposition  of  the  whole  plot,  in  which  he  not 
only  informs  the  spectator  of  what  has  happened  up  to  that 
mamant,  but  frequently  also  of  what  the  result  or  catastrophe 
will  be.  In  his  hands  too  the  chorus  grew  feebler,  and  its  odes 
less  connected  with  the  subject  of  the  drama,  so  that  they  might 
frequently  belong  to  any  other  piece  j  ust  as  well  as  to  the  one  in 
which  they  were  inserted.  In  treating  his  characters  and  subjects 
he  often  arbitrarily  departed  from  the  received  legends,  and  di- 
minished the  dignity  of  tragedy  by  depriving  it  of  its  ideal  char- 
acter, and  by  bringing  it  down  to  the  level  of  every  day  life.  His 
dialogue  was  garrulous  and  colloquial,  wanting  in  heroic  dignity, 
and  frequently  frigid  through  misplaced  philosophical  disquisi- 
tions. Yet  in  spite  of  all  these  faults  Em-ipides  has  many 
beauties,  and  is  particularly  remarkable  for  pathos,  so  that  Aris- 
totle calls  him  "  the  most  tragic  of  poets."  Eighteen  of  the  tra- 
gedies of  Euripides  are  still  extant,  omitting  the  Rhesus,  the 
genuineness  of  which  there  are  good  reasons  for  doubting.  One 
of  them,  the  Cyclops,  is  particularly  interesting  as  the  only  ex- 
tant specimen  of  the  Greek  satyric  drama.* 

§  7.  Comedy  was  revived  at  Athens  by  Chionides  and  his  con- 
temporaries, about  B.C.  488;  but  it  received  its  full  development 

*  The  following  is  a  list  of  his  extant  plays:  the  Alcestis,  b.c.  438; 
Meiea,  431 ;  Hippolytus,  428  ;  Hecuba,  about  424  ;  Heradidce,  about  421; 
Sanplices,  Ion,  Hercules  Furcns,  Andromache ;  Troade.%  415;  Elfctra; 
Helena,  425  ;  Iphigcnia  in  Tauri.a  ;  Orrxtes,  408  ;  PhmnixHce,  Bacehce,  and 
Iphir/rnia  in  Aulis  were  brouirlit  out  after  tlie  death  of  Eurii)iJes  by  his 
son,  tlie  younger  Euripides.     The  date  of  the  Cyclops  is  quite  uncertaia 


408  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XXXY. 

from  Cratirms,  wlm  lived  in  tlic  ape  of  Pericles.  Cralinu.s,  and 
his  younfrer  eonteinjjorarii's,  Eu|xili.s  and  Aristophanes,  were 
the  three  frreat  poets  of  wiiat  i.s  called  the  Old  Attic  Comedy.* 
The  comedies  of  Cratinns  and  EnjKilis  arc  lost  ;  but  of  Aristo- 
phanes, who  was  the  greatest  of  the  three,  we  have  eleven  dramas 
extant.  Aristophanes  wa.«  born  aUjut  f  11  n.c.  Of  his  private 
life  we  know  pjsitively  nothinp.  He  exhibited  his  fust  comedy 
in  A'21 ,  and  from  that  time  till  near  his  death,  which  probably 
happened  about  380,  he  Avas  a  frequent  contributor  to  the  Attic 
sta<xe.t 

The  old  Attic  comedy  was  a  powerful  vehicle  for  the  expres- 
eion  of  opinion  ;  and  most  of  the  comedies  of  Aristophanes,  and 
those  of  his  contemporaries  likewise,  turned  either  upon  political 
occurrences,  or  upon  some  subject  which  excited  the  interest  of 
the  Athenian  public.  Their  chief  object  was  to  excite  laughter 
by  the  boldest  and  most  ludicrous  caricature ;  and  provided  that 
6nd  was  attained  the  poet  seems  to  have  cared  but  little  about 
the  justice  of  the  pictxire.  A  li\-in«r  historian  has  well  remarked, 
"  Never  probably  will  the  full  and  unshackled  force  of  cornetlv 
be  so  exhibited  apain.  Without  having  Aristophanes  actually 
before  us  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  imagine  the  un- 
measured and  unsparing  licence  of  attack  assumed  bv  the  old 
comedy  upon  the  gods,  the  institutions,  the  politicians,  philo- 
sophers, poets,  private  citizens,  specially  named — and  even  the 
women,  whose  Ufe  was  entirely  domestic — of  Athens.  With  this 
univei-sal  liberty  in  respect  of  subject  there  is  combined  a 
poignancy  of  derision  and  satire,  a  fecundity  of  imagination  and 
variety  of  txinis.  and  a  richness  of  poetical  expression  such  as 
cannot  be  surpassed,  and  such  as  fullv  explains  the  admiration 
expressed  for  him  by  the  philosopher  Plato,  who  in  other  respects 
must  have  regarded  him  with  unquestionable  disapprobation. 
His  comedies  are  popular  in  the  largest  sense  of  the  word,  ad- 
dressed to  the  entire  body  of  male  citizens  on  a  day  consecrated 
to  festivit)-,  and  providing  for  their  amusement  or  derision  with 
a  sort  of  driinken  abundance,  out  of  all  persons  or  things  stand- 
ing in  any  way  prominent  before  the  pubhc  eye."|  In  illustra- 
tion of  the  preceding  remarks  we  may  refer  to  the  Knishts  of 
Aristophanes,  as  an  example  of  the  boldness  of  his  attacks  on  one 

*  Eupolis  atque  Cratinus  Aristophanesque  poet«, 

Atque  alii  quorum  comoedia  prisca  virorum  est 

HoR.  Sat-  i.  4. 
•}•  Tlie  eleven  extant  dramas  are;  the  Achamianf.  b.c.  4'25;  Kniphtt, 
424 ;  Clouds.  4-23  ;   Waxpx.  422  ;  Peacf.  419 ;  Birth,  414  :  Lysistraia.  411 , • 
Thcsmophvria^uxa:.  411;  PlutWs  40^;  Fropx,  405;  EcchfiaziuT,  302- 
%  Grote's  Hist  of  Greece,  vol.  viiL  p.  450. 


Chap.  XXXV.  ARISTOPHANES.  409 

of  the  leading  political  characters  of  the  day — the  demagogue 
Cleou ;  whilrit  the  Clouds,  in  wlii.^h  Socrates  is  held  up  to  ridi- 
cule, and  the  Thes^noplioriazusce  and  Frogs,  containing  slashing 
onslaughts  on  Euripides,  show  that  neither  the  greatest  piiiloKO- 
pliers  nor  the  most  popular  poets  were  secure.  Even  Pericles 
himself  is  now  and  then  bespattered  Avith  ridicule,  and  the  aver- 
sion of  the  poet  for  the  P'dcponnesian  war  is  shown  in  many  of 
his  dramas.  From  the  natare  of  his  plays  it  would  be  absurd, 
as  some  have  done,  to  quote  thc*m  gravely  as  historical  autho- 
rity ;  though,  with  due  al'owance  for  comic  exaggeration,  they  no 
doubt  allbrd  a  valuable  comment  on  the  politics,  literature,  and 
manners  of  the  time.  ]Mor  can  it  be  doubted  that,  under  all  his 
bantering,  Aristophanes  often  strove  to  perve  the  views  of  the 
old  aristocratical  party,  of  which  he  "'A'as  an  adherent.  The  more 
serious  political  remarks  were  coinmonly  introduced  into  that 
part  of  the  chorus  ca.l.ed  the  'parahas's,  when,  the  actors  having 
left  tlie  stage,  the  choreutje  turneU  round,  ard,  advancing  to- 
wards the  spectators,  addressed  them  mi  the  name  of  the  poet 
Towards  the  end  of  the  career  of  Aristophanes  the  unrestricted 
licence  and  libellous  personality  of  comedy  began  gradually  to 
disappear.  The  chorus  was  tirst  curtailed  and  then  entirely  sup- 
pressed, and  thus  made  way  for  what  is  called  tlie  Middle  Co- 
medy, which  had  no  chorus  at  all.  The  Plutus  of  Aristophanes, 
which  contains  no  political  allusions,  exhibits  an  approach  to  this 
phase. 

An  extract  from  ■'he  Knights  of  Aristophanes  will  give  some 
idea  of  the  unmeafur;d  invective  in  which  the  poet  indulged. 
The  chorus  come  upon  the  stage,  and  thus  commence  their  attack 
upon  Cleon : — 

Close  arojnd  him,  and  confoimd  him,  the  confounder  of  us  all; 
Pelt  him,  pummel  him,  and  n;ai''  him  ;  rummage,  ransack,  overhaul  him, 
Overbear  iiini  and  outljawl  Jiim;  bear  him  down,  and  bring  him  under. 
Bellow  like  a  burst  of  thunder,  Robber!  harjiy  !  sink  of  plunder! 
Rogue  and  villain!  rogue  and  cheat!  rogue  and  villain,  1  repeat! 
Oftener  than  I  can  repeat  it,  has  the  rogue  and  villain  cheated. 
Close  f.round  him,  left  and  right;  spit  upon  him,  spurn  and  smite: 
Spit  upon  him  as  you  see;  t'j' rn  and  spit  at  him  like  me. 
But  )/eware,  or  he'll  eva^.e  you,  for  he  knows  the  private  track 
"Where  Euerates  -^as  seen  oscaping  with  his  mill-dust  on  his  back. 

Cleon. 
Worthy  vetf  ans  of  the  jury,  you  that,  cither  right  or  wrong, 
With  my  threepenny  provision,  Pve  maintained  and  cherished  long. 
Come  to  my  aid!    I'm  liere  waylaid — assassinated  and  betrayed. 

ChoniK. 
Rightly  served!  we  serve  you  riglitl)',  for  your  hungry  love  of  pelf 
For  your  gross  and  greedy  rapine,  gormandizing  by  yourself; 

T 


410  UISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XXXV. 

You  thnt,  ore  the  fijrs  aro  pathorcd,  pilfer  with  a  privy  twitch 
Fat  <l.linqiiont«  and  <1ofaulteni.  ptilpv,  lu»<-i<Mi.e.  jihimp.  and  rich; 
l*iiioliini:.  fincorinir.  nml  pulling — tiiiij>oritnr.  *.l<-otine,  culline. 
With  a  nice  survey  discerning  which  arc  green  and  which  are  turning 
Which  arc  ripe  for  accusation,  forfeiture,  and  conti^oation. 

Him,  besides,  the  wealthy  man.  retired  upon  an  ea*y  rent. 
Hating  and  avoiding  party,  rohle  mindeti,  indolent. 
Fearful  of  official  snares,  intrigue5.  and  intricate  aAair»; 
Him  you  mark:  you  fix  an«l  h<M>k  him,  whilst  h.'s  irapine  unawa;.-?; 
M  a  riing,  at  once  you  bring  him  luther  from  the  (  her*<>ncs«, 
1  v>wn  vou  cast  liim,  roast  and  biistc  him,  and  de\  ■";'■  li  :.  a;  your  etac 

ilron. 
Yes!  ass.nult,  insult,  abuse  riel  this  is  the  return  I  find 
For  the  noble  testimony,  the  memorial  I  designeil: 
Meaning  to  proj>ose  proposals  for  a  monument  of  stone. 
On  ihe  which  your  late  achievements  should  W  carved  and  neatly  donet 

Choj-u*. 
*.nn,  nwr.y  wiihhiml  the  slave!  thepompoiis. empty,  fawning tnare! 
Does  he  think  with  idle  speeches  to  delude  and  cheat  us  all, 
As  he  does  the  doling  elders  that  attend  his  daily  call  f 
Pelt  him  here,  and  bang  him  there ;  and  here  and  tKere  and  everrwhere. 

aeon. 
Save  me,  neighbours !  0  the  monsters !  O  my  side,  my  back,  my  breast ! 

Chont-K. 
What,  you're  forced  to  call  for  help?  you  brutal,  overbearing  pest.* 

^  S.  Of  the  prose  WTitors  of  this  period,  Thucydides  is  by  far 
the  greatest.  Herodotus,  who  belongs  to  tlie  saine  period,  aiid 
\yho  was  only  a  few  years  older  than  Thucydides,  ha5  been  no- 
ticed in  a  pre^■ious  chapter. 

Thucydides  was  an  Atlienian,  and  was  bom  in  the  year  47 1 
B.C.  His  father  was  named  Olonis,  and  his  mother  Hegesipyle. 
and  his  family  was  connected  witli  that  of  Miltiades  and  Cinton. 
Thucvdides  appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  w ealth  :  and  we  know 
from  his  own  account  that  he  pos^^ssed  gold  mines  in  Thrace, 
and  enjoyed  great  inliuence  in  that  counlrj-.  ^Ve  also  leam 
fnim  liimself  that  he  was  one  of  the  sulierers  from  the  great 
plague  at  Athens,  and  among  the  few  who  recovered.  He  com- 
manded an  Athenian  squadron  of  seven  ships  at  Thasos,  in  4*24 
B.C..  at  the  time  when  Brasidas  was  besieging  Amphipolis:  and. 
having  failed  to  reheve  that  city  in  time,  he  went  into  a  volun- 
tan-  exile,  in  order  probably  to  avoid  the  punishment  of  death. 
He  appears  to  have  sj>ent  20  years  iu  banishment,  principally  in 

*  Translated  bv  Mr.  Frere. 


Cli.vi.  WXV.  Till  CVDlDlvS      XK.Ndilli 'N.  41V 

the  IVlojMiiiiu'siis,  tir  in  j)liU't's  muk  r  tlu'  ilonimicm  or  iiiHui-iu-o 
<il>!ji;iifa.  lit-  |)i'ili!i|is  ntiiiiiitl  In  Alliens  ill  u.c.  40j,  tlu*  iluto 
ul  its  lilifialum  l)\  Tlua.syliulusj.  Aoi'uiiliufi  to  the  iiiiaiiiiiioiig 
ti'stinictiiy  <il' .lulitjiiity  he  nn-t  with  a  viuKtit  eiul,  ujul  it  si-fins 
piolialili-  tliat  III'  was  a!;has^ilult^'cl  at  Allu-Ui!,  mico.  it  oaiiiiot  bo 
tloiibtttl  tliat  lirs  tomb  rxisti-ii  thoiv  ;  but  f^titne  authnnties  plaeo 
till'  ^c•l•u^.'  lit  bis  (li-atli  in  Tliiafi".  From  tlio  bi'»innin<»  ol  the 
IVliijK)niu'sian  war  lu'  bad  tli'siffiu'tl  to  writi'  iti^  bistory,  and  ho 
finployi'd  bimsL'll  in  I'liliti-tinfi;  niatfriuls  liir  that  juniJice  during 
its  ooiilimiaiiiv  ;  but  it  is  most  bki'ly  that  the  \Muk  was  not 
ai'tnally  i"«)iii|)o.<ed  till  alUT  tliti  conolusion  of  the  war,  and  that 
be  was  en«ra<fed  upon  it  at  the  tirne  ol"  his  death.  Sonio  critics 
are  even  olopinion  that  the  btli  and  eoneluding  bock  is  not  (Vom 
bis  hand  ;  but  there  fceenis  to  be  little  ground  lor  this  ai^snnip- 
fioii,  thoii;,'h  he  may  not  have  reviK'd  it  with  the  farne  eare  as 
the  loiiiu'r  bonks. 

^^lu•b  are  all  tlie  aiillienlie  partieulars  that  ean  bo  stated  re- 
^peetillg  the  greatest  oi  the  Athenian  historians.  It  is  only 
iieeessary  to  add  a  short  aeeount  ol' bis  work.  The  fust  book  is 
iiitroiiuetory,  and  eoiitains  a  rapid  sketeh  ol"  Gieeian  history 
Iniiii  the  remotest  times  to  the  breaking  out  olthe  war,  aeetm- 
jiaiued  with  Sii  i  X|,iai;ation  ol'  the  events  and  causes  which  led 
to  It,  and  a  thgression  on  the  rise  and  jirogrets  ol'  tlie  Athenian 
power.  The  remaining  seven  beoks  are  tilled  with  the  details 
oltlie  war,  related  aeeordiiig  to  the  division  into  summers  and 
winters,  into  wliieli  all  eampaigns  naturally  fall  ;  and  tlie  work 
liieaks  oir  abruptly  in  the  midiUe  of  the  Vilst  year  of  the  war 
(lie.  111).  It  is  probable  that  the  division  ol  his  history  into 
biKiks  was  the  work  of  the  Alexandrine  critics,  and  that  as  it 
came  from  the  bands  of  the  author  it  formed  a  continuous  nar- 
rative. The  materials  of  Thueydides  were  collected  with  the 
most  scrupulous  eare  ;  the  events  are  related  with  the  strictest 
impartiality  ;  and  the  work  jindiably  ofli'rs  a  more  exact  account 
ol  a  long  and  eventlul  period  than  any  other  conlempurarv  his- 
tory, whether  ancient  or  modern,  ol  an  eepially  long  and  import- 
ant sera.  The  style  of  Thueydides  is  brief  and  seiiteiitii  us,  and 
ulietber  in  moral  or  jKililieal  reasoning,  or  in  description,  gains 
vsoiulerful  lt»ree  from  its  condensation.  It  is  this  brevity  and 
bimplieity  that  renders  bis  aeeount  of  the  plague  of  Athens  so 
striking  and  tragic,  iiut  this  characteristic  issometinus  carrii'U 
to  a  laulty  extent,  so  as  to  render  Ins  ^tvll•  llal^ll,  and  bih  mean- 
ing obwure. 

i  '.).  Xenoplioii  pidjterly  belongs  to  the  next  period  of  tirecian 
bistor;-,  but  the  subject  of  the  earlier  portion  of  his  History  is 
fcu   intimalely  connected    villi   the  woik   of  'l"liiicydides,  tliat  it 


41'2  II1.ST(;KV  OF  GlilOICGJi  Cuap.  XXXV 

Avill  1)0  more  conveni(;iit  to  Hj)L'ak  ol"  him  in  the  present  ]»laco 
'vciii)|)lii)u  was  the  son  of  (xryUus,  an  Atlienian,  and  was  prrr 
h:ihly  hoiu  ahout  H.c.  411.  Sn-rates  is  said  to  have  i^aveil  liis 
hie  in  th(j  hattle  olDehum,  wiiieh  was  lbn<(ht  in  u.c.  421,  and 
as  we  know  tliat  he  lived  to  a  much  later  period,  he  could  hardly 
have  heen  m;)re  than  20  at  the  time  ol"  tliis  battle.  Xenophon 
was  a  pupil  of  Socrates,  and  wo  are  also  told  that  he  received 
instructions  from  Prodicus  of  Cleos,  and  from  Isocrates.  His 
accompanying  (Jyrus  the  yonni^cr  in  his  expedition  again.st  his 
brotiier  ArLaxer.V3s,  king  of  Persia,  Ibrmed  a  striking  epi.sfjde  in 
his  life,  and  has  boLsn  recorded  by  him.self  in  his  Annhasis  ;  but 
as  we  sliall  have  occa.sion  to  relate  this  event  in  our  next  book, 
we  need  not  touch  upon  it  here.  He  seems  to  have  been  still 
in  Asia  at  the  time  of  the  death  of  Socrates  in  399  b.c,  and  was 
probably  bauLshed  from  Athens  soon  after  that  period,  in  con.se- 
quence  of  his  close  connexion  with  the  Lacedaemonian  autho- 
rities in  Asia.  He  accompanied  Agc^ilaus,  the  Spartan  king,  on 
the  return  of  the  latter  from  Asia  to  Greece  ;  and  he  Ibught 
along  with  the  Lacedajmonians  against  his  own  countrymen  at 
the  battle  of  Coronea  in  391  e.g.  After  this  battle  he  went  with 
Agesilaus  to  Sparta,  and  soon  afterwards  settled  at  Scillus  in 
Elis,  near  Olympia,  where  he  was  joined  by  his  wife  and  children. 
His  time  seems  to  have  been  agreeably  spent  at  this  residence 
in  hunting,  and  other  rural  diversions,  as  Avell  as  in  literary  pur- 
suits ;  and  he  is  said  to  have  compcsed  here  his  Atuibusis,  and  a 
part,  if  not  the  whole  of  the  Hcllcnica.  From  this  quiet  retreat 
lie  was  at  length  expelled  by  the  Eleans,  but  at  Avhat  date  is 
uncertain  ;  though  he  seems  at  all  events  to  have  spent  at  least 
20  years  at  this  place.  His  sentence  of  banishment  from  Athens 
was  repealed  on  the  motion  of  Eubulus,  but  in  what  year  we  do 
not  know.  His  two  sous,  Gryllus  and  Diodorus,  are  said  to  have 
fought  with  the  Athenians  and  Spartans  against  the  Thebans,  at 
the  battle  of  Mautinea  in  362.  There  is,  however,  no  evidence 
that  Xenophon  ever  returned  to  Athens.  He  seems  to  have 
retired  to  Corinth  after  his  expulsion  from  Elis,  and  it  is  pro- 
2>able  that  he  died  there.  He  is  said  to  have  lived  to  more  than 
90  years  of  age,  and  he  mentions  an  event  which  occured  as  late 
as  357  B.C. 

Probably  all  the  works  of  Xenophon  are  still  extant.  The 
Anabasis  is  the  work  on  which  his  fame  as  an  historian  chiefly 
rests.  It  is  written  in  a  simple  and  agreeable  style,  and  conveys 
much  curious  and  striking  information.  The  Helloiica  is  a  con- 
tinuation of  the  history  of  Thueydides,  and  comprehends  in 
seven  books  a  space  of  about  48  years  ;  namely,  from  the  time 
when  Thueydides  breaks  off,  B.r.  411,  to  the  battle  of  Mautinea 


Chap.  XXXV.  SOPHISTS.  413 

in  362.  The  subject  is  treated  in  a  very  diy  and  uninteresting 
style;  and  his  evident  partiaUty  to  Sparta,  and  dishke  of" Athens, 
have  frequently  M'arped  his  judgment,  and  must  cause  his  state- 
ments to  be  received  with  some  suspicion.  The  CyroiJceitia,  one 
of  the  most  pleasing  and  popular  of  Xenophon's  works,  professes 
to  be  a  history  of  Cyrus,  the  founder  of  the  Persian  monarchy, 
but  is  in  reality  a  kind  of  political  romance,  and  possesses  no 
authority  whatever  as  an  historical  Avork.  The  design  of  the 
author  seems  to  have  been  to  draw  a  picture  of  a  perfect 
state  ;  and  though  the  scene  is  laid  in  Persia,  the  materials  of 
the  work  are  derived  from  his  own  philosophical  notions  and  the 
usages  of  Sparta,  engrafted  on  the  popularly  current  stories  re- 
specting Cyrus.  Xenophon  displays  in  this  work  his  dislike  of 
democratic  institutions  like  those  of  Athens,  and  his  preference 
for  an  aristocracy,  or  even  a  monarchy.  Xenophon  was  also  the 
author  of  several  minor  works ;  but  the  only  other  treatise  which 
we  need  mention  is  the  Memorabilia  of  Socrates,  in  four  books, 
intended  as  a  defence  of  his  master  against  the  charges  which 
occasioned  his  death,  and  which  undoubtedly  contains  a  genuine 
picture  of  Socrates  and  his  philosophy.  The  genius  of  Xenophon 
was  not  of  the  highest  order ;  it  was  practical  rather  than  specu- 
lative ;  but  he  is  distinguished  for  his  good  sense,  his  moderate 
views,  his  humane  temper,  and  his  earnest  piety. 

k  10.  In  closing  this  brief  survey  of  Athenian  literature,  it  is 
necessary  to  make  a  few  remarks  upon  Athenian  education,  and 
upon  tlie  greatest  teacher  of  his  age — the  philosopher  Socrates. 

A  certain  amount  ef  elementary  education  seems  to  have  pre- 
vailed among  the  free  citizens  of  all  the  Grecian  states  at  the 
time  of  which  we  are  speaking.  Instruction  was  usually  im- 
parted in  schools.  The  peedagogue,  or  private  tutor,  was  not  a 
teacher  ;  he  was  seldom  a  man  of  much  knowledge — often 
indeed  a  slave — and  his  office  was  merely  to  watch  over  his 
pupils  in  their  idle  hours,  and  on  their  way  to  the  schools. 
When  a  youth  could  read  with  fluency,  he  was  set  to  learn 
by  heart  passages  selected  from  the  best  poets,  in  which  moral 
precepts  and  examples  of  virtuous  conduct  were  inculcated  and 
exhibited.  The  works  of  ^sop  and  Theognis  were  much  used 
for  this  purpose.  He  was  then  taught  those  accomplishments 
which  the  Greeks  included  under  the  comprehensive  head  of 
"music,"  and  which  comprised  not  only  the  art  of  playing  on  the 
lyre,  and  of  singing  and  dancing,  so  as  to  enable  him  to  bear  a 
part  in  a  chorus,  but  also  to  recite  poetical  compositions  with 
grace  and  propriety  of  accent  and  pronunciation.  At  the  same 
time  his  physical  powers  were  developed  and  strengthened  by  a 
course  of  gynuiastic  exercises.     At  the  age  of  18  or  20  the  sons 


4U  HISTORY  OF  GREECR  Ciur.  XXXV. 

of  tlic!  more  wci'iltliy  citizens  atlciidcd  the  classes  of  the  rhetors 
ami  sojdiists  who  gave  their  lectures  in  the  Lyceum,  Academy, 
or  other  similar  institutions  ; — a  course  somewhat  analogous  to 
entering  a  university  in  our  own  times.  Here  the  young  man 
studied  rhetoric  and  philosophy ;  under  which  lieads  were  in- 
cluded mathematics,  astronomy,  dialectics,  oratory,  criticism, 
and  morals. 

sWl.  It  will  be  perceived  from  the  above  sketch  tliat  the 
rhetor  and  so])liist — whose  provinces  were  often  comhined,  and 
are  generally  dillicult  to  distinguish  with  accuracy — played  the 
most  imj)ortant  part  in  the  iijrmation  of  the  future  man.  They 
gave  the  la.st  bias  to  his  mind,  and  sent  him  forth  into  the  world 
with  habits  of  thought  which  in  after  lile  he  would  perhaps  have 
neither  the  leisure  nor  the  inclination  to  alter,  or  even  to  exa- 
mine. Most  of  the  young  men  who  attended  their  lectures 
had  little  more  in  view  than  to  become  qualified  lijr  taking  a 
'pruclital  part  in  active  life.  The  demccratieal  institutions  which 
had  begun  to  prevail  in  Athens,  Sicily,  and  other  parts  of  Greece 
during  the  ililh  century  belbrc  the  Christian  a.'ra,  and  which 
often  obliged  a  public  man  to  confute  an  adversary,  to  deiend 
himself  I'rom  an  attack,  or  to  persuade  a  public  assembly,  ren- 
dered it  necessary  for  him  to  obtain  some  knowledge  of  rhetoric 
and  dialectics.  It  was  lor  this  purpose  that  the  schools  of  the 
rhetors  and  sophists  were  frccpiented  by  the  great  mass  <.f  their 
hearers,  without,  perhaps,  much  care  lor  their  speculative  prin- 
ciples except  so  far  as  they  might  serve  as  exercises  to  sharpen 
dialectic  skill.  Among  the  most  eminent  of  these  teachers  in 
the  time  of  Socrates  were  Protagoras  of  Abdera,  Gorgias  of 
Leontini,  Polus  of  Agrigentum,  Hippias  of  Elis,  Prodieus  of  Ceos, 
and  others.  As  rhetorical  instructors  they  may  be  compared 
with  Isocrates  or  Q,uintilian ;  but,  generally  speaking,  there  was 
more  or  less  of  philosophical  speculation  mixed  up  with  their 
teacliing. 

The  name  of  "  Sophist"  borne  by  these  men  had  not  origin- 
ally that  invidious  moaning  which  it  came  to  possess  in  later 
times.  In  its  ?arly  use  it  meant  only  a  wise  or  a  clever  man. 
Thus  it  was  apjjlied  to  the  seven  sages,  and  to  the  poets,  such  as 
Homer  and  Hesiod  ;  men  as  far  removed  as  possible  from  the 
notion  implied  in  the  modoni  term  sopltist.  The  word  seems 
to  have  retained  its  honourable  meaning  down  to  the  time  cf 
Socrates ;  but  Plato  and  Xenophon  began  to  use  it  in  a  depre- 
ciatory sense,  and  as  a  tenn  of  reproach.  "Whenever  they 
wished  to  speak  of  a  truly  wise  man  they  preferred  the  word 
"  philosopher."  It  may  therefore  be  inferrecl  that  the  name  cf 
"Sophist"  began  to  fall  into  contempt  tlirough  the  teaching  of 


Chap.  XXXV.  SOCRATES.  413 

Socrates,  more  especially  as  we  find  that  Socrates  himself  shrank 
from  the  name. 

^12.  Bat  the  relation  of  Socrates  to  the  Sophists  will  be  Lest 
shown  by  a  brief  account  of  his  life. 

Socrates  was  born  in  the  year  468  c.c.  in  the  deme  of  Alopecc, 
in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  Athens.  His  father,  Sj- 
phroniscus,  was  a  sculptor,  and  Socates  was  brovight  up  to,  and 
for  some  time  practised,  the  same  profession.  A  group  of  the 
Charities  or  Graces,  from  his  chisel,  was  preserved  in  the  Acro- 
polis of  Athens,  and  was  extant  in  the  time  of  Pausanias.  His 
mother,  Phsnarete,  was  a  midwife.  Thus  his  station  in  life  was 
humble,  but  his  family  was  of  genuhie  Attic  descent.  He  was 
married  to  Xanthippe,  by  whom  he  had  three  sons  ;  but  her 
bad  temper  has  rendered  her  name  proverbial  for  a  conjugal 
scold.  His  physical  constitution  was  healthy,  robust,  and  won- 
derfully enduring.  Indiilerent  alike  to  heat  and  cold,  the  same 
scanty  and  homely  clothing  suthced  him  both  in  summer  and 
winter  ;  and  even  in  the  campaign  of  Potidaja,  amidst  the  snows 
of  a  Thracian  winter,  he  went  barefooted.  He  was  moderate 
and  frugal  in  his  diet,  yet  on  occasions  of  festival  could  drink 
more  wine  than  any  other  man  without  being  intoxicated.  It 
was  a  principle  with  him  to  contract  his  wants  as  much  as  pos- 
sible ;  for  he  had  a  maxim  that  to  want  nothing  belonged  only 
to  the  gods,  and  to  want  as  little  as  possible  was  the  nearest 
approach  to  the  divine  nature.  But  though  thus  gifted  with 
strength  of  body  and  of  mind,  he  was  far  from  being  endowed 
with  personal  beauty.  His  thick  lips,  flat  nose,  and  prominent 
eyes,  gave  him  the  appearance  of  a  Silenus,  or  satyr.  We  know 
but  few  particulars  of  his  life.  He  served  with  credit  as  an 
hoplite  at  Potida3a  (b.c.  432),  Delium  (b.c.  424),  and  Amphipolis 
(b.c.  422)  ;  but  it  was  not  till  late  in  life,  in  the  year  406  b.c, 
that  he  filled  any  political  oflice.  He  was  one  of  the  Prytanes 
when,  after  the  battle  of  Arginusw,  Callixenus  submitted  his 
proposition  respecting  the  six  generals  to  the  public  Assembly, 
and  his  refusal  on  that  occasion  to  put  an  iniconstitutional  ques- 
tion to  the  vote  has  been  already  recorded.*  He  had  a  strong 
persuasion  that  he  was  intrusted  with  a  divine  mission,  and  he 
believed  himself  to  be  attended  by  a  daemon,  or  genius,  whose 
admonitions  he  frequently  heard,  not,  however,  in  the  way  of 
excitement  but  of  restraint.  He  never  wrote  anything,  but  he 
made  oral  instruction  the  great  business  of  his  life.  Early  in 
the  morning  he  frequented  the  public  walks,  the  gymnasia,  and 
the  schools  ;  wlicnce  he  adjourned  to  the  market-place  at  its 

*  Seo  p.  Stin. 


410  IIISTOIIY  OK  CIUIKCR  Chap.  XXXV 

luosl  crow'drd  liour^i,  iind  tluis  s|)<'iit  tin;  ^\llolo  day  in  convers- 
ing' vvitli  y()un<:f  and  old,  rich  and  jxtor, — with  all  in  bliorl  who  felt 
any  dt-siro  lor  his  instructions.  There  was,  however,  a  certain  set 
ol' persons  who  were  in  the  hahit  oirollowing  hirn  to  hear  his  con- 
versation, and  tlie.sc  became  known  as  his  disciples. 

From  this  public  manner  oC  life,  he  became  one  of  the  best 
known  characters  in  Athens,  and  this  circumstance  was  probably 
the  reason  why  he  was  selected  lor  attack,  as  the  representative 
of  the  Sophists  in  freneral,  by  Aristophanes  and  the  comic  poets, 
But  the  picture  ol"  Aristojjhanes  .shows  that  he  either  did  not 
know,  or  was  not  solicitous  about,  the  real  objects  and  pursuits 
of  Socrates  :  his  only  object  seems  to  have  been  to  rai.se  a  laugh. 
The  dramatist  represents  Socrates  as  occupied  with  physical  re- 
searches. But  though  in  early  life  Socrates  had  paid  .some  atten- 
tion to  natural  philosophy,  he  soon  abandoned  the  study  in  disgust, 
from  reading  a  treatise  ot  Anaxagoras,  in  which  he  found  that  the 
philosopher's  hypotheses  were  not  sustained  by  any  basis  of  rea.son- 
ing.  This  led  Socrates  to  turn  his  attention  to  dialectics.  In  this 
pursuit  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  he  derived  great  assistance 
from  the  Eleatic  school  of  philosophers,  especially  Parrnenides 
and  Zeno,  who  visited  Athens  w'hen  Socrates  was  a  young  man. 
Ho  seems  to  have  borrowed  from  the  Eleatics  his  negative 
method  ;  namely,  that  of  disproving  and  upsetting  what  is  ad- 
vanced by  a  disputant,  as  a  means  of  unmasking  not  only  false- 
hood, but  also  assertion  without  authority,  yet  without  attempting 
to  establish  anything  in  its  place. 

S^  13.  We  are  now  in  a  condition  to  see  in  what  points  Socrates 
dilFered  from  the  ordinary  teachers  or  Sophists  of  the  time. 
They  were  these  :  1.  He  taught  without  fee  or  reward,  and  com- 
nunucated  his  instructions  freely  to  high  and  low,  rich  and  poor 
alike.  2.  He  did  not  talk  for  mere  vain  shoAv  and  ostentation, 
but  for  the  sake  of  gaining  clear  and  distinct  ideas,  and  thus  ad- 
vancing both  himself  and  others  in  real  knowledge.  It  was  with 
this  view  that  he  had  abandoned  physics,  which,  in  the  manner 
in  which  they  were  then  taught,  were  Ibunded  merely  on  guesses 
and  conjectures,  and  had  applied  himself  to  the  study  of  his  fel- 
low men,  which  opened  a  surer  field  of  observation.  And  in  order 
to  arrive  at  clear  ideas  on  moral  subjects,  he  was  the  first  to  em- 
ploy definition  and  inference,  and  thus  confine  the  discourse  to 
the  eliciting  of  truth,  instead  of  making  it  the  vehicle  for  empty 
display.  A  contrary  practice  on  these  two  points  is  what  con- 
stituted the  dilierence  between  Socrates  and  the  Sophists. 

The  teacliing  of  Socrates  forms  an  epoch  in  the  histoiy  of 
philosophy.  From  his  school  sprang  Plato,  the  founder  of  the 
Academic  philosophy  ;    Euclides,  the  founder  of  the  Megaric 


Chap.  XXXV.  SOCRATES.  417 

school ;  Aristippus,  the  founder  of  the  Cyrenaic  school ;  and  many 
other  philosophers  of  eminence. 

^14.  That  a  reformer  and  destroyer,  like  Socrates,  of  ancient 
prejudices  and  fallacies  which  passed  current  under  the  name  of 
■wisdom  should  have  raised  up  a  host  of  enemies  is  only  what 
might  he  expected  ;  but  in  his  case  this  feeling  was  increased  by 
the  manner  in  which  he  fulfilled  his  mission.  The  oracle  of 
Delphi,  in  response  to  a  question  put  by  his  friend  Chajrephcn, 
had  affirmed  that  no  man  was  wiser  than  Socrates.  No  one  was 
more  perplexed  at  this  declaration  than  Socrates  himself,  since 
he  was  conscious  to  himself  of  possessing  no  wisdom  at  all. 
However,  he  determined  to  test  the  accuracy  of  the  priestess,  for . 
though  he  had  little  wisdom,  others  might  have  still  less.  He 
therefore  selected  an  eminent  politician  who  enjoyed  a  high 
reputation  for  wisdom,  and  soon  elicited  by  his  scrutinising  me- 
thod of  cross-examination,  that  this  statesman's  reputed  wisdom 
was  no  wisdom  at  all.  But  of  tliis  he  could  not  convince  the 
subject  of  his  examination  ;  whence  Socrates  concluded  that  he 
was  wiser  than  this  politician,  inasmuch  as  he  was  conscious  of 
his  own  ignorance,  and  therefore  exempt  from  the  error  of  be- 
lieving himself  wise  when  in  reality  he  was  not  so.  The  same 
experiment  was  tried  with  the  same  result  on  various  classes 
of  men  ;  on  poets,  mechanics,  and  especially  on  the  rhetors  and 
sophists,  the  chief  of  all  the  pretenders  to  wisdom. 

^15.  The  first  indication  of  the  unpopularity  which  Socrates 
had  incurred  is  the  attack  made  upon  him  by  Aristophanes  in 
the  "  Clouds"  in  the  year  423  B.C.  That  attack,  however,  seems 
to  have  evaporated  with  the  laugh,  and  for  many  years  Socrates 
continued  his  teaching  without  molestation.  It  was  not  till 
B.C.  399  that  the  indictment  was  preferred  against  him 
which  cost  him  his  life.  In  that  year,  Meletus,  a  leather-seller, 
seconded  by  Anytus,  a  poet,  and  Lycon,  a  rhetor,  accused  hini 
of  impiety  in  not  worshi23ping  the  gods  of  the  city,  and  in 
introducing  new  deities,  and  also  of  being  a  corrupter  of  youth. 
With  respect  to  the  latter  charge,  his  former  intimacy  with  Al- 
cibiades  and  Critias  may  have  weighed  against  him.  Socrates, 
made  no  preparations  for  his  defence,  and  seems,  indeed,  not  to 
have  desired  an  acquittal.  But  although  he  addressed  the  di- 
casts  in  a  bold  uncompromising  tone,  he  was  condemned  only  by 
a  small  majority  of  five  or  six  in  a  court  composed  of  between 
five  and  six  hundred  dicasts.  After  the  verdict  was  pronounced, 
he  was  entitled,  according  to  the  practice  of  the  Athenian  courts, 
to  make  some  counter-proposition  in  place  of  the  penalty  of 
death,  which  the  accusers  had  demanded,  and  if  he  had  done  so 
with  any  show  of  submission  it  is  probable  that  the  sentence 


418 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXV. 


would  liavc  boon  milif?atcd.  But  liis  tono  after  llie  verdict  was 
li!<!;Iu'r  tliaii  boi'ore.  All  that  ho  could  bo  brought  to  projx)»e 
atrainst  liiinsolf  by  way  of  ])uni.shinent  was  a  iiuc  of  30  mince, 
which  IMato  and  other  friends  enfrajrod  to  pay  for  him.  Instead 
of  a  fine,  he  assorted  that  he  ouj^dit  to  be;  maintained  in  the  Pry- 
tanoum  at  the  public  expense,  as  a  public  benolactor.  This  tone 
soenis  to  have  enraged  the  dicasts,  and  he  was  condemned  to 
death. 

It  happened  tliat  the  vessel  wliieh  jirocecded  to  Delos  on  the 
annual  dej)utation  to  the  festival  had  sailed  the  day  before  his 
condemnation  ;  and  during  its  absence  it  was  unlawful  to  put  any 
one  to  death.  Socrates  was  tlms  kept  in  prison  during  30  days, 
till  the  return  of  the  vessel.  Ho  spent  the  interval  in  philo- 
sopliical  conversations  with  his  friends.  Crito,  one  of  these, 
arranged  a  scheme  for  his  escape  by  bribing  the  gaoler  ;  but 
Socrates,  as  might  be  expected  from  the  tone  of  liis  defence, 
resolutely  refused  to  save  his  life  by  a  breach  of  the  law.  His 
last  discourse,  on  the  day  of  his  death,  turned  on  the  inunor- 
tality  of  the  soul,  and  has  boon  recorded,  and  probably  em- 
bellished, in  the  Phccdo  of  Plato.  With  a  firm  and  cheeri'ul 
countenance  he  drank  the  cup  of  hemlock  amidst  his  sorrowing 
and  weeping  friends.  His  last  words  were  addressed  to  Crito  : — 
"  Crito,  we  owe  a  cock  to  /Esculapius  ;*  discharge  the  debt,  and 
by  no  moans  omit  it." 

Tims  perished  the  greatest  and  most  original  of  the  Grecian 
philosophers,  whoso  uninspired  wisdom  made  the  nearest  ap- 
proach to  the  divine  morality  of  the  Gospel. 

*  In  allusion  to  the  sacrifice  usually  offered  by  sick  persons  to  that 
deity  on  their  recovery. 


ecu  K  PATH  C 
Bust  of  Socrates. 


The  Pactolus  at  Sardis. 


BOOK  V. 

THE  SPARTAN  AND  TIIEBAN  SUPREMACIES. 

B.C.  403—371. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  THE  GREEKS  UNDER  CYRUS,  AND  RETREAT 
OF  THE  TEN  THOUSAND. 

§  1.  Causes  of  the  Expedition.  §  2.  Cj'nis  engages  an  army  of  Greek 
mercenaries.  Their  character.  §  3.  March  to  Tarsus.  §  4.  Discon- 
tent of  tlie  Greeks.  March  to  Myriandrus.  §  5.  Passage  of  the  Eu- 
phrates, and  mai-ch  througli  the  desert.  §  G.  Battle  of  Cunaxa,  and 
death  of  Cyrus.  §  7.  Dismay  of  the  Greeks.  Preparations  for  retreat. 
S  8.  Retreat  of  tl»e  army  to  the  Greater  Zab.  Seizure  of  the  generals. 
§  9.  Election  of  Xcnophon  and  others  as  generals.  §  10.  March  from 
the  Zab  to  the  confines  of  the  Carduchi.  March  across  the  mountains 
of  the  Carduchi.  §  11-  Progress  through  Armoiiin.  §  12.  March 
throutrh  the  country  of  the  Taochi,  ChalyV)cs,  Scythini,  Maerones.  and 
Colchi  to  Trapezus  on  the  Euxine.  §  13.  March  along  the  coast  of 
the  Euxine  to  Chrysopolis.     Passage  to  Byzantium.     §  14.  Proceed- 


•120  HISTORY  OF  GREECIl  Chap.  XXXVL 

imjH  111  I'.yziiiiliiim.  g  ITj.  Tin;  Grcflts  fiitfr  tlm  P(;rvicc  of  Seiithcs. 
§  J(i.  An;  (Migu^cd  hy  tlic  J>ii(M;(Ja-iiioiiiiuiH.  J.di-I  cxploitH  of  the  uniiy, 
and  retiieiiifiit  of  Xt-noplion. 

^  1.  TiiK  intervi'iitioii  of  Cyrus  in  llio  adiiirs  of  Greece,  related 
in  llic  prceediiig  ]«)ok,  led  to  a  reinarkaMo  ejjisode  in  Grecian 
history,  wliich  strongly  illustrates  the  contrast  between  the 
Greeks  and  Asiatics.  This  was  the  celebrated  expedition  of 
Cyrus  against  his  brother  Artaxerxes,  in  which  the  superiority 
of"  Grecian  to  Asiatic  soldiers  was  so  strikingly  shown.  It  was 
the  first  symptom  of  the  repulsion  of  the  tide  of  conquest,  which 
had  in  former  times  flowed  from  east  to  west,  and  the  harbinger 
of  tho.se  future  victorious  expeditions  into  Asia  which  were  to 
be  conducted  by  Agesilaus  and  Alexander  the  Great. 

It  has  been  already  mentioned,  in  the  account  of  the  death  of 
Alcibiades,  that  Cyrus  was  forming  designs  against  the  throne 
of  his  brother  Artaxerxes.  The  death  of  their  father,  Darius 
Nothus,  took  })lace  about  the  beginning  of  the  year  u.c.  401, 
shortly  before  the  battle  of  JEgospotami.  Cyrus,  who  was  pre- 
sent at  his  father's  death,  was  charged  by  Tissaphernes  with 
plotting  against  the  new  monarch.  The  accusation  was  believed 
by  Artaxerxes,  who  seized  his  brother,  and  would  have  put 
him  to  death,  but  for  the  intercession  of  their  mother,  Parjsatis, 
who  persuaded  him  not  only  to  spare  Cyrus,  but  to  confirm  him 
in  his  former  government.  Cyrus  returned  to  Sardis,  burning 
with  revenge,  and  fully  resolved  to  make  an  effort  to  dethrone 
his  brother. 

^  2.  From  his  intercourse  with  the  Greeks  Cyrus  had  become 
aware  of  their  superiority  to  the  Asiatics,  and  of  their  usefelness 
in  such  an  enterprise  as  he  now  contemplated.  The  peace  which 
followed  the  capture  of  Athens  seemed  favourable  to  his  projects. 
Many  Greeks,  bred  up  in  the  practice  of  war  during  the  long 
struggle  between  that  city  and  Sparta,  were  now  deprived  of 
their  employment,  whilst  many  more  had  been  driven  into  exile 
by  the  establishment  of  the  Spartan  oligarchies  in  the  various 
contpiered  cities.  Under  the  pretence  of"  a  private  war  with  the 
satrap  Tissaphernes,  Cyi-us  enlisted  large  numbers  of  them  in 
his  service.  The  Greek,  in  whom  he  placed  most  confidence,  and 
who  collected  for  him  the  largest  number  of  mercenaries,  was 
Clearchus,  a  Laceda?monian,  and  formerly  harmost  of  Byzantiimi, 
who  liad  been  condemned  to  death  by  the  Spartan  authorities 
for  disobedience  to  tJieir  orders. 

It  was  not,  however,  till  the  beginnuig  of  the  year  B.C.  401, 
that  the  enterprise  of  Cyrus  was  ripe  for  execution.  The  Greek 
levies  were  then  withdrawn  from  the  various  townrs  in  which 
thev  Avere  distributed,  and  concentrated  in  Sardis  to  the  number 


422  HISTORY  OV  flRKF/;!-:  Chap.  XXXVl 

of  7  700  hoplitcs,  and  500  lif^lil-ariiH'd  iKKips;  and  in  Mardi  or 
April  of  lliis  jL-ar  Cyrus  iiiarclifd  fiom  S.irdi.s  willi  llii-rn,  and 
witli  ail  army  of  100,000  Asiatics.  Tin:  object  of  the  fxjx'dition 
was  ])r()(;lauaL"d  to  hn  an  attack  ujum  tliu  riiountain-frcelKKjtcrs 
of  Pisidia  ;  its  real  destination  was  a  secret  to  every  one  except 
Cyrus  himself  and  Cleardiiis. 

The  Greeks  who  took  part  in  this  expedition  were  not  mere 
adventurers  and  outcasts  ;  many  of  thern  had  some  position  in 
their  own  cities,  and  several  were  even  opulent.  Yet  tlic  hope  of 
gain,  founded  on  tlie  riches  of  Persia,  and  on  the  known  liberality 
of  Cyrus,  was  the  motive  which  allured  them.  Arncnig  them  was 
Xcnophon,  an  Atlienian  knight,  to  whom  we  owe  a  narrative  of 
the  expedition.  He  went  as  a  volunteer,  at  the  invitation  of  his 
friend  I'roxenus,  a  Boeotian,  and  one  of  the  generals  of  Cyrus. 

^  3.  The  march  of  Cvrus  was  directed  through  Lydia  and 
Phrygia.  After  passing  Colossie  he  arrived  at  Cela;na;,  where  he 
halted  thirty  days  to  await  the  arrival  of  Ck-archus  with  the  re- 
serves and  reinlorcements.  Tiie  grand  total  of  the  Greeks,  when 
reviewed  here  by  Cyrus,  amounted  to  11,000  hoplites  and  2000 
peltasts.  The  line  of  march,  which  had  been  hitherto  straight 
npon  Pisidia,  was  now  directed  northwards.  Cyrus  passed  in  suc- 
cession the  Phrygian  towns  of  Pelta?,  Ceramon  Agora,  the  Plain 
of  Cayster,  Thymbrium,  and  Tyriajum.  At  the  last  of  these 
places  he  was  met  by  Epyaxa,  wife  of  Syennesis  the  here- 
ditary prince  of  Cilicia.  Epyaxa  supplied  him  with  money 
enough  to  furnish  four  months'  pay  to  the  (j reeks,  who  had  pre- 
viously been  murmuring  at  the  irregularity  with  which  they 
received  their  stipend.  A  review  was  then  held,  in  which  the 
Greeks,  in  their  best  array,  and  with  newly-furbished  shields  and 
armour,  went  through  their  evolutions,  and  executed  a  mock 
charge  with  such  efl'ect  that  Epyaxa  jumped  out  of  her  palanquin 
and  fled  in  all'right,  followed  by  a  great  part  of  the  Asiatics. 
Cyrus  was  delighted  at  seeing  the  terror  which  the  Greeks  in- 
spired. 

From  Tyria^um  Cyrus  marched  to  leouium  (now  Konieli),  the 
last  city  in  Phrygia,  and  from  thence  through  Lycaonia  to  Dana, 
south  of  which  lay  the  pass  across  Mount  Taurus  into  Cilicia. 
This  pass,  called  the  Gates  of  Taurus,  or  the  Cilician  Gates,  was 
occupied  by  Syennesis.  But  the  resistance  of  that  prince,  Mho 
was  a  vassal  of  the  Persian  crown,  was  in  fact  a  mere  feint.  He 
had  already,  as  we  have  seen,  supplied  Cyrus  with  money  through 
his  wife  ;  and  he  now  abandoned  his  impregnable  position,  and 
retired  first  to  Tarsus,  and  thence  to  an  inaccessible  fortress  in 
the  mountains.  But,  when  Cyrus  arrived  at  Tarsus,  Syennesis, 
at  the  first  invitation  of  his  wife,  repaired  thither,  and  furnished 


B.C.  401.  PASSAGE  OF  THE  EUPHRATES.  423 

the  young  prince  with  a  supply  of  money  and  a  contingent  of 
troops  for  his  expedition. 

§  4.  Pisidia  had  now  been  passed,  and  the  Greeks  plainly  saw 
that  they  had  been  deceived,  and  that  the  expedition  was  de- 
signed against  the  Persian  king.  Seized  with  alarm  at  the  pro- 
spect of  so  long  a  march,  they  declared  their  resolution  to  pro- 
ceed no  farther.  But  they  had  already  advanced  so  far  that  to 
retreat  seemed  as  difficult  and  dangerous  as  to  advance  ;  and, 
after  considerable  hesitation  and  delay,  they  sent  a  deputation 
to  Cyrus  to  ask  him  what  his  real  intentions  were.  Cyrus  re- 
plied that  his  design  was  to  march  against  his  enemy,  Abrocomas, 
satrap  of  Syria,  who  was  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates. 
The  Greeks,  thcugh  they  still  suspected  a  delusion,  contented 
themselves  with  this  answer  in  the  face  of  their  present  diffi- 
culties, especially  as  Cyrus  promised  to  raise  their  pay  from  one 
Daric  to  one  Daric  and  a  half  a  month.  The  whole  army  then 
marched  forwards  to  Issus,  the  last  town  in  Cilicia,  seated 
on  the  gulf  of  the  same  name.  Here  they  met  the  fleet,  which 
brought  them  a  reinforcement  of  1100  Greek  soldiers,  thus 
raising  the  Grecian  force  to  about  14,000  men. 

Abrocomas,  who  commanded  for  the  Great  King  in  Syria  and 
Phcenicia,  alarmed  at  the  rapid  progress  of  Cyrus,  fled  before 
him  with  all  his  army,  reported  as  300,000  strong  ;  abandoning 
the  impregnable  pass  situated  one  day's  march  from  Issus,  and 
known  as  the  Gates  of  Cilicia  and  Syria.  This  pass  was  a  narro^v 
road,  nearly  half  a  mile  in  length,  lying  between  the  sea  and 
Mount  Amanus,  and  enclosed  at  either  end  by  gates.  Marching 
in  safety  through  this  pass,  the  army  next  reached  Myriandrus, 
a  sea-port  of  Phoenicia,  where  the  Grecian  generals  Xenias  and 
Pasion  deserted,  and  hired  a  merchant-vessel  to  convey  them 
home.  Cyrus  might  easily  have  captured  them  with  his  triremes, 
but  declined  to  do  so  ; — conduct  which  won  for  him  the  confidence 
and  love  of  the  army. 

^  5.  Cyrus  now  struck  off  into  the  interior,  over  Mount  Ama- 
nus. Twelve  days'  march  brought  him  to  Thapsacus  on  the 
Euphrates,  where  for  the  first  time  he  formally  notified  to  the 
army  that  he  was  marching  to  Babylon  against  his  brother 
Artaxerxes.  At  this  intelligence  loud  murmurs  again  broke  forth 
from  the  Grecian  ranks,  and  accusations  against  the  generals  ct 
having  deceived  them.  The  discontent,  however,  was  by  no 
means  so  violent  as  that  which  had  been  manifested  at  Tarsus. 
The  real  object  of  the  march  had  evidently  been  suspected 
beforehand  by  the  soldiers,  and  the  premise  of  a  large  donativo 
soon  induced  them  to  proceed.  The  water  happened  to  be  very 
low,  scarcely  reaching  to  the  breast ;  and  Abrocomas  made  no 


424  HISTORY  OF  CKVA-TAl  Ciiai-.  XXXVI. 

attempt  to  dispute  the  passage.  Thr;  army  now  enterefl  upon 
ihe  (le.sert,  where  the  (t reeks  were  struek  witli  tlie  mncl  hijrhts 
whieh  uiet  their  view,  and  at  ouce  amused  and  exhau.sted  them- 
selves iu  the  ch'Ase  of"  the  wild  a.ss  antl  the  aulelnpc,  or  in  the 
vain  pursuit  of  the  scuddiufr  oslrieh.  Alter  several  days  of  toil- 
some mareh,  the  army  at  leiijrlh  rt^acheil  I'yla;,  llie  enlraiiee  into 
the  cultivated  plains  of  Babylonia,  where  tliey  halted  a  few  days 
to  refresh  themselves. 

\  G.  Soon  after  leaving  that  place  symptoms  became  per- 
ceptible of  a  vast  hostile  force  moving  in  their  front.  The 
exaggerated  reports  of  deserters  stated  it  at  1,200,00U  men  ;  its 
real  strength  was  about  1)00,000.  In  a  characteristic  address 
Cyrus  exliortcd  the  Greeks  to  take  no  heed  of  the  multitude  of 
their  enemies  ;  they  would  find  in  them,  he  affirmed,  nothing  but 
numbers  and  noise,  and  if  they  could  bring  them-selves  to  despise 
the.se,  they  would  soon  find  of  what  worthless  stufT  the  natives 
were  compo.sed.  The  army  then  march<'d  cautiously  forwards, 
in  order  of  battle,  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Euphrates.  Tiiey 
soon  came  upon  a  huge  trench,  30  feet  broad  and  lb  deep,  which 
Artaxerxes  had  cau.sed  to  be  dug  across  the  plain  for  a  length 
of  about  42  English  miles,  reaching  from  the  Euphrates  to  the 
wall  of  Media.  Between  it  and  the  river  was  left  only  a  narrow 
passage  about  20  feet  broad  ;  yet  Cyrus  and  his  army  ibund  with 
surprise  that  this  pass  was  left  entirely  undefended.  This  cir- 
cumstance inspired  them  with  a  contempt  of  the  enemy,  and 
induced  them  to  proceed  in  careless  array  ;  but  on  the  next  day 
but  one  after  passing  the  trench,  on  arriving  at  a  place  called 
Cuudxa,  they  were  surprised  with  the  intelligence  that  Artaxerxes 
was  approaching  with  all  his  forces.  Cyrus  immediately  drew  up 
his  army  in  order  of  battle.  The  Greeks  were  posted  on  the 
right,  whilst  Cyrus  himself,  surrounded  by  a  picked  body-guard 
of  600  Persian  cuirassiers,  took  up  his  station  in  the  centre.  It 
was  long,  however,  before  the  army  of  the  Great  King  appeared 
in  sight.  A  white  cloud  of  dust  in  the  extreme  distance  gave  the 
first  indication  of  their  approach.  Out  of  this  an  undefined  and 
ominous  dark  spot  began  gradually  to  emerge  ;  presently  arms 
and  armour  glanced  in  the  sunbeams  ;  and  at  length  the  whole 
array  of  the  enemy  became  discernible,  advancing  in  dense  and 
threatening  masses.  On  their  left  wing,  and  consequently  op- 
posed to  the  Greeks,  appeared  Tissaphernes,  at  the  head  of  the 
Pei-sian  horsemen,  with  white  cuirasses  ;  on  his  right  the  Persian 
bowmen  with  their  gcrrka,  or  light  wicker  shields,  which  they 
planted  in  the  ground,  and  from  behind  them  shot  their  arrows  ; 
next,  the  array  of  the  Egyptian  infantry,  whose  long  wooden 
sliields  '■•overed  their  whole  body  from  head  to  foot.     In  front 


B.C.  401.  BATTLE  OF  CUNAXA.  425 

was  a  line  of  chariots,  having  scythes  attached  to  the  wheels,  and 
which  were  to  lead  the  charge.  The  Persian  line  was  so  vast 
that  its  centre  extended  beyond  the  left  of  Cyrus.  Before  the 
battle  began  Cyrus  desired  Clearchus  to  attack  the  Persian 
centre,  where  the  king  in  person  was  posted.  But  Clearchus, 
whose  right  rested  on  the  river,  cared  not  to  withdraw  from  that 
position,  lest  he  should  be  surrounded  by  the  superior  numbers 
of  the  enemy,  and  therefore  returned  a  general  answer  that  he 
would  manage  everything  for  the  best.  His  over-precaution  oc- 
casioned the  defeat  and  death  of  Cyrus.  When  the  enemy  were 
about  half  a  mile  distant,  the  Greeks  chai-ged  them  with  the 
usual  war-shout.  The  Persians  did  not  await  their  onset,  but 
turned  and  fled.  Tissaphernes  and  his  cavalry  alone  ofiered  any 
resistance  ;  the  remainder  of  the  Persian  left  was  routed  without 
a  blow.  As  Cyrus  was  contemplating  the  easy  victory  of  the 
Greeks,  his  followers  surrounded  him,  and  already  saluted  him 
with  the  title  of  king.  But  the  centre  and  right  of  Artaxerxes 
still  remained  unbroken ;  and  that  monarch,  unaware  of  the 
defeat  of  his  left  wing,  ordered  the  right  to  wheel  and  encompass 
the  army  of  Cyrus.  No  sooner  did  Cyru?;  perceive  this  move- 
ment than  with  his  body-guard  he  impetuously  charged  the 
enemy's  centre,  where  Artaxerxes  himself  stood,  surrounded  with 
6000  horse.  The  latter  were  routed  and  dispersed,  and  were  fol- 
lowed so  eagerly  by  the  guards  of  Cyrus,  that  he  was  left  almost 
alone  with  the  select  few  called  his  "  Table  Companions."  In  this 
situation  he  caught  sight  of  his  brother  Artaxerxes,  whose  per- 
son was  revealed  by  the  flight  of  his  troops,  when,  maddened  at 
once  by  rage  and  ambition,  he  shouted  out,  "  I  see  the  man  1" 
and  rushed  at  him  with  his  handful  of  companions.  Hurling 
his  javelin  at  his  brotber,  he  wounded  him  in  the  breast,  but 
was  himself  speedily  overborne  by  superior  nmnbers  and  slain 
on  the  spot. 

§  7.  Meanwhile,  Clearchus  had  pursued  the  flying  enemy  up- 
wards of  tbree  miles  ;  but  hearing  that  the  Kings  troops  were 
victorious  on  the  left  and  centre,  he  retraced  his  steps,  again 
routing  the  Persians  who  endeavoured  to  intercept  him.  When 
the  Greeks  regained  their  camp  they  found  that  it  had  been 
completely  plundered,  and  were  consequently  obliged  to  go  sup- 
perless  to  rest.  It  was  not  till  the  following  day  that  they 
learned  the  death  of  Cyrus ;  tidings  which  converted  their 
triumph  into  sorrow  and  dismay.  A  Greek  in  the  service  of 
Artaxer.xes  now  appeared  in  tbeir  camp,  with  a  message  re- 
quiring them  to  lay  dov/n  tbeir  arms.  "  If  the  King,"  replied 
the  Grecian  generals,  "tbiiiks  himself  strong  enough,  let  him 
come  and  take  theiu."     But  they  were  in  a  diflicult  position. 


426  JIISTORV  OF  (JliKKCK  Ciiai-.  XXX VL 

Tlu-y  wore  desirous  tliat  Arifrus,  wlio  iu)\v'  cornriifUKlffl  ihc  anny 
oi  Cyrus,  should  lay  claiin  to  llic  I'l-rsiau  crown,  and  oiii-rcd  1o 
su])j»ort  liis  j)rcl(usions  ;  but  Aria-us  answmd  that  the  I't-rsian 
{rrandc'cs  would  not  tolerate  sueh  a  elairu  ;  that  lie  intende*!  iiri- 
inediali'ly  to  retreat;  and  that  if  the  (ireeks  wislied  to  aeeorn- 
jjaiiy  hiui,  they  must  join  liiin  duriujr  the  Hillowii.fr  iii<.'ht.  This 
was  aeeordiufrly  done  ;  when  oaths  of  recijimral  fidelity  were 
iuterelianped  hetweeu  tlie  Greeiau  generals  and  Aria.-us,  and 
sanetilied  by  a  solemn  saerilire. 

The  ditlieult  question  now  arose  how  tlieir  retreat  was  to  be 
conducted.  They  were  nearly  1500  miles  irorn  Sardis,  and  were 
to  lind  their  own  way  back,  without  priides,  and  by  a  new  route, 
since  the  former  one  was  impracticable  on  account  of  the  desert 
and  the  want  of  provisions.  Moreover,  tliouph  they  miplit  easily 
defy  the  Persian  infantry,  however  numerous,  yet  tlie  Persian 
cavalry,  ever  hovering  on  their  rear,  would  prove  a  formidable 
obstacle  to  their  retreat.  They  commenced  their  march  ea.st- 
wards  towards  some  Babylonian  villages,  where  they  hoped  to 
find  supplies  ;  but  on  reaching  tliem  at  the  end  ol"  a  long  day's 
march,  they  found  that  they  had  been  plundered,  and  that  no 
provisions  were  to  be  obtained. 

On  the  following  day  a  message  arrived  from  the  Persian  king, 
with  a  proposal  to  treat  for  peace  on  equal  temis.  Clearchus 
afi'ected  to  treat  the  otI(?r  with  great  indilierence,  and  made  it  an 
opportunity  for  procuring  provisions.  '■  Tell  your  king,"  said  he 
to  the  envoys,  "  that  we  must  first  fight ;  for  we  have  had  no 
breakfast,  nor  will  any  man  presume  to  talk  to  the  Greeks  about 
a  truce,  without  first  providing  for  them  a  breakfast."  This 
was  agreed  to,  and  guides  were  sent  to  conduct  the  Greeks  to 
some  villages  where  Ihey  might  obtain  food.  In  these  all  the 
riches  of  Babylon  were  spread  before  them.  Com  in  vast  abun- 
dance, dates  of  such  size  and  flavour  as  they  had  never  before 
seen,  wine  made  from  the  date  palm  ;  in  short,  luxun,-  and 
abundance  in  place  of  their  late  scanty  fare  and  privations. 
Whilst  they  were  enjoying  thece  quarters,  they  received  a  visit 
from  Tissa])hernes,  who  came  in  great  state.  He  pretended 
much  friendship  towards  them,  and  said  that  he  had  come  from 
the  Great  King  to  inquire  the  reason  of  their  expedition.  Cle- 
archus replied — Avliat  was  indeed  true  of  the  greater  part  of  the 
army — that  they  had  not  come  thither  with  any  design  to  attack 
the  king,  but  had  been  enticed  forwards  by  Cyrus  undvr  false 
pretences;  that  their  only  desire  at  present  was  to  return  home  ; 
but  that  if  any  obstacle  was  otlered,  they  Avere  prepared  to  repel 
hostilities.  In  a  day  or  two  Tissaphernes  returned,  und  with 
some  parade  stated  that  he  had  with  great  diiiiculty  obtained 


B.C.  401.  RETREAT  OF  THE  GREEKS.  427 

permission  to  save  the  Greek  army  ;  that  he  was  ready  to  con- 
duct them  in  person  into  Greece,  and  to  supply  them  with 
provisions,  for  which,  however,  they  were  to  pay ;  but  if  he 
tailed  to  supply  them,  then  they  were  to  be  at  liberty  to  help 
themselves.  An  agreement  was  accordingly  entered  into  to  this 
effect. 

Artaxerxes,  indeed,  seems  to  have  been  heartily  desirous  of 
getting  rid  of  them.  They  were  now  within  90  miles  of  Baby- 
ion,  in  a  rich  country  intersected  by  canals,  and  easily  defensible 
against  cavalry.  But  a  painful  interval  of  twenty  days  ensued 
during  Avhicli  Tissaphernes  neglected  to  return  ;  whilst  at  the 
same  time  the  suspicions  of  tiie  Greeks  were  excited  by  the 
friendly  messages  which  Ariaeus  received  from  Artaxerxes,  with 
promises  of  oblivion  and  forgiveness  of  his  past  conduct.  At 
length,  however,  TissapheruLj  returned,  and  undertook  the  di- 
rection of  the  homeward  march. 

^8.  The  xroops  of  Ariajus  were  now  mingled  with  those  of 
Tissaphernes,  whilst  the  Greeks  followed  the  combined  army 
at  a  distance  of  three  miles.  In  three  days'  march  they  reached 
the  wall  of  Media,  and  passed  through  it.  This  wall  was  100 
feet  high  and  20  feet  broad,  and  was  said  to  extend  a  distance 
of  70  miles.  Two  days  more  brought  them  to  the  Tigris,  which 
they  cro-ssed  on  the  following  morning  by  a  bridge  of  boats. 
They  then  marched  northward,  arriving  in  four  davs  at  the  river 
Physcus  and  a  large  city  called  Opis.  Six  days'  further  march 
through  a  deserted  part  of  Media  brought  them  to  some  villages 
belonging  to  queen  Parysatis,  which,  out  of  enmity  to  her  as 
the  patron  of  Cyrus,  Tissaphernes  abandoned  to  be  plundered 
by  the  Greeks.  From  thence  they  proceeded  in  five  days  to  the 
river  Zabatus,  or  Greater  Zab,  having  previously  crossed  the 
Lesser  Zab,  which  X^'uojihon  neglects  to  mention.  In  the  first 
of  these  five  days  tliey  saw  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Tigris 
a  large  city  called  CsenfB,  the  inhabitants  of  which  brought 
over  provisions  to  them.  At  the  Greater  Zab  they  halted 
three  days.  Mistrust,  and  even  slight  hostilities,  had  been 
already  manifested  between  the  Greeks  and  Persians,  but  they 
now  became  so  serious  that  Clearchus  demanded  an  interview 
with  Tissaphernes.  The  latter  protested  the  greatest  fidelity 
and  friendship  towards  the  Greeks,  and  promised  to  dehver  to 
the  Greek  generals,  on  the  following  day,  the  calunmiators  who 
had  set  the  two  armies  at  variance.  But  when  Clearchus,  with 
four  other  generals,  accompanied  by  some  lochages,  or  captains, 
and  200  soldiers,  entered  the  Persian  camp,  according  to  appoint- 
ment, the  captains  and  soldiers  were  immediately  cut  down ; 
whilst  the  five  generals  were  seized,  put  into  irons,  and  sent  to 


428  HISTORY  OF  (JIIKKCK.  Ciiai-.  XXXVI. 

tlio  Persian  court.  AlU-r  a  .yliort  iiii|irirf()iirM<;iit,  four  of  tlicrn 
were  beheaded  ;  the  liilh,  Meiioii,  wlio  pretended  lliat  lie  liad 
betrayed  his  coUea^'ues  into  the  liands  ol  Tissajilienies,  warf  at 
first  spared  ;  hut  alter  a  year's  delcntion  was  j)Ut  to  death  with 
tortures. 

This  scene!  n.ilurally  pniihicrd  ;i  connnotion  in  the  Persian 
camp  ;  and  the  (i  reeks  who  observed  it  Iroin  afar,  warned  by  one 
ot'  the  conijianions  ol"  tlie  f.'enerals,  who  carne  runnin<(  wounded 
towards  theui,  ruslied  to  arms  in  expectation  of  a  peneral  attack. 
None,  liowever,  lijUowed  ;  but  Aria;us  rode  up  at  the  liead  of 
300  horse,  and  relatin<^  to  the  Greeks  the  fate  of  iheir  generals, 
called  upon  them  to  surrender. 

§  9.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  opinion  of  the  Persians  that 
under  these  circumstances  the  Greeks  would  feel  themselves 
completely  helpless  ;  but  some  of  the  Greek  oflicers  stepped 
forward  and  dismissed  Aria-us  with  indifmant  reproaches.  Yet 
apprehension  and  dismay  reigned  among  the  Greeks.  Their 
situation  was,  indeed,  appalling.  They  were  considerably  more 
than  a  thousand  miles  from  home,  in  a  hostile  and  unknown 
country,  hemmed  in  on  all  sides  by  impassable  rivers  and  moun- 
tains, without  generals,  without  guides,  without  ])rovisions. 
Despair  seemed  to  have  seized  on  all.  Leaving  their  watch- 
ilres  unlighted  and  their  suppers  uncooked,  tliey  threw  tliem- 
sclves  on  the  ground,  not  to  sleep,  but  to  ruminate  on  tiicir 
forlorn  condition.  Xenophon  slumbered,  indeed,  but  his  fancy 
was  filled  with  the  images  naturally  conjured  up  by  his  des)jeratc 
situation.  He  dreamed  that  a  thunderbolt  had  struck  his  pa- 
ternal house,  and  enveloped  it  in  fiames.  This  partly  favourable 
and  partly  unfavourable  omen  indicated  at  all  events  a  message 
from  Jove ;  and  the  superstition  which  formed  so  marked  a  trait 
in  his  character,  led  him  to  consider  it  as  a  warning  to  rise  and 
bestir  himself.  He  immediately  got  up,  and  calling  an  assembly 
of  the  captains,  impressed  upon  them  the  danger  of  their  posi- 
tion, and  the  necessity  ior  taking  immediate  precautions.  Xeno- 
phon, though  young,  possessed  as  an  Athenian  citizen  some 
claim  to  distinction ;  and  his  animated  address  showed  liim 
fitted  for  command.  He  was  saluted  general  on  the  spot ;  and 
in  a  subsequent  assembly  was,  with  i'our  others,  lbrn)-dly  elected 
to  that  ollice. 

s^  1 0.  The  (xreeks,  liavinglu'st  destroyed  their  superfluous  baggage, 
crossed  the  G  reater  Zab,  and  pursued  their  march  on  the  other  bank. 
Tissaphernes  preceded  them  with  )iis  host,  hut  without  daring 
to  dispute  their  passage  or  molest  their  route  :  though  some 
cavalry,  under  Mithridates,  annoyed  the  rear  guard  with  their 
missiles.      In  order  to  meet  this  species  of  attack,  a  small  body 


B.C.  401.  RETREAT  OF  THE  GREEKS.  429 

of  50  horse  and  200  Rhodian  glingcrs  was  organized.  It  was 
found  highly  useful,  as  the  leaden  bullets  of  the  Rhodians  car- 
ried farther  than  the  stones  of  the  Persian  slingers.  Another 
day's  march  brought  the  (-rreeks  to  the  Tigris,  near  the  deserted 
city  of  Larissa,  7  miles  in  circumference,  with  walls  25  feet  thick 
and  100  ieet  high.  Pursuing  the  course  of  the  Tigris  they  ar- 
rived on  the  following  day  at  Mespila,  another  deserted  city.  It 
was  in  this  neighbourhood  that  Nineveh  was  situated,  and, 
according  to  a  moderr.  theory,  the  two  were  both  formerly  com- 
prised under  the  name  of  Nnieveh.  Larissa  seems  to  be  repre- 
sented by  the  mound  now  called  Nimroud,  and  Mespila  by  that 
of  Kotajunjik,  opposite  the  modern  town  of  Mosul. 

The  march  from  Mespila  to  the  mountainous  country  of  the 
Carduchi  occupied  several  days,  in  which  the  Greeks  sufiered 
much  from  the  attacks  of  the  enemy. 

sMl.  Their  future  route  was  now  a  matter  of  serious  per- 
plexity. On  their  left  lay  the  Tigris,  so  deep  that  they  could 
not  fathom  it  with  their  spears  ;  while  in  their  front  rose  the 
steep  and  lofty  mountains  of  the  Carduchi,  which  came  so  near 
the  river  as  hardly  to  leave  a  passage  for  its  waters.  A  Rhodian 
soldier  proposed  to  transport  the  army  across  the  Tigris  by 
means  of  inflated  skins  ;  hut  the  appearance  of  large  masses  of 
the  enemy's  cavalry  on  the  opposite  bank  rendered  this  inge- 
nious scheme  impracticable.  As  all  other  roads  seemed  barred, 
they  formed  the  resolution  of  striking  into  the  mountains  of  the 
Carduchi, — a  tribe  of  lierce  and  warlike  highlanders,  who,  though 
surrounded  on  all  sides  by  the  domuiions  of  the  Persian  king, 
had  succeeded  in  maintaining  their  independence.  On  the 
farther  side  of  these  mountains  lay  Armenia,  where  both  the 
Tigris  and  the  Euphrates  might  be  forded  near  their  sources. 
The  Clreeks  found  the  first  movnitain-pass  undefended,  and  de- 
scended thence  into  some  villages ;  but  all  their  attempts  to 
conciliate  the  inhabitants  proved  unavailing.  Every  pass  was 
disputed.  Sometimes  huge  rocks  were  hurled  down  on  the 
deliling  army  ;  sometimes  they  were  attacked  by  the  Carduchian 
slingers  and  bowmen.  The  latter  were  of  extraordinary  skill, 
and  their  bows  and  arrows  of  such  strength  as  to  pierce  the 
shields  and  corslets,  and  even  the  brazen  helmets  of  the  Greeks. 
After  a  diflicult  and  dangerous  march  of  seven  days,  during 
which  their  sufierings  were  far  greater  than  any  they  had  ex- 
perienced from  the  Persians,  the  army  at  length  emerged  into  the 
plain,  and  reached  the  river  Centrites,  the  boundary  of  Ar- 
menia. 

^  12.  Their  first  attempts  to  cross  the  Centrites  failed.  The 
cavalry  of  Tiribazus,  satrap  of  Armenia,  lined  the  opposite  baidc 


48U  HISTORY  OK  (JliKECE  Ciiai.  XXX VI. 

rtfllio  river,  which  was  200  fi-t-t  hroiul,  iij)  to  lliu  neck  in  depth, 
with  a  rapid  current,  and  sh|i|)ery  Ijottoiii.  All  llie  eliorlK  of 
the  (ireeks  to  l()nl  il  jiroved  ahortive;  and  aa  llie  Cardnohi 
were  threateniiifj  their  rear,  their  situation  seemed  ahofjether 
desperate.  On  the  liillowinff  inorinnir,  liowever,  two  youup  men 
fortunately  discovered  a  ford  ahout  half  a  mile  liifrher  up  the 
stream,  hy  which  the  whole  army  suceeded  in  gettirifr  across. 
They  now  prosecuted  their  march  in  Armenia,  and  in  three  clays 
arrived  at  some  villajfes  situated  on  the  river  Teleboas.  Here 
Tirihazus  proposed  to  thein  that  they  sliould  procec-d  unmolested 
throujrh  his  satrapy,  taking  what  supplies  they  wanted,  hut  with- 
out damagiufj;  the  villa<,'es.  Duriufr  the  first  part  of  tlieir  march 
Tirihazus  kept  his  Avord,  and  the  only  annoyance  they  lelt  was 
the  severity  of  the  weather.  It  was  now  the  month  of  December, 
and  Armenia  was  cold  and  exposed,  beinp  a  table-land  raised  hifrh 
above  the  level  of  the  sea.  \yhilst  haltinjj  near  some  well  sup- 
plied villajres,  the  (t reeks  Avere  overtaken  by  two  deep  falls  of 
snow,  which  almost  buried  them  in  their  open  bivouacs.  Hence 
a  five  days'  march  brought  them  to  the  eastern  branch  of  the 
Euphrates.  Crossing  the  river,  they  proceeded  on  the  other 
side  of  it  over  plains  covered  with  a  deep  snow,  and  in  the  face 
of  a  biting  north  wind.  Here  many  of  the  slaves  and  bea.«ts 
of  burthen,  and  even  a  few  of  the  soldiers,  fell  victims  to  the 
cold.  Some  had  their  feet  frost-bitten;  some  were  blinded  by 
the  snow  ;  whilst  others,  exhausted  with  cold  and  hunger,  sunk 
down  and  died.  The  army  next  arrived  at  some  singular  vil- 
lages consisting  of  dwellings  excavated  in  the  earth,  and  entered 
by  means  of  a  ladder  through  an  opening  like  a  well.  As  these 
villages  were  plentifully  stocked  with  cattle,  com,  vegetables, 
and  beer,  they  here  took  up  their  quarters  for  a  week,  in  order 
to  refresh  themselves.  On  the  morning  after  their  amval,  they 
despatched  a  detachment  which  brouglit  in  most  of  the  soldiers 
left  behind  during  the  march.  On  the  eighth  day  they  pro- 
ceeded on  their  way,  ascending  the  banks  of  the  Phasis.  not  the 
celebrated  river  of  that  name,  but  2)robably  the  one  usually  called 
Araxes. 

§  13.  From  thence  they  fought  their  Avay  through  the  country 
of  the  Taochi  and  Chalydes,  both  of  them  brave  and  warlike 
tribes.  Then,  after  crossing  the  Harpasus  (the  modern  2\/ioro//k), 
they  reached  the  country  of  the  Scythini,  in  whose  territory  they 
found  abundance  in  a  large  and  populous  city  called  Gynuiias. 
The  chief  of  this  place  having  engaged  to  conduct  them  within 
sight  of  the  Eiixine,  they  proceeded  for  five  days  mider  liis 
guidance  ;  when,  aftei-  ascending  a  mountain,  the  sea  suddenly 
burst  on  the  view  of  the  vanguard.     The  men  proclaimed  their 


B.C.  401.    AREIVE  AT  TRAPEZUS,  ON  THE  EUXINE.  431 

joy  by  loud  shouts  of  "  The  sea  I  the  sea  I"  The  rest  of  the 
army  hurried  to  the  summit,  and  gave  vent  to  their  joy  and 
exuhation  iir  tears  and  mutual  embraces.  With  spontaneous 
impulse  they  erected  a  pile  of  stones,  by  way  of  trophy,  to  mark 
the  spot ;  and  dismissed  their  guide  with  many  presents  and 
expressions  of  the  warmest  gratitude. 

The  Greeks  now  entered  the  country  of  the  Macrones,  with 
whom  they  opened  negotiations  through  a  peltast  conversant 
with  their  language,  and  agreed  for  an  unmolested  passage  and 
the  purchase  of  provisions.  The  Colchians,  through  whose  ter- 
ritory the  march  next  lay,  attempted  to  oppose  their  progress, 
but  were  soon  dispersed.  The  honey  of  this  region  produced  a 
singular  efiect  upon  the  Greeks.  It  was  grateful  to  the  palate, 
and  when  eaten  in  moderation  produced  a  species  of  intoxication  ; 
but  those  who  partook  largely  of  it  were  seized  with  vomiting 
and  diarrhoea,  and  thrown  into  a  state  resembling  madness. 

Two  days'  further  march  at  length  brought  them  to  the  ob- 
jects for  which  they  had  so  often  pined,  and  which  many  at  one 
time  had  never  hoped  to  see  again — a  Grecian  city  and  the  sea. 
By  the  inhabitants  of  Trapezus  or  Trebizond,  on  the  Euxine, 
where  they  had  now  arrived,  they  were  hospitably  received,  and 
being  cantoned  in  some  Colchian  villages  near  the  town,  re- 
freshed themselves  after  the  hardships  they  had  undergone  by  a 
repose  of  thirty  days.  They  also  seized  this  opportunity  to  dis- 
charge the  vows  which  they  had  made  for  a  safe  deliverance, 
after  the  capture  and  massacre  of  their  generals  by  Tissaphernes, 
by  ofiering  up  sacrifices  to  Jove  the  Preserver,  Hercules  the  Con- 
ductor, and  other  gods.  Solemn  games  followed  and  completed 
these  sacred  ceremonies. 

§  14.  The  most  difficult  part  of  the  return  of  the  Ten  Thou- 
sand was  now  accomplished,  but  much  still  remained  to  be  done. 
The  sight  of  the  sea  awakened  in  the  army  a  universal  desire  to 
prosecute  the  remainder  of  their  journey  on  that  element. 
"  Comrades,"  exclaimed  a  Thurian  soldier,  "  I  am  weary  of  pack- 
ing up,  of  marching  and  ruiniing,  of  shouldering  arms  and  falling 
into  line,  of  standing  sentinel  and  lighting.  For  my  part  I 
shonld  like  to  get  rid  of  all  these  labours,  and  go  home  by  sea 
the  rest  of  the  way,  so  that  I  might  arrive  in  Greece  outstretched 
and  asleep,  like  Ulysses  of  old."  The  shouts  of  applause  which 
greeted  this  address  showed  that  the  Thurian  had  touched  the 
right  chord  ;  and  when  Chirisophus,  one  of  the  principal  officers, 
oflered  to  proceed  to  Byzantium  and  endeavour  to  procure 
transports  tor  the  conveyance  of  the  army,  his  proposal  was  joy- 
fully accepted.  Meanwhile,  the  Ten  Thousand  were  employed 
in  marauding  expeditions,  and  in  collecting  all  the  vessels  possible, 


482  IIISTOUV  OF  (WIKI'X'H  Ciiai".  XXXVL 

in  r;is(*  r'liii  i>()|)lm.s  slioiild  liiil  iii  f)l)t;iiiiiii<.'  tin;  rfrjuisitc  sii)i|»ly. 
That  nlliccr  ilcl,i\c'il  1()  ictiirii  ;  provisions  frnnv  (?carc'(;,  :iii(J  the 
army  liiiiml  ilsrlf  cnnijicllrd  io  '•vacuatc  Trap-zus.  Vcsm'Is 
i:iu)ii;,'li  liail  liicii  cdlk-cU'd  to  lraM«|iort  tlir  woincii,  the  nick,  and 
the  bajr^'a;,'!'  to  L'Liasns,  whither  the  army  profcfdrd  by  land. 
Here  tliey  remained  ten  days,  dnrinj.'  which  tlicy  were  rnnstercd 
and  reviewed  ;  when  it  was  found  tliat  the  inirnljer  of  liophteg 
still  arnonnted  to  H()00,  and  with  peltasls,  bowmen,  ^c.  made 
a  total  of  more  than  lO.OiJO  rnen 

From  Gerasus  they  pnrsned  their  joiirnev  to  Cotyora,  throuj.di 
the  territories  of  the  Mosyna'ci  and  Clialyhes.  They  wereohlijreil 
to  fight  their  way  throu^rh  the  former  of  these  pefjjde,  caj)tnrinf{ 
and  i)lun(lerin<if  the  wooden  towers  in  which  they  dwelt,  and 
from  which  they  derived  their  name.  At  Cotyora  tliey  waited 
in  vain  for  Chirisophus  and  the  transports.  Many  difrieiiltics 
still  stood  in  the  way  of  their  return.  The  inhabitants  of  Sinope 
re])re.sented  to  them  that  a  march  through  Paphlagonia  was  im- 
practicable, and  the  means  of  a  passage  by  sea  were  not  at 
hand.  After  remaining  45  days  at  Cotyora  a  sufficient  number 
of  vessels  was  collected  to  convey  the  arrny  to  Sino})e.  A  pas- 
sage of  24  hours  brought  them  to  that  town,  where  they  were 
hospitably  received  and  lodged  in  the  neighbouring  sea-port  of 
Arrnene.  Here  they  were  jonied  by  Chirisophus,  M'ho,  however, 
brought  with  him  only  a  single  trireme.  From  iSinojie  the  army 
proceeded  to  Heraclea,  and  from  thence  to  Calpe,  where  Chiri- 
sophus died.  From  Calpe  they  marched  across  Bithynia  to 
Chrysopolis,  a  town  immediately  opposite  to  Byzantium,  where 
they  spent  a  week  in  realizing  the  booty  -which  they  had  brought 
Avith  them. 

^  15.  The  satrap  Pharnabazus  was  desirous  that  the  Greeks 
should  evacuate  Asia  Minor  ;  and,  at  his  instance,  Anaxibius, 
the  Lacedaemonian  admiral  on  the  station,  induced  them  to  cross 
over  by  promising  to  provide  tliem  with  pay  Avhen  they  should 
liave  reached  the  other  side.  But  instead  of  fulfilling  his  agree- 
ment, Anaxibius  ordered  them,  after  their  arrival  at  Byzantium, 
to  proceed  to  the  Thraeian  Chersonese,  where  the  Lacedaemonian 
harmost,  Cyniscus,  would  find  them  pay  ;  and  during  this  long 
march  of  150  miles  they  were  directed  to  suj)port  themselves  by 
plundering  the  Thraeian  villages.  Preparatory  to  the  march 
they  were  ordered  to  muster  outside  the  walls  of  Byzantium. 
But  the  (t reeks,  irritated  by  the  deception  Avhich  had  been 
practised  on  them,  and  which,  through  want  of  caution  on  the 
part  of  Anaxibius,  became  knoAvn  to  them  before  they  had  all 
quitted  the  town,  prevented  the  gates  from  being  closed,  and 
rushed  in  infuriated  masses  back  into  the  citv,  utterinjr   loud 


B.C.  400.  RETURN  TO  EUROPE.  433 

threats  and  bent  on  plunder  and  havoc.  The  hves  and  property 
of  the  citizens  were  at  their  mercy ;  for  at  the  first  alarm  Anaxi- 
bius  had  retired  with  his  troops  into  the  citadel,  Vvhilst  the 
afi'righted  inhabitants  were  either  barricading  their  houses,  or 
flying  to  the  ships  for  refuge.  In  this  conjuncture  Xenophon 
felt  that  the  destruction  of  a  city  like  Byzantium  would  draw 
down  upon  the  army  the  vengeance  not  merely  of  the  Lacedae- 
monians, but  of  all  Greece.  \\  ith  great  presence  of  mind,  and 
under  colour  of  aiding  their  designs,  he  caused  the  soldiers  to 
form  in  an  open  square  called  the  Thracian,  and  by  a  well-timed 
speech  diverted  them  from  their  designs. 

Shortly  afterwards,  the  army  entered  into  the  service  of 
Seuthes,  a  Thracian  prince,  who  was  anxious  to  recover  his 
sovereignty  over  three  revolted  tribes.  But  after  they  had  ac- 
complished this  object,  Seuthes  neglected  to  provide  the  pay 
which  he  had  stipulated,  or  to  fulfil  the  magnificent  promises 
which  he  had  made  to  Xenophon  personally,  of  giving  him  his 
daughter  in  marriage,  and  putting  him  in  possession  of  the  town 
of  Bisanthe. 

The  army,  now  reduced  to  GOOO,  was  thus  again  thrown  into 
difficulties,  when  it  entered  on  the  last  phase  of  its  checkered 
career  by  engaging  to  serve  the  Lacedfemonians  in  a  war  which 
they  had  just  declared  against  the  satraps  Tissaphernes  and 
Pharnabazus.  Xenophon  accordingly  conducted  his  comrades  to 
Pergamus  in  Mysia,  where  a  considerable  booty  fell  into  their 
bonds  by  the  capture  of  a  castle  not  far  from  that  place.  Xeno- 
phon was  allowed  to  select  the  choicest  lots  from  the  booty  thus 
acquired,  as  a  tribute  of  gratitude  and  admiration  for  the  ser- 
vices which  he  had  rendered. 

Shortly  after  this  adventure,  in  the  spring  of  B.C.  399,  Thim- 
bron,  the  Lacedaemonian  commander,  arrived  at  Pergamus,  and 
the  remainder  of  the  Ten  Thousand  Greeks  became  incorporated 
with  his  army.  Xenophon  now  returned  to  Athens,  where  he 
must  have  arrived  shortly  after  the  execution  of  his  master 
Socrates.  Disgusted  probably  by  that  event,  he  rejoined  his 
old  comrades  in  Asia,  and  subsequently  returned  to  Greece  along 
with  Agesilaus,  as  we  have  already  related.* 

*  See  p.  412. 
U 


Chora"ic  Monument  of  Lvsicrates. 


CHAPTER  XXXYII. 


FROM    THE    COMMEsrCEMENT    OF     THE    SPARTAN    EMPHIE    TO    THE 
BATTLE    OF    CNIDUS. 

§  1.  Invasion  and  reduction  of  Elis  bj- King  Agis.  §2.  Ambitions  pro- 
jects of  Lysander.  §  3.  He  procures  the  throne  for  Agesilaus.  g  4. 
Character  of  Agesilaus.  §  5.  >' at ure  of  the  Spartan  empire.  §  6.  Af- 
fairs of  Asia  Minor.  §  7.  Agesilaus  proceeds  thither.  §  8.  Mortifies 
Lysander.  §  9.  Campaigns  of  Agesilaus  against  Tissaphernes  and 
Pharnabazus.  §10.  Execution  of  Tissaphernes.  §11.  Proceedings 
of  Conon.  Rhodes  revolts  from  Sparta.  §  12.  Agesilaus  ravages  the 
satrapy  of  Pharnabazus.  Interview  between  them.  §  13.  Recall  of 
Agesilaus.     §  14.  Battle  of  C  nidus. 


B.C.  401.  ELIS  REDUCED  BY  KING  AGIS.  435 

^  1 .  Resuming  the  thread  of  the  narrative,  we  shall  now  briefly 
trace  the  history  of  the  Spartan  supremacy,  which  resulted  from 
the  battle  of  ^gospotami,  and  the  consequent  capture  of  Athens, 
related  in  the  precednig  book.  This  supremacy  lasted  altogether 
34  years,  from  the  victory  of  jEgospotami  in  B.C.  405  to  the 
defeat  of  Leuctra  in  b.c.  371.  It  was,  however,  only  during  the 
first  nine  years  of  this  period  that  Sparta  exercised  an  undis- 
puted sway  in  Greece,  since  the  battle  of  Cnidus,  fought  in  B.C. 
394,  deprived  her  of  her  maritime  ascendency,  and  consequently 
of  much  of  her  power. 

After  the  fall  of  Athens  Sparta  stood  without  a  rival  in  Greece. 
The  first  use  she  made  of  her  undisputed  power  was  to  take 
vengeance  on  her  neighbours  the  Eleans  fcr  some  wrongs  and 
insults  which  she  had  received  at  their  hands.  It  will  be  recol- 
lected that  in  the  year  in  which  Alcibiades  conducted  the  Athe- 
nian theory  at  Olympia  with  so  much  splendour,  the  Eleans  had 
excluded  the  Spartans  from  the  festival ;  and  moreover  that  they 
had  subsequently,  in  conjunction  with  Argos  and  Mantinea, 
borne  arms  against  Sparta.  To  these  causes  of  ofience  a  fresh 
insult  had  been  recently  added,  by  the  exclusion  of  King  Agis 
from  the  temple  of  Olympia,  whither  he  had  gone  to  otier  sa- 
crifice and  consult  the  oracle.  The  Spartans  also  viewed  with 
dislike  and  suspicion  the  democratical  form  of  government  esta- 
blished in  Eiis.  Accordingly,  they  now  demanded  that  the 
Eleans  should  make  good  then-  quota  of  the  expenses  of  the 
war  against  Athens,  and  also  that  they  should  relinquish  their 
authority  over  their  dependent  townships  in  the  district  of 
Triphyha.  Upon  the  refusal  of  the  Eleans  to  comply  with  these 
demands.  King  Agis  entered  their  territory  at  the  head  of  a 
Lacedaemonian  army  ni  the  summer  of  B.C.  402,  but  he  was  in- 
duced to  retire  and  disband  his  troops  by  the  unfavourable  omen 
of  an  earthquake.  In  the  following  year,  however,  he  resumed 
the  expedition  with  more  success.  Assisted  by  the  allies  of 
Sparta,  among  whom  even  the  Athenians  now  furnished  their 
contingent,  he  ravaged  and  plundered  the  territory  of  Elis,  per- 
formed by  force  the  sacrifice  at  Olympia  from  which  he  had 
been  debarred,  and  ultimately  compelled  the  Eleans  to  accept  a 
humiliating  peace.  Tliis  success  placed  Sparta  in  a  more  com- 
manding position  than  she  had  ever  before  occupied  ;  and  she  took 
advantage  of  it  to  root  out  her  ancient  enemies  the  Messenians, 
soma  of  whom  had  been  planted  by  the  Athenians  in  Naupactus, 
and  others  in  the  island  of  Cephallenia. 

^  2.  Meanwhile  the  overgrown  wealth  and  power  of  Lysander 
made  him  ill-satisfied  to  remain  in  the  condition  of  a  private 
citizen.     Stimulated  by  the  flattery  which  he  received  from 


436  JlIST(JliV  UI"  (illKKCE.  Chap.  XXXVIL 

every  quarter,  he  l)cf^aii  to  contemplate  MJttinjj  aside  the  two 
ropal  Ikmilies  of  Pansaiiias  and  Agis,  and  \ty  rendering  the  crown 
elective,  to  pave  the  way  lor  his  own  accession  to  it.  It  is  to  be 
recollected,  however,  that  at  Sparta  such  a  desigri  must  not  bo 
rcf^arded  in  quite  the  same  light  as  in  any  other  monarchy 
Although  the  two  chief  magistrates  there  enjoyed  the  title  of 
Basilfus,  or  King,  they  were  not  kings  in  the  modern  senK;  of  th<J 
term.  They  were  merely  hereditary  magistrates,  enjoving  indeed 
certain  privileges,  and  exercising  certain  dehnite  civil  and  military 
functions;  but  they  had  no  share  in  the  government,  which  was 
carried  on  by  the  Ephors  and  the  senate,  with  occasional  appeals 
to  the  public  assembly;  and  even  in  the  di.scharge  of  their  ap- 
pointed duties  they  were  subject  to  the  control  of  the  Ephors. 

^  3.  Aware  of  the  influence  of  religion  over  the  Spartan  mind, 
Lysander,  in  pursuance  of  his  .scheme,  endeavoured  by  bribery 
to  procure  for  it  the  sanction  of  the  oracles  of  Delphi,  Dodona, 
and  Jove  Ammon  in  Libya.  But  the  priests  of  those  famous 
temples  provmg  on  this  occasion  incorruptible,  lie  employed  his 
influence  in  obtaining  for  another  the  sceptre  which  had  eluded 
his  own  grasp.  About  a  year  after  his  campaign  in  Elis,  King 
Agis  died,  leaving  a  son  named  Leotychides,  about  fifteen  years 
of  age.  The  legitimacy  of  Leotychides  Avas  however  doubted, 
and  Agis  himself  suspected  him  to  be  the  ofi'spring  of  Alcibiades. 
Agesilaus,  the  younger  brother  of  Agis,  but  by  a  diflerent  mo- 
ther, took  advantage  of  these  doubts,  and  being  assisted  by  the 
powerful  influence  of  Lysander,  succeeded  in  setting  aside  Leo- 
tychides and  ascending  the  throne,  B.C.  398. 

^  4.  Agesilaus  was  now^  forty  years  of  age,  and  esteemed  a 
model  of  those  virtues  more  peculiarly  deemed  Spartan.  He  was 
obedient  to  the  constituted  authorities,  emulous  to  excel,  cou- 
rageous, energetic,  capable  of  bearing  all  sorts  of  hardship  and 
fatigue,  simple  and  frugal  in  his  mode  of  life.  To  these  severer 
qualities  he  added  the  popular  attractions  of  an  agreeable  coun- 
tenance and  pleasing  address.  The  character  of  Agesilaus  seems, 
however,  to  have  been  magnified  beyond  its  real  w^orth  by  the 
indiscriminating  panegyrics  of  his  biographers,  who  relate  of 
him  many  trivial  anecdotes  with  a  sort  of  unctuous  admiration  ; 
and  though  he  was  indisputably  a  good  general,  yet  his  cam- 
paigns present  us  with  little  that  is  striking  or  decisive.  Pre- 
viously to  his  accession  he  had  filled  no  prominent  public  office, 
and  his  character  consequently  remained  in  a  great  measure 
unknown  even  to  Lysander  himself;  who  erroneously  considered 
him  to  be  of  a  yielding  and  manageable  disposition,  and  hoped 
by  a  skilful  use  of  those  qualities  to  extend  his  own  influence, 
and  under  the  name  of  another  to  be  in  reality  king  himself 


B.C.  398.  ACCESSION  OF  AGESILAUS.  437 

The  personal  defects  of  Agesilaus  at  first  stood  in  the  way  of 
his  promotion.  He  was  not  only  low  in  statnre,  but  also  lame 
of  one  leg ;  and  there  was  an  ancient  oracle  which  warned  the 
Spartans  to  bcM'are  "  of  a  lame  reign."  The  ingenuity  of  Lysan- 
der,  assisted  probably  by  the  popidar  qualities  of  Agesilaus, 
contrived  to  overcome  this  objection  by  interpreting  a  lame 
reign  to  mean  not  any  bodily  defect  in  the  king,  Dut  the  reign 
of  one  who  was  not  a  genuine  descendant  of  Hercules.  Once 
possessed  of  power,  Agesilaus  supplied  any  defect  in  his  title  by 
the  prudence  and  policy  of  his  conduct ;  and,  by  the  marked 
deference  which  he  paid  both  to  the  Ephors  and  the  senators, 
he  succeeded  in  gaining  for  himself  more  real  power  than  had 
been  enjoyed  by  any  of  his  predecessors.  The  very  beginning 
of  his  reign  was  threatened  by  the  conspiracy  of  Cinadon,  one 
of  the  poorer  class  of  citizens,  but  possessing  all  the  pride  of  an 
ancient  Spartan.  The  conspn-acy,  however,  was  discovered,  and 
Cinadon  and  his  accomplices  were  arrested  by  a  stratagem  of 
the  Ephors  and  put  to  death. 

^  5.  The  discontent  which  gave  birth  to  this  conspiracy  ori- 
ginated in  a  great  measure  from  the  altered  condition  of  Spartan 
citizens,  in  consequence  of  the  extension  of  Spartan  power  and 
dominion.  Sparta  had  now  stepped  into  the  place  of  Athens. 
In  the  various  cities  which  had  belonged  to  the  Athenian  em- 
pire, Lysander  established  an  oligarchical  Council  of  ten,  called 
a  DecJian/iy*  or  Decemvirate,  subject  to  the  control  of  a  Spartan 
Harmost\  or  governor.  The  Decarchies,  how^ever,  remained  only 
a  short  time  in  power,  since  the  Spartan  government  regarded 
them  with  jealousy  as  the  partisans  of  Lysander ;  but  Harmosts 
continued  to  be  placed  in  every  state  subject  to  their  empire. 
The  government  of  the  Harmosts  was  corrupt  and  oppressive ; 
no  justice  could  be  obtained  against  them  by  an  appeal  to  the 
Spartan  authorities  at  home  ;  and  the  Grecian  cities  soon  had 
cause  to  regret  the  milder  and  more  equitable  sway  of  Athens. 

The  commencement  of  the  Spartan  degeneracy  and  decay  may 
be  dated  from  her  entrance  uj)on  imperial  power.  Before  the 
victories  of  Lysander,  iron  had  formed  the  only  Spartan  money. 
That  commander  brought  vast  sums  of  gold  and  silver  into  the 
public  treasury,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  some  of  the  Ephors, 
who  regarded  such  a  proceeding  as  a  flagrant  violation  of  the 
ordinances  of  Lycurgus.  Several  instances  of  corruption  re- 
corded in  the  course  of  this  history  have,  however,  shown  that  the 
Spartans  \vere  far  from  insensible  to  the  love  of  money,  and  that 
they  contrived  to  gratify  it  even  under  the  old  system.     But 

*   \cKaQXia.  f  'AQ/ioar7j^,  lit3rally  "0.19  who  fits  or  arranges." 


438  HISTORY  ()V  (iVAlKCK.  Chap.  XXXVIl. 

properly  it<;:u(Ic(1,  .'iii  (•xtcMisioii  ui'  llic  fiiiiciiry  was  rendered 
neeetsury  by  the  altered  situalioii  iA  Sjtartu.  ll  would  liave 
Leeu  iiii|)()s.sible  to  iiiaiiitaiii  a  lar^c  Heel  and  a  eoloniul  einjjirc 
without  the  requisite  I'unds  ;  and  liow,  ibr  instanee,  could  a  re- 
venue oi"  lOOU  talents,  whieh  S[)arta  levied  iioin  the  aibject 
states,  have  been  re])resented  in  iron  money  ?  Whetlier  Isuarta 
had  now  entered  on  a  career  to  whieh  tlie  iiational  genius  was 
suited  is  another  question  ;  and  it  would  not  j>erhap8  l>e  diHi- 
cnlt  to  show  that  in  praspinjr  the  splendid  jirize  ol  empire,  she 
lost  those  homely  virtues  Mhir-h  previously  loniied  her  ehiei  dis- 
tinction, and  for  whieh  her  cliildreu  were  naturally  most  fitted. 
It  is  at  all  events  certain  that  the  influx  of  wealth  caused  a 
great  alteration  in  her  internal  condition.  It  was  only  the 
leading  men  who  were  enabled  to  enrich  themselves  by  foreign 
commands  or  at  the  exj)euse  of  the  public  trea.<ury.  Hence  aroHC 
a  still  more  marked  distinctien  between  the  higher  class  of'citizens, 
called  Peers,  and  the  lower,  called  the  Equals  or  tiie  Inferiors.* 
The  latter,  though  nominally  in  the  enjoyment  of  equal  privileges, 
were  no  longer  able,  in  consequence  of  the  altered  scale  of  livnig, 
to  bear  their  share  at  the  iSyssilia,  or  public  tables,  and  thu" 
sank  into  a  degraded  and  discontented  class,  in  whieh  Cinadoj 
found  the  materials  of  his  sedition. 

^  G.  The  aliairs  of  Asia  Minor  soon  began  to  draw  the  atten- 
tion of  Agesilaus  to  that  quarter.  The  assistance  lent  to  Cyrus 
by  the  Spartans  was  no  secret  at  the  Persian  court,  and  Tissa- 
pherncs,  who  had  been  rewarded  for  his  fidelity  with  the  satrapy 
of  Cyrus  in  addition  to  his  own,  no  sooner  returned  to  his  go- 
vernment than  he  attacked  the  Ionian  cities,  then  under  the 
protection  of  Sparta.  A  considerable  Laeediemonian  force  under 
Thimbron  was  despatched  to  their  assistance,  and  wliich,  as 
related  m  the  preceding  chapter,  was  joined  by  the  renniant  of 
the  Greeks  who  had  served  under  Cyrus.  Thimbron,  however, 
proved  so  ineliicieut  a  commander,  that  he  was  superseded  appa- 
rently at  the  end  of  399  or  beginning  of  396  u.c  ,  andDercylfidas 
appointed  in  his  place,  a  man  who  from  his  cunnnig  and  re- 
sources had  acquired  the  name  of  Sisyphus.  On  assuming  the 
connriand,  Dercyllidas  concluded  a  truce  with  Tissaphernes,  in 
order  that  he  might  direct  his  whole  force  against  Pharnahazus, 
from  whom  he  had  received  a  personal  injury.  He  overran  the 
greater  part  of  ./-Eolis  with  great  rapidity,  reducing  nine  towns 
in  eight  days,  and  took  np  his  winter  quarters  in  Bithynia. 
Early  in  the  ensuing  spring  he  ]iroceeded  into  Thrace,  where  lie 
built  a  wall  across  the  Chersonese,  to  protect  the  Grecian  colo- 

*  See  p.  62. 


B.C.  397.  WAR  IN  ASIA  MINOR.  439 

nies  from  the  attacks  of  the  barbarians  of  the  interior.  On  his 
return  to  Asia  lie  received  orders  from  the  Ephors  to  attack 
Tissapheracs  in  Caria,  wliilst  the  Lacedaemonian  fleet  under 
Pharax  co-operated  with  him  on  the  coast.  But  here  the  Per- 
eians  appeared  in  such  force,  the  two  satrap'^  having'  luiited  their 
amiies,  that  he  was  able  to  efiect  but  little;  ^nd  bemg  surprised 
in  an  uni'avorable  position  Avould  himself  have  sufl'ered  severely 
but  for  the  timidity  of  Tissaphernes,  who  was  afraid  to  venture 
upon  an  action.  Under  these  ■circumstances  an  armistice  was 
agi-eed  to  for  the  purpose  of  treating  for  a  peace.  Dercyllidas  de- 
manded on  the  part  of  the  Spartans  the  complete  independence 
of  the  Grecian  cities  in  Asia. :  the  Persians  on  their  side  required 
the  Lacedarnonians  to  withdraw  their  anny  from  Asia  as  well  as 
their  various  hai'mosts,  or  governors. 

This  armistice  took  place  in  397  c.c.  Pharnabasus  availed 
himself  of  it  to  make  active  preparations  for  a  renewal  of  the 
war.  He  obtained  large  reinforcements  of  Persian  troops,  and 
began  to  organize  a  fleet  in  Phoenicia  and  Cilicia.  This  was 
to  be  intrusted  to  the  Athenian  admiral  Conon,  of  whom  we  now 
first  hear  again  after  a  lapse  of  seven  years  since  his  defeat  at 
vEgospotami.  After  that  disastrous  battle,  Conon  fled  with  9 
triremes  to  Cyprus,  where  he  was  now  living  under  the  protec- 
tion of  Evagoras,  prince  of  Salamis.  At  the  instance  of  Pharna- 
bazus,  seconded  by  Evagoras,  Conon  consented  to  accept  the 
command  of  the  Persian  fleet,  which  was  to  be  raised  to  the 
number  of  300  vessels. 

^  7.  It  was  the  news  of  these  extensive  preparations  that  in- 
duced Agesilaus,  on  the  suggestion  of  Lysander,  to  volunteer  liis 
services  against  the  Persians.  He  proposed  to  take  with  him 
only  30  full  Spartan  citizens,  or  peers,  to  act  as  a  sort  of  council, 
together  with  2000  Neodamodes,  or  enfrauch'ised  Helots,  and 
6000  hoplites  of  the  allies.  But  Thebes,  Corinth,  and  Athens 
refused  on  diffln-ent  pleas  to  join  the  expedition.  Lysander  in- 
tended to  be  the  leader  of  the  30  Spartans,  and  expected  through 
them  to  be  the  virtual  commander  of  the  expedition  of  which 
Agesilaus  was  nominally  the  head. 

Since  the  time  of  Agamemnon  no  Grecian  king  had  led  an 
army  into  Asia  ;  and  Agesilaus  studiously  availed  himself  of  the 
prestige  of  that  precedent  in  order  to  attract  recruits  to  his 
standard.  The  Spartan  kings  claimed  to  inherit  the  sceptre  of 
Agamemnon;  and  to  render  the  parallel  more  complete,  Age- 
silaus proceeded  with  a  division  of  his  fleet  to  Aulis,  intending 
there  to  imitate  the  memorable  sacrilice  of  the  Homeric  hero. 
But  as  he  had  neglected  to  ask  the  permission  of  the  Thebans, 
and   conducted  the  sacrifice   and  solemnities  by  means  of  his* 


440  IIISTOI'vY  OK  (JliKKCM  Chai-.  XXXVII. 

own  ]»i(>i)lir1s  ami  iiiiiiistcrs,  and  in  a  iiiaiiiuT  at  variaiux-  with 
llic  usual  litrs  (jI  the  Icriiiilc,  the  Thehaiis  ■were  offended,  and 
exiK'JIed  him  by  armed  lurco  : — an  insult  wliieh  lie  never 
forgave. 

§  8.  It  was  in  39G  u.c  thai  Apesilans  arrived  at  Epliesus,  and 
took  the  eonirnand  in  Asia.  Jle  demaiuleil  the  same  conditions 
of"  peace  as  tho.se  previously  made  by  Dercyllidas  ;  and  in  order 
that  there  might  be  time  to  rommunirale  w  ith  the  Persian  court, 
the  armistice  was  renewed  for  ihrce  months.  iJuring  this  in- 
terval of  repose,  Lysander,  by  his  arrogance  and  pretensions, 
offended  both  Agesilaus  and  the  Thirty  t^partans  Agesilaus, 
determined  to  uphold  his  dignity,  subjected  Lysander  to  so 
many  humiliations  that  he  was  at  last  fain  to  request  his  dis- 
missal I'lom  Ephe.'^us,  and  was  accordingly  sent  to  the  Hellespont, 
where  he  did  good  service  to  the  JSpartaii  interests. 

4  9.  Meanwhile  Tissaphernes,  having  received  large  rein- 
forcements, sent  a  message  to  Agesilaus  before  the  armistice 
had  expired,  ordering  him  to  quit  Asia.  Agesilaus  replied  by 
saying  that  he  thanked  the  satrap  for  perjuring  himself  so 
flagrantly  as  to  set  the  gods  against  him,  and  immediately  made 
preparations  as  if  he  would  attack  Tissapharncs  in  Caria ;  but 
having  thus  put  the  enemy  on  a  false  scent,  he  suddenly  turned 
northwards  into  Plmgia,  the  satrapy  of  Pharnabazus,  and  marched 
without  opposition  to  the  neigh bourhccd  of  Dascyliurn,  the  re- 
sidence of  the  satrap  himself.  Here,  however,  he  was  repulsed 
by  the  Persian  cavalry  ;  and  the  sacrifices  proving  unfavourable 
for  an  advance,  Agesilaus  gave  orders  to  retreat.  He  now  pro- 
ceeded into  winter  quarters  at  Epliesus,  where  he  emj)loyed  him- 
self in  organizing  a  body  of  cavalry  to  compete  with  the  Persians. 
A  conscription  was  accordingly  made  of  the  richest  Greeks  in 
the  various  towiis,  who,  however,  were  allowed  if  tliey  pleased 
to  provide  substitutes.  By  these  and  other  energetic  exertions, 
which  during  the  winter  gave  to  Epliesus  the  appearance  of '>ne 
vast  arsenal,  the  army  was  brought  into  excellent  condition  ;  a"d 
Agesilaus  gave  out  early  in  the  spring  of  395  e.c.  that  he  shorJd 
march  direct  upon  Sardis.  Tissaphernes,  suspecting  another 
feint,  now  dispersed  his  cavalry  in  the  plain  of  the  Marauder. 
But  this  time  Agesilaus  marched  as  he  had  announced,  and  in 
three  days  arrived  unopposed  on  the  banks  of  the  Pactolus,  be- 
fore the  Persian  cavalry  could  be  recalled.  "Wlien  tb.ey  at  last 
came  up,  the  newly-raised  Grecian  horse,  assisted  by  the  peltasts. 
and  some  of  the  younger  and  more  active  hoplites,  soon  succeeded 
in  putting  them  to  Hight.  jMany  of"  the  Persians  were  drowned 
in  the  Pactolus,  and  their  camp,  containing  much  booty  and 
several  camels,  was  taken. 


B.C.  396.  AGESILAUS  IN  ASIA,  441 

§  10.  Agesilaus  now  pushed  his  ravages  up  to  the  very  gates 
of  Sardis,  the  residence  of  Tissaphernes.  But  the  career  of  that 
timid  and  treacherous  satrap  was  drawing  to  a  close.  The 
queen-mother,  Parysatis,  who  hud  succeeded  in  regaining  her 
influence  over  Artaxerxes,  making  a  pretext  of  the  disasters 
which  had  attended  the  arms  ot  Tissaphernes,  but  in  reality  to 
avenge  the  part  which  he  had  taken  against  her  son  Cyrus, 
caused  an  order  to  be  sent  down  from  Susa  for  his  execution  ;  in 
pursuance  of  which  he  was  seized  in  a  bath  at  Colossa?,  and  be- 
headed. Tithraustes,  who  had  been  intrusted  with  the  execution 
of  this  order,  succeeded  Tissaphernes  in  the  satrapy,  and  imme- 
diately reopened  negotiations  with  Agesilaus  ;  proposing  that  if 
he  quitted  Asia  the  Greek  cities  there  should  enjoy  their  in- 
dependence, with  the  sole  exception  of  paying  to  Persia  the  tri- 
bute originally  imposed  upon  them.  Agesilaus  replied  that  he 
could  decide  nothing  without  consulting  the  authorities  at  home. 
For  this  purpose  an  armistice  of  six  months  was  concluded  ;  and 
meanwhile  Tithraustes,  by  a  subsidy  of  30  talents,  induced  Age- 
silaus to  move  out  of  his  satrapy  into  that  of  Pharnabazus. 

S^  11 .  During  this  march  into  Phrygia  Agesilaus  received  a  new 
commission  from  home,  appointing  him  the  head  of  the  naval  as 
well  as  of  the  land  force — two  commands  never  before  united 
in  a  single  Spartan.  For  the  first  time  since  the  battle  of 
jEgospotami  the  naval  supremacy  of  Sparta  was  threatened. 
Conon,  with  a  fleet  of  40  triremes,  occupied  the  port  of  Caunus, 
on  the  confines  of  Caria  and  Lycia,  and  was  there  blockaded  by  a 
Lacedajmonian  fleet  of  120  triremes  under  Pharax;  but  a  re- 
inforcement of  40  more  ships  having  come  to  the  aid  of  Conon, 
Pharax  raised  the  blockade  and  retired  to  Rhodes.  Here  the 
first  symptoms  appeared  of  the  detestation  iji  which  the  Spartan 
government  was  held.  The  inhabitants  rose,  compelled  the  Spar- 
tan fleet  to  leave  the  island,  and  put  themselves  under  the  jiro- 
tection  of  Conon,  who  now  sailed  thither. 

§  12.  Agesilaus,  having  despatched  orders  to  the  Lacedaemonian 
maritime  dependencies  to  prepare  a  new  fleet  of  120  triremes 
against  the  following  year,  and  having  appointed  his  brother- 
in-law,  Pisander,  to  the  command  of  it,  marched  himself  into  the 
satrapy  of  Pharnabazus.  He  passed  the  winter  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Dascylium,  the  rich  and  fertile  country  about  which 
afforded  comfortable  quarters  and  abundant  plunder  to  the 
Grecian  army. 

Towards  the  close  cf  the  winter  a  Greek  cf  Cyzicus,  named 
ApoUophanes,  brought  about  an  interA-iew  beteen  Agesilaus  and 
Pharnabazus.  Agesilaus,  with  the  Thirty,  having  arrived  first  at 
the  appointed  place,  sat  down  without  ceremony  on  the  grass. 

u  # 


442  HISTORY  OF  GREECR  Chap.  XXXVH 

Wlicii  I  III'  S.ilnij)  caiiii',  iiccouip.'uii'-d  with  all  llio  luxury  of  ori- 
ental pDiup,  his  allfutlaiils  pn-part-d  to  .sjtrcad  mine  ri'"li  carp'-'is 
l()r  him  ;  but  Piiaruabazus,  oh.scrvin<(  how  tho  Spartans  were 
Heated,  was  ashamed  to  avail  himsell'  ol'  such  luxuries,  and  sat 
down  on  the  f^rass  by  the  side  of  A^esilaus.  After  iinitual 
salutes,  Pharuabazus  be<^au  to  rejjroaeh  the  Greeka  with  their 
treatment  of  one  who  had  always  been  their  laithful  ally.  "  You 
have  reduced  me  so  low,"  lie  observed,  "  that  I  have  scarcely  a 
dinner  except  from  your  leaviufr.s-  My  residences,  iny  ]»arks  and 
hunting-grounds,  the  charm  of  my  life,  are  all  burnt  or  destroyed. 
Pray  tell  me  if  this  is  gratitude.  '  The  Spartaiu*  8<;emed  struck 
with  shame ;  and  Agesilaus,  after  a  long  pause,  remarked  in 
apology  that  their  war  with  the  Persian  king  compelled  them  to 
act  as  they  had  done  ;  that  towards  himself  personally  they  had 
the  most  friendly  feelings,  and  invited  him  to  join  their  alliance, 
when  they  would  support  him  in  independence  of  the  Persian 
king.  The  reply  of  Pharuabazus  was  characterized  by  a  noble 
frankness.  "  If  the  king,"  he  said,  "  should  deprive  me  of  my 
command,  I  would  willingly  hecome  your  ally  ;  but  so  long  as  I 
am  intrusted  with  the  supreme  power,  expect  from  me  notliiiig 
but  war."  Agesilaus  was  touched  with  the  satraps  magnanimity. 
Taking  him  by  the  hand,  he  observed,  "  Would  to  Heaven  that 
with  such  noble  sentiments  it  were  possible  for  you  to  be  our 
friend  But  at  all  events  I  will  at  once  quit  your  territor}%  and 
never  again  nulcst  you  or  your  property  so  long  as  there  are 
other  Persians  against  whom  to  turn  my  arms." 

^  13.  In  pursuance  of  this  ])romise  Agesilaus  now  entered  the 
plains  of  Thebe,  near  tlio  gulf  of  Ela?us  ;  but  whilst  he  was  here 
preparing  an  expedition  on  a  grand  scale  into  the  interior  of 
Asia  Minor,  he  was  suddenly  recalled  honae  (b.c.  394)  to  avert 
the  dangers  which  threatened  his  native  countiy. 

Meanwhile  Conon,  who  had  remained  almost  inactive  since  the 
revolt  of  Rhodes,  proceeded  in  person  to  Babylon,  and  succeeded 
in  obtaining  a  considerable  sum  of  money  from  Artaxerxes.  He 
shared  his  command  with  Pharnabazus,  and  by  their  joint  exer- 
tions a  powerful  Ueet,  partly  Phoenician  and  partly  Grecian,  was 
speedily  equipped,  superior  in  number  to  that  of  the  Lacedae- 
monians under  Pisander.  About  the  month  of  July  Conon 
proceeded  to  the  peninsula  of  Cnidus,  in  Caria,  and  oflered 
Pisandar  battle.  Though  inferior  in  strength,  Pisander  did 
not  shrink  from  the  encounter.  Being  abandoned,  however, 
by  his  Asiastic  allies,  he  was  soon  overpowered  by  numbers, 
and  fell  gallantly  lighting  to  the  last.  More  than  half  the  Lace- 
daemonian fleet  was  either  captured  or  destroyed.  Tliis  event 
occurred  about  the  beginning  of  August  B.C.  39-i. 


View  of  Corinlh  and  the  Acrocorinttius. 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 


THE  CORINTHIAN  WAR.   FROM  THE  BATTLE  OF  CNIDUS  TO  THE 
PEACE  OF  ANTALCIDAS. 

§  ].  Mission  of  Timocrates  to  the  Grecian  cities,  g  2.  Hostilities  between 
Sparta  and  Thebes.  §  3.  The  Athenians  join  the  Thebans.  Defeat 
and  death  of  Lysander.  Retreat  of  Pansanias.  §  4.  League  against 
Sparta.  Battle  of  Corinth.  §  5.  Homeward  march  of  Agesilaus. 
8  6.  Battle  of  Coronea.  §  7.  Loss  of  the  Spartan  maritime  empire. 
§  8.  Conon  rebuilds  the  walls  of  Athens.  §  9.  Civil  dissensions  at 
Corinth.  §  10.  Campaign  of  Agesilaus  in  the  Corinthian  territorj-. 
§  11.  New  system  of  tactics  introduced  by  Iphicratcs.  Destruction 
of  a  Spartan  mora  by  his  light-armed  troops.  §  12.  Negotiations  of 
Antalcidas  with  the  Persians.  Death  of  Conon.  Defeat  and  death 
of  Thimbron.  §  13.  Maritime  war  on  the  coast  of  Asia.  Revolt  of 
Rhodes.  Thrasybuhis  appointed  Athenian  commander.  His  death 
at  Aspendus.  Anaxibius  defeated  by  Iphicrates  at  the  Hellespont. 
§  14.  War  between  Athens  and  vEgina.  Telcutias  surprises  thePirajus. 
g  15.  Peace  of  Antalcidas.     §  10.  Its  character. 

f  1.  The  jealousy  and  ill-v^all  with  which  the  newly  acquired 
empire  of  the  Spartans  v\'as  regarded  by  the  other  Grecian  states 
had  not  escaped  the  notice  of  the  Persians  ;  and  when  Tithraustes 
succeeded  to  the  satrapy  of  Tissaphernes  he  resolved  1o  avail 
himself  of  this  feeling  by  exciting  a  M'ar  against  Sparta  in  the 
heart  of  Greece  itself  With  this  view  he  despatched  one  Timo- 
crates. a  Ilhodian,  to  the  leading  Grecian  cities  which  appeared 


444  UISTOKY  OF  GIlKECIl  Ciiai-.  XXXVIII. 

hostile  to  Sj)arta,  carrying'  witli  hirn  a  smid  of  .00  talents  to  be 
(lislril)iil('il  among  tlie  cliiel"  rnen  in  each  ior  the  purpor-e  of 
briiigiMg  them  over  to  the  views  of  Persia.  This  trari.saction, 
liuwever,  is  scarcely  to  be  viewed  in  the  ht^htof  a  private  bribe, 
but  rather  as  a  sum  publicly  advanced  Ibr  a  s|)eci(ic  purpo.se. 
Timocrates  was  successful  in  Thebes,  Corinth,  and  Argf^ti  ;  but 
he  appears  not  to  have  visited  Athens. 

^  2.  Hostilities  were  at  first  confined  to  Sparta  and  Thebes. 
A  quarrel  having  arisen  between  the  Opunlian  Locrians  and  the 
Pliocians  respecting  a  strip  of  border  land,  the  ibnner  people 
appealed  to  the  Thebans,  who  invaded  Phocis.  The  Phocians  on 
their  side  invoked  the  aid  of  the  Lacedtcmoniaus,  who  elated 
with  the  prosperous  state  of  their  aliairs  in  Asia,  and  moreover 
desirous  of  avenging  the  alirouts  they  had  received  from  the 
Thebans,  readily  listened  to  the  a])peal.  Lysander,  who  took  an 
active  part  in  promoting  the  war,  was  directed  to  attack  the 
town  of  Haliartus,  having  first  augmented  the  small  force  which 
he  took  with  hirn  by  contingents  levied  among  the  tribes  of 
Mount  (Eta  ;  and  it  was  arranged  that  King  Pausanias  should 
join  him  on  a  fi.\;ed  day  vuider  the  walls  of  that  town,  with 
the  main  body  of  the  Lacedajmouians  and  their  Peloponnesian 
allies. 

k  3.  Nothing  could  more  strikingly  denote  the  altered  state 
of  feeling  in  Greece  than  the  request  for  assistance  which  the 
Thebans,  thus  menaced,  made  to  their  ancient  enemies  and  rivals 
the  Athenians  ;  even  oflering,  as  an  inducement,  to  assist  them 
in  recovering  their  lost  empire.  Nor  were  the  Athenians  back- 
w^ard  in  respsuding  to  the  appeal  Disunion,  however,  prevailed 
among  the  Bjjjlians  themseU'es  ;  and  Orchomenus,  the  second 
city  in  importance  in  their  confederacy,  revolted  at  the  approach 
of  Lysander,  and  joined  the  L:icedEPmonians.  That  commander, 
after  ravaging  the  country  round  Lebadea,  proceeded  according 
to  agreement  to  Haliartus,  though  he  had  as  yet  received  no 
tidings  of  Pausanias.  Here,  in  a  sally  made  by  the  citizens, 
opportunely  sup[)orted  by  the  unexpected  arrival  of  a  body  of 
Thebans,  the  army  of  Lvsander  was  routed,  and  himself  slain : 
ind  though  his  troops,  favoured  by  some  rugged  ground  in  their 
fear,  succeeded  in  rallying  and  repulsing  their  assailants,  yet,  dis» 
heartened  by  the  severe  loss  which  they  had  suffered,  and  by  the 
death  of  their  general,  they  disbanded  and  dispersed  themselves 
in  the  night  time.  Thus  when  Pausanias  at  last  came  up,  he 
found  no  army  to  unite  with  ;  and  as  an  imposing  Athenian 
force  had  arrived,  he  now,  with  the  advice  of  his  council,  took 
the  humiliating  step — always  deemed  a  confession  of  inferiority — 
of  requesting  a  truce  in  order  to  bury  the  dead  who  had  fallen 


B.C.  394.  BATTLE  OF  CORINTH.  445 

in  the  preceding  battle.  Even  this,  however,  the  Thcbans  would 
not  grant  except  on  the  condition  that  the  Lacedairnonians 
should  immediately  quit  their  territoiy.  With  these  terms  Pau- 
sauias  was  forced  to  comply  ;  and  alter  duly  interring  the  bodies 
of  Lysander  and  his  fallen  comrades,  the  Lacedajmonians  deject- 
edly pursued  their  homeward  march,  ibllowed  by  the  Thebans, 
who  manifested  by  repeated  insults,  and  even  by  blows  admin- 
istered to  stragglers,  the  insolence  inspired  by  their  success.  Pau- 
sanias,  afraid  to  face  the  public  indignation  of  the  Spartans, 
took  refuge  in  the  temple  of  Athena  Alea  at  Tegea  ;  ajid  being 
condemned  to  death  in  his  absence,  only  escaped  that  fate  by 
remaining  in  the  sanctuary.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Agesipolis. 

§  4.  The  enemies  of  Sparta  took  fresh  courage  from  this  dis- 
aster to  her  arms.  Athens,  Corinth,  and  Argos  now  formed  with 
Thebes  a  solemn  alliance  against  her.  The  league  was  soon  joined 
by  the  Eubceans,  the  Acarnauians,  the  Ozolian  Locrians,  the  Am- 
braciots,  the  Leucadians,  and  the  Chalcidians  of  Thrace.  In  the 
spring  of  391  b.c.  the  allies  assembled  at  Corinth,  and  the  war, 
which  had  been  hitherto  regarded  as  merely  Boeotian,  was  now 
called  the  Corinthian,  by  which  name  it  is  known  in  history.  This 
threatening  aspect  of  afl'airs  determined  the  Ephors  to  recall 
Agesilaus,  as  related  in  the  preceding  chapter. 

The  allies  were  soon  in  a  condition  to  take  the  field  with  a 
force  of  21,000  hoplites,  of  whom  one-fourth  were  Athenians, 
together  with  a  considerable  body  of  light  troops  and  cavalry. 
The  Lacedajmouians,  under  the  conduct  of  Aristodemus,  had 
also  made  the  ri^ost  active  preparations.  The  exact  amount  of 
their  force  is  not  known,  but  it  was  in  all  probability  consi- 
derably inferior  to  that  of  the  allies.  The  latter  were  full  of 
confidence,  and  the  Corinthian  Timolaus  proposed  marching 
straight  upon  Sparta,  in  oi'der,  as  he  expressed  it,  to  burn  the 
wasps  in  their  nest  before  they  came  forth  to  sting.  This  bold, 
but  perhaps  judicious  advice,  was,  however,  anticipated  by  the 
unwonted  activity  of  the  Lacedajmonians,  who  had  already 
crossed  their  border,  and,  advancing  by  Tegea  and  Mantinea, 
had  taken  up  a  position  at  Sicyon.  The  allies,  who  had  pro- 
ceeded as  far  as  Nemea,  now  fell  back  upon  Corinth,  and  en- 
camped on  some  rugged  ground  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city. 
Here  a  battle  ensued,  in  which  the  Lacediemonians  gained  the 
victory,  though  their  allied  troops  were  put  to  the  rout.  Of  the 
Spartans  themselves  only  8  men  fell  ;  but  of  their  allies  1100 
perished,  and  of  the  confederates  as  many  as  2600.  This  battle, 
called  the  battle  of  Corinth,  was  fought  apparently  about  the 
same  time  as  that  of  Cnidus,  in  July  391  c.c. 


44ft  JllSTOliy  OF  GREECK  Chap.  A'XXVIIL 

i:  /J.  Afi^csilaiis,  who  Iwid  ri'liiuiuislied  willi  u  heavy  heart  liis 
projected  expedilioii  into  Asia,  wa.s  now  on  liis  homeward  march. 
JJy  tlio  ])romiso  of  rewards  at  tSeslii.s  in  tlie  Cliersonesc,  he  had 
persuaded  the  liravest  and  most  elHeient  soldiers  in  his  army  to 
acc'om[)any  liini,  ainon<^st  whom  wen;  many  oi  tlie  Ten  Thousand, 
■with  Xenophon  at  their  licad.  Tlie  route  ol"  A<(esih'iU8  was  rnudi 
tlie  same  as  tlie  one  formerly  traversed  by  Xerxes,  and  the  carnela 
', ■which  accompanied  the  army  f^ave  it  somewhat  ol"  an  oriental 
aspect.  At  Amj)liipolis  he  received  the  news  of  the  victory  at 
Corinth  ;  but  his  lieart  was  so  full  of  echernes  apainst  Persia, 
that  the  feeling  which  it  awakened  in  his  bosom  was  rather  one 
of  regret  that  so  many  Greeks  had  fallen,  whose  united  ellbrts 
might  have  emancipated  Asia  Minor,  than  of"  joy  at  the  success 
of  his  countrymen.  Having  forced  his  ■way  through  a  desultory 
opposition  oiiercd  by  the  Thessalian  cavalry,  he  crossed  Mount 
Othrys,  and  marched  unopposed  the  rest  of  the  way  through  the 
straits  of  Thermopylaj  to  the  frontiers  of  Phocis  and  Ba'otia. 
Here  the  evil  tidings  reached  him  —  foreshadowed  according  to 
ancient  superstition  by  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  ( 11  Aug.  39-1  k.c.) — 
of  the  defeat  and  death  of  his  brother-in-law,  Pisander,  at  Cnidus. 
Fearing  the  impression  which  such  sad  ncAVS  might  produce  upon 
his  men,  he  gave  out  that  the  Lacediemonian  fleet  had  gained  a 
victoi'y,  though  Pisander  had  perished  ;  and,  having  oflered  sacri- 
fice as  if  for  a  victory,  he  ordered  an  advance. 

^  6.  Agesilaus  soon  came  up  with  the  confederate  army,  which 
had  prepared  to  oppose  him  in  the  plain  of  Coronea.  The  hostile 
forces  approached  each  other  slowly  and  in  silence,  till  within 
about  a  furlong,  when  the  Thebans  raised  the  psean,  and  charged 
at  a  nnming  pace.  They  succeeded  in  driving  in  the  Orchome- 
nians,  Avho  Ibrmed  the  left  wing  of  the  army  of  Agesilaus,  and 
penetrated  as  far  as  the  baggage  in  the  rear.  But  on  the  re- 
mainder of  the  line  Agesilaus  was  victorious,  and  the  Thebans 
now  saw  themselves  cut  oil'  from  their  companions,  who  had 
retreated  and  taken  up  a  position  on  Mount  Helicon.  Facuig 
about  and  forming  in  deep  and  compact  order,  the  Thebauj 
sought  to  rejoin  the  main  body,  but  they  were  opposed  by  Age- 
silaus and  his  troops.  The  shock  of  the  conflicting  masses  which 
ensued  was  one  of  the  most  terrible  recorded  in  the  annals  of 
Grecian  warfare.  The  shields  of  the  foremost  ranks  were  shat- 
tered, their  spears  broken,  so  that  daggers  became  the  only 
available  arm.  The  regular  war-shout  was  suppressed,  but  the 
silence  was  occasionally  broken  by  deep  and  furious  exclamations. 
Agesilaus,  who  was  in  the  front  ranks,  unequal  by  hi^  size  and 
strength  to  sustain  so  furious  an  onset,  was  flung  down,  trodden 
on,  and  covered  with  wounds  ;  but  the  devoted  courage  cf  the 


B.C.  394.  BATTLE  OF  CORONEA.  Wj 

50  Spartans  foiining  liis  body-guard  rescued  him  from  death. 
The  Thebans  ihially  forced  then-  way  through,  but  not  without 
severe  loss.  The  victoiy  of  Agesilaus  was  not  very  decisive  ; 
but  the  Thebans  tacitly  acknowledged  their  defeat  by  soliciting 
the  customary  truce  for  the  burial  of  their  dead. 

After  the  battle  Agesilaus  visited  Delphi,  where  he  dedicated 
to  Apollo  a  tithe,  valued  at  the  large  sum  of  100  talents,  of  the 
booty  which  he  had  acquired  during  his  Asiatic  campaigns.  He 
then  returned  to  Sparta,  where  he  was  r^^ctived  with  the  most 
lively  demonstrations  of  gratitude  and  esteem,  and  became  henee- 
forwards  the  sole  director  of  Spartan  policy. 

^  7.  Thus  in  less  than  two  months  the  Lacedaemonians  had 
fought  two  battles  on  land,  and  one  at  sea  ;  namely,  those  of 
Corinth,  Coronea,  and  Cnidus.  But,  though  they  had  been  vic- 
torious m  the  land  engagements,  they  were  so  little  decisive  as 
to  lead  to  no  important  result ;  whilst  their  defeat  at  Cnidus 
produced  the  most  disastrous  consequences.  It  was  followed  by 
the  loss  of  nearly  all  their  maritime  empire,  even  faster  than  they 
had  acquired  it  after  the  battle  of  ^Egoppotami.  For  as  Conon 
and  Pharnabazus  sailed  with  their  victorious  fleet  from  island 
to  island,  and  from  port  to  port,  their  approach  was  everywhero 
the  signal  for  tlie  flight  or  expulsion  of  the  Spartan  harmosts. 
Abydus  formed  the  only  exception  to  this  universal  surrender. 
Fortunately  for  Sparta  the  able  and  experienced  Dercyllidas  was 
then  harmost  in  that  city,  and  by  his  activity  and  courage  he 
succeeded  in  preserving  not  only  Abydus,  but  also  the  opposite 
Chersonese  from  the  grasp  of  Pharnabazus. 

§  8.  In  the  spring  of  the  following  year,  b.c.  393,  Conon  and 
Pharnabazus  sailed  from  the  Hellespont  with  a  powerful  fleet, 
and,  after  visiting  Melos  and  several  of  the  Cyclades,  directed 
their  course  to  the  Peloponnesus.  After  ravaging  the  coast  of 
Laconia  at  several  points,  and  taking  the  island  of  Cythera, 
where  they  established  an  Athenian  garrison,  they  sailed  to  the 
isthmus  of  Corinth,  then  occupied  as  a  central  post  by  the  allies. 
The  appearance  of  a  Persian  fleet  in  the  Saronic  gulf  was  a 
strange  sight  to  Grecian  eyes,  and  one  which  might  have  served 
as  a  severe  comment  on  the  eflect  of  their  suicidal  wars.  Phar- 
nabazus assured  the  allies  of  his  support,  and  gave  earnest  of  it 
by  advancing  to  them  a  considerable  sum  of  money.  Conon 
dexterously  availed  hiiTiself  of  the  hatred  cfPharnabazus  towards 
Sparta  to  procure  a  boon  for  his  native  city.  As  the  satrap  was 
on  the  point  of  proceeding  homewards  Conon  obtained  leave  to 
employ  the  seamen  in  rebuilding  the  fortilications  of  Piraeus  and 
the  long  walls  of  Athens.  Pharnabazus  also  granted  a  large  sum 
foi  the  same  purpose  ;  and  Conon  had  thus  the  glory  of  appear- 


448 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CiiAi'.  XXXVIIL 


in;,',  like  a  Pocorid  TlirinistoclcH,  tlio  (li-livcior  and  restorer  of  liin 
coiuilry.  By  a  siii;riilar  revolution  of  lijrtune,  the  Tliebaiis,  wlio 
had  most  rejoieed  at  the  lall  of  Ath(;iis,  as  well  as  the  Persians, 
who  had  siih.sidi/.ed  S|)arta  to  destroy  the  citv,  now  pave  their 
funds  and  lahour  to  restore  it.  Beiore  tlie  end  of  auturnn  the  walLi 
were  rebuilt.  Athen.s  Keeined  now  restored,  if  not  to  power,  at 
least  to  independence  ;  and  if  she  rcfieeted  hut  the  sliadow  of  her 
former  greatness,  she  was  at  least  rai.scd  up  from  the  depths  of 
her  degradation.  H;^ving  thus,  as  it  were,  founded  Athens  a 
second  time,  Uonoji  sailed  to  the  islands  to  lay  again  the  founda- 
tions of  an  Athenian  maritime  em))ire. 

§  9.  During  the  remainder  of  this  and  the  wliolc  of  the  follow- 
ing year  (u.c;.  3U2),  the  war  was  carried  on  in  the  Corinthian 
territory.  Tlie  Onean  mountains,  which  extend  across  the  Isth- 
mus south  of  its  narrowest  part,  afibrd  an  excellent  line  of 
defence  against  an  in  >  u.Jing  army.  Through  these  mountains 
there  are  only  three  passes,  one  by  the  Haronic  gulf,  close  to 
Cenehreaj,  a  second  tlirough  a  ravine  at  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Acrocorinthus  or  citadel  of  Corinth,  and  a  third  alonp  the 
narrow  strip  of  land  which  lies  between  the  western  foot  of  the 
Acrocorinthus  and  the  Corinthian  gulf.  The  two  former  of 
these  passes  could  easily  be  defended  by  a  resolute  body  of 
troops  against  superior  numbers  ;  and  the  third  was  completely 
protected  by  two  long  walls  running  down  from  Corinth  to 
Lechseum,  the  port  of  the  city  upon  the  Corinthian  gulf.   Corinth 


Plan  of  Curiiuh. 


A.  Acrocorinthu 

B.  Corinth. 


C .     Lechaeam. 
1.  1.  Lonj  Walls. 


p.C.  392.  THE  CORINTHIAN  WAR.  449 

and  the  passes  of  the  Onoau  mountains  were  now  occupied  by 
the  aUied  troops  ;  but  while  the  alhes  themselves  sufiered  httle 
or  nothing,  the  whole  brunt  of  the  war  lell  upon  Corinth.  The 
Spartans  took  up  their  head-quarters  at  Sicyon,  whence  they 
ravaged  the  fertile  Corinthian  plain  upon  the  coast.  The  wealthy 
Corinthian  proprietors  sullered  so  much  from  the  devastation  of 
their  lands,  that  many  of  them  became  anxious  to  renew  their 
old  alliance  with  Sparta.  A  lai'ge  number  of  the  other  Co- 
rinthians participated  in  these  feelings,  and  the  leading  men  in 
power,  who  were  violently  opposed  to  Sparta,  became  so  alarmed 
at  the  wide-spread  disailection  among  the  citizens,  that  they  in- 
troduced a  body  of  Arglves  into  the  city  during  the  celebration 
of  the  festival  of  the  Eucleia,  and  massacred  numbers  of  the 
opposite  party  in  the  market-place  and  in  the  theatre.  The  go- 
vernment now  formed  such  a  close  union  with  Argos,  that  even 
the  boundary  marks  between  the  two  states  were  removed,  and 
the  very  name  of  Corinth  was  changed  to  that  of  Argos.  But 
the  aristocratical  party  at  Corinth,  which  was  still  numerous, 
contrived  to  admit  Praxitas,  the  Lacedajmonian  commander  at 
Sicyon,  within  the  long  walls  which  connected  Corinth  with 
Lechajum.  In  the  space  between  the  walls,  which  was  of  con- 
siderable breadth,  and  about  a  mile  and  a  half  in  length,  a  battle 
took  place  between  the  Lacedemonians  and  the  Corinthians, 
who  had  marched  out  of  the  city  to  dLslodge  them.  The  Co- 
rinthians, however,  were  defeated,  and  this  victory  Avas  followed 
by  the  demolition  of  a  considerable  part  of  the  long  walls  by 
Praxitas.  The  Lacedaemonians  now  marched  across  the  Isthmus, 
and  captured  Sidus  and  Croramyon.  These  events  happened  in 
B.C.  392. 

^  10.  The  breach  efiected  in  the  long  walls  of  Corinth  excited 
great  alarm  at  Athens,  as  it  opened  a  secure  passage  to  the  Lace- 
dcEmonians  into  Attica  and  Baeotia.  Accordingly  the  Athenians 
moved  in  great  I'orce  to  Corinth,  with  carpenters  and  other  ne- 
cessary workmen  ;  and  with  this  assistance  the  Corinthians  soon 
restored  the  breach.  In  the  summer  of  u.c.  391,  this  step  was, 
however,  rendered  useless  in  consequence  of  Agesilaus,  assisted 
by  the  LaecdBemonian  fleet  under  his  brother  Teleutias,  having- 
obtained  possession  not  only  of  the  long  walls,  but  also  of  the 
port  of  Lecha;um  itself  Agesilaus  followed  up  his  success  by 
marching  into  the  rocky  peninsula  between  the  bay  of  Lechasum 
and  the  Alcyonian  sea,  from  wliich  Corinth  derived  both  support 
and  assistance.  The  two  principal  places  in  this  district,  Pirajum 
and  Q^lnoe,  together  with  large  booty  and  many  captives,  fell  into 
his  hands.  Corinth  was  now  surrounded  on  every  side  ;  and  the 
Thebans  were  thrown  into  such  alarm  that  they  sent  envoys  to 


450  IIKIORV  OF  GUEIiCE.  Chap.  XXXVIIL 

Afri"f<il:iiis  to  trc'iil  ol  |a'a<!L'.  Afrcsiiaiis  had  never  forgiven  the 
Tliuhans  for  liaviiif^  iiilL'rrnj)le(l  Ins  .sacrilicc  at  Aulis  ;  and  he 
now  Hci'/ed  llic  opportunity  of  ^'ratilyinfr  his  spite  a^'aini>t  them. 
Accordin<rly,  when  they  were  introduced  into  lii.s  presence,  fie 
treated  them  with  the  most  marked  eontempt,  and  alieeted  not 
to  notice  them.  But  a  retrdjutive  .Nemesis  was  at  hand.  A.s 
Agesilaus  sat  in  a  pavihon  on  the  banks  of  a  Jake  winch  adjoined 
tlic  sacred  f^rove  of  Hera,  feasting  his  eyes  with  the  sjiectacle  of 
a  lonj;  train  of  cai)tive.~,  j)araded  under  tlie  ^^uard  of  Laceda;rno- 
nian  ho[)Htcs,  a.  man  frallojted  up  on  a  Ibamini^  horse,  and  ac- 
quainted liim  witli  a  disaster  more  novel  and  more  a.slounding 
than  any  tliat  liad  ever  yet  hefallen  the  Spartan  arms.  This  Ma.s 
nothing  less  than  the  destruction  of  a  whole  Laceda;moniau 
mora,  or  battalion,  by  the  light-armed  mercenaries  of  the  Athe- 
nian Iphicrates 

Ml.  For  the  preceding  two  years  Iphicrates  had  commanded 
a  body  of  mercenaries,  consisting  of  peltasts,*  who  had  been 
first  organised  by  Conon  after  rebuilding  tlie  walls  of  Athens. 
For  this  force  Iphicrates  introduced  those  improved  anns  and 
tactics  which  form  an  epoch  in  the  Grecian  art  oi'  war.  His 
object  was  to  combine  as  far  as  possible  the  peculiar  advantages 
of  the  hoplitcs  and  light-armed  troops.  He  substituted  a  linen 
corslet  for  the  coat  of  mail  worn  by  the  lioplites,  and  lessened 
the  shield,  while  he  rendered  the  light  javelin  and  short  sword 
of  the  pelta.sts  more  cH'ectivc  by  lengthening  them  both  one-half 
These  troops  soon  proved  very  eflective.  At  tlieir  head  Iphi- 
crates attacked  and  defeated  the  Phliasians,  gained  a  victorj-near 
Sicyon,  and  inflicted  such  loss  upon  the  Arcadian  hoplites  that 
they  were  afraid  to  meet  his  peltasts  in  the  field.  He  uoav  ven- 
tured upon  a  bolder  exploit. 

A  body  of  Amyclaean  hoplites  had  obtained  leave  to  celebrate 
the  festival  of  the  Hyaclnthia  in  their  native  city  ;  and  a  Lace- 
dsemonian  mora,  GOO  strong,  was  appointed  to  escort  them  till 
they  should  be  considered  out  of  reach  of  attack.  Iphicrates, 
who  was  in  Corinth  with  his  peltasts,  sullered  the  Amycla;aiis 
and  their  escort  to  pass  tnunolested ;  but  on  the  return  of  the 
LacedcKmonians  he  sallied  Ibrth  with  inconceivable  hardihood,  and 
attacked  them  in  flank  and  rear.  So  many  fell  under  the  darts 
and  arrows  of  the  peltasts  that  ihe  Lacedaemonian  captain  called 
a  halt,  and  ordered  tlie  vonngest  and  most  active  of  his  hoplites 
to  rush  forward  and  drive  oil' the  assailants.  But  their  heavy 
arms  rendered  them  quite  unequal  to  such  a  mode  of  tighting  ; 
nor  did  the  Lacedaemonian  cavalry,  which  now  came  up,  but 

*  So  ealltid  fiani  the  pelta,  or  kind  of  i>hiel J  ^vllioll  they  carried. 


B.C.  391.  VICTORY  OF  IPHICRATES.  451 

wliich  acted  with  verj'  little  vigour  and  courage,  produce  any 
better  eli'ect.  At  length  the  Lacedaemonians  succeeded  in  reach- 
ing an  eminence,  Avhere  they  endeavoured  to  make  a  stand  ;  but 
at  this  moment'  Callias  arrived  with  some  Athenian  hoplites 
from  Corinth,  whereupon  the  already  disheartened  Lacedaemo- 
nians broke  and  fled  in  confusion,  pursued  by  the  peltasts,  who 
committed  such  havoc,  chasing  and  killing  some  of  them  even 
in  the  sea,  that  but  very  few  of  the  whole  body  succeeded  in 
reachnig  Lecha?um. 

The  news  of  this  defeat  produced  a  great  change  in  the  con- 
duct of  the  Theban  envoys  then  with  Agesilaus.  They  did  not 
say  another  word  about  peace,  but  merely  asked  permission  to 
communicate  with  their  countrymen  at  Corinth.  Agesilaus,  per- 
ceiving their  altered  sentiments,  and  taking  them  with  him, 
marched  on  the  following  day  with  his  whole  force  to  Corinth, 
where  he  defied  the  garrison  to  come  out  to  battle.  But  Iphi- 
crates  was  too  prudent  to  hazard  his  recently  achieved  success  ; 
and  Agesilaus  marched  bade  to  Sparta  as  it  were  by  stealth, 
avoiding  all  those  places  where  the  inhabitants,  though  allies, 
were  likely  to  show  their  satislhction  at  the  disgi'ace  of  the  Spar- 
tan arms.  No  sooner  was  he  departed  than  Iphicrates  sallied 
forth  from  Corinth  and  retook  Sidus,  Crommyon,  Piragum,  and 
(Enoe,  thus  liberating  all  the  northern  and  eastern  territory  of 
Corinth.  But,  in  spite  of  his  military  abilities  and  great  services, 
the  domineering  character  of  Iphicrates  had  rendered  him  so 
unpopular  at  Corinth,  that  the  Athenians  were  obliged  to  recall 
him,  and  appoint  Chabrias  in  his  place. 

^  12.  Meantime  important  events  had  taken  place  in  connexion 
with  the  maritime  war.  The  successes  of  Conon  had  inspired 
the  Lacedaemonians  with  such  alarm  that  they  resolved  to  spare 
no  eflbrts  to  regain  the  goodwill  of  the  Persians.  \A'ith  this 
view  they  sent  Antalcidas,  an  able  politician  trained  in  the 
school  of  Lysauder,  to  negotiate  with  Tiribazus,  who  had  suc- 
ceeded Tilhraustes  in  the  satrapy  of  Ionia,  in  order  to  bring 
about  a  general  peace  under  the  mediation  of  Persia.  His  nego- 
tiations, however,  though  supported  by  the  inlluence  of  Tiri- 
bazus, at  present  proved  unsuccessful.  Conon,  and  the  other 
representatives  of  the  allies  in  Asia,  rejected  with  indignation 
the  proposal  of  Antalcidas  to  abandon  the  Grecian  cities  in  Asia 
to  Persia  ;  nor  was  the  court  of  Susa  itself  as  yet  disposed  to 
entertain  any  amicable  relations  with  Sparta.  Tiribazus,  liow- 
ever,  covertly  supplied  the  Lacedaemonians  Avith  money  for  the 
purposes  of  their  fleet,  and,  by  a  gross  breach  of  public  faith, 
caused  Conon  to  be  seized  and  detained,  under  the  pretence  that 
he  was  acting  contrary  to  the  interests  of  the  Great  King.    This 


462  lIISToliV  OF  r.Iu;i:CM  CiiAi-.  XXXVIIL 

event  proved  tlie  cud  ol  Couoii  s  jtidjlu;  lilc.  According  to  one 
account  the  Persians  caused  liirn  If)  he  jmt  to  death  in  prison  ; 
but  it  seems  more  probable  that  he  escaped  and  ajrain  took 
refuf^e  with  Evagoras  in  Cyprus.  IJo  this,  however,  as  it  inay, 
the  pubhc  labours  of  one  of  the  most  useful,  if  not  one  of  the 
greatest,  of  Athenian  citizens,  were  now  brought  to  a  close  :  a 
man  from  whose  hands  his  country  reaped  nothinir  but  benefit, 
and  to  whose  reputation  history  seems  to  have  dr)nc  but  scanty 
justice. 

Slruthas,  wlio  lidd  llie  command  in  Ionia  during  the  absence 
of  Tiribazus  at  iSusa,  carried  on  hostilities  with  vigour  against 
the  Laceda'monians.  In  s])ite  of  his  proved  incapacity.  Thimbron 
had  been  again  intnjsted  with  the  command  of  an  army  of  ^000 
men  ;  but  while  on  his  march  Irom  I'jphesus  lie  was  surpri.scd 
by  Struthas,  and  suflered  a  complete  deleat.  Thimbron  himself 
was  among  the  slain,  and  those  ot"  his  soldiers  who  escaped  were 
compelled  to  take  refuge  in  the  neighbouring  cities. 

M3.  The  island  of  Rhodes  now  demanded  the  attention  of  the 
belligerents.  The  dcmocratical  party  in  this  island,  having  ob- 
tained the  upper  hand,  had  revolted  from  Persia ;  and  the  Spar- 
tans, fearing  that  they  would  form  an  alliance  with  Athens,  sent 
Telcutias,  the  brother  of  Agesilaus,  with  a  fleet  to  reduce  the 
island,  although  they  were  themselves  at  war  with  Persia,  so 
much  greater  was  their  fear  of  the  Athenians  than  of  the  Per- 
sians. On  his  way  from  Cnidus,  Telcutias  ti-dl  in  with  and  cap- 
tured an  Athenian  squadron  of  10  triremes  under  Philccrates, 
which  was  proceeding  to  assist  Evagorus  in  a  struggle  that  was 
impending  between  him  and  the  Persians.  The  news  of  this 
reverse,  as  well  as  the  great  increase  of  the  Lacedaemonian  fleet, 
induced  the  Athenians  to  despatch,  in  B.C.  3b9,  a  fleet  of  40 
triremes,  inuler  Thrasybulus,  to  the  coasts  cf  Asia  Minor — a  feat 
which  betokens  a  considerable  renovation  of  their  naval  power. 
Thrasybulus  lust  proceeded  to  the  Hellespont,  where  he  ex- 
tended the  Athenian  alliance  among  the  people  on  both  sides  of 
the  straits,  persuaded  or  compelled  Byzantium  and  other  cities 
to  establish  democratical  governments,  and  reimposed  the  toll  of 
a  tenth  on  all  vessels  passing  from  the  Eiixine.  After  this.  Thra- 
sybulus sailed  to  Lesbos,  where  he  defeated  the  Lacedspmonian 
harmost,  and  next  visited  several  places  on  the  mainland,  with 
the  Anew  of  raisnig  funds  for  his  meditated  expedition  to  Rhodes. 
But  the  inhabitants  of  Aspendus  in  Pamphylia,  where  he  had 
obtained  some  contributions,  surprised  his  naval  camp  in  the 
night,  and  slew  him.  Thus  perisiied  the  man  who  had  delivered 
Ins  country  from  the  Thirty  Tyrants.  He  was  succeeded  in  liis 
command  by  Agyrrhius. 


B.C.  389.  TELEUTIAS  SURPRISES  PIR^US,  453 

The  succe.s.s  of  Thrasybulus  in  the  Hellespont  created  such 
anxiety  at  Sparta  that  the  Ephors  were  induced  to  supersede 
Dercyllidas,  and  appoint  Auaxibius  to  the  government  of  Aby- 
dus.  Auaxibius  took  with  him  a  force  that  rendered  him  master 
of  the  straits,  and  enabled  him  to  intercept  the  merchantmen 
bound  to  Athens  and  other  ports  belonging  to  the  allies.  The 
Athenians  now  despatched  Iphicrates  with  8  triremes  and  1200 
peltasts  to  make  head  against  Auaxibius ;  and  by  a  well-laid 
stratagem  the  Athenian  commander  succeeded  in  suprising 
Auaxibius  among  the  mountain-ranges  of  Ida,  whilst  on  his 
homeward  march  from  Antandrus  to  Abydus.  The  troops  of 
Auaxibius  were  completely  routed,  and  himself  and  twelve  other 
harmosts  slain. 

§  14.  This  exploit  rendered  the  Athenians  again  masters  of  the 
Hallespout.  But  whilst  thus  successful  in  that  quarter,  their 
attention  was  attracted  nearer  home  by  the  affairs  of  iEgina. 
After  the  battle  of  j'Egospotami,  Lysander  had  restored  to  the 
island  as  many  of  the  ancient  population  as  he  could  find  ;  and 
they  were  now  induced  by  the  Lacedsemonian  harmost  to  infest 
the  Athenian  trade  with  their  privateers  ;  so  that,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  Pericles,  iEgina  again  became  "the  eyesore  of  Pira3us." 
The  most  memorable  event  in  this  period  of  the  war  was  the 
surprise  of  Piraeus  by  Teleutias  with  a  squadron  of  only  12  sail. 
Teleutias  was  the  most  popular  commander  in  the  Lacedemonian 
fleet,  and  was  sent  by  the  Ephors  to  appease  the  discontent 
among  the  Lacedaemonian  seamen  at  iEgina,  in  consequence  of 
not  receiving  their  pay.  Teleutias  plainly  told  them  that  they 
had  nothing  to  depend  upon  but  their  swords,  and  he  bade  them 
prepare  for  an  enterprise,  the  object  of  which  he  did  not  then 
di.-iclose.  Tlris  was  nothing  less  than  an  attack  upon  Piraeus ; 
an  enterprise  which  it  seemed  almo.st  insane  to  attempt  with  a 
force  ot  only  12  triremes.  But  Teleutias  reckoned  on  taking  the 
Athenians  by  surprise.  Ciuittiug  the  harbour  of  iEgina  at  night- 
fall, and  rowing  along  leisurely  and  in  silence,  Teleutias  found 
himself  at  daybreak  within  half  a  mile  of  Piraeus,  and  when  it 
was  fully  light  he  steered  his  vessels  straight  into  the  harbour, 
which  was  beginning  to  a.ssume  again  some  of  its  former  com- 
mercial importance.  Here,  as  he  expected,  he  Ibuiid  no  pre- 
paralious  for  repelling  an  attack,  and  though  the  alarm  was 
immediately  raised,  he  had  time  to  inflict  considerable  damage 
before  any  troops  could  be  got  together  to  oppose  him.  His 
men  disembarked  on  the  quays,  and  carried  otf  not  oifly  the 
portable  merchandise,  but  also  the  shipmasters,  tradesmen,  and 
others  whom  they  found  there.  The  larger  merchant  ships 
were  boarded  and  plundered  ;  several  of  the  smaller  were  towed 


4/54  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Ciiap.  XXXVIIL 

oil'  willi  llicir  whole  cirfrocs  ;  and  even  three  or  four  trircmcfl 
met  tlie  .same  i'ute.  All  llii.s  booty  Tuleiitia.s  Huccceded  in  curry- 
ing safely  into  yE<(ina,  tof^ether  with  several  corn-ships,  and 
other  merchantmen  which  lie  fell  in  with  oil"  Sunium.  The 
prizes  were  then  sold,  and  yielded  so  large  a  sum  that  Teleutias 
was  able  to  pay  the  seamen  a  month's  wages. 

M5.  Whilst  these  things  were  passing  in  Greece,  Antalcidas, 
conducted  by  Tiribazus,  had  repaired  to  the  Persian  court  a 
second  time  for  the  purpose  of  renewing  his  negotiations  for  a 
general  peace  on  the  same  basis  as  he  had  projKJsed  htefbrc. 
This  time  he  succeeded  in  Minning  the  favour  of  tlie  Persian 
monarch,  in  spile  of  his  dislike  of  the  Spartans  generally,  and 
prevailed  on  him  both  to  adopt  the  jteace,  and  to  declare  war 
against  those  who  should  reject  it.  Antalcidas  and  Tiribazus 
again  arrived  on  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor  in  the  spring  of  i;.c. 
387,  not  only  armed  with  these  powers,  hut  provided  with  an 
ample  force  to  carry  them  into  execution.  In  addition  to  the 
entire  fleet  of  Persia,  Dionysius  of  Syracuse  had  placed  2lJ  tri- 
remes at  the  service  of  the  Laceda-monions ;  and  Antalcidas  now 
sailed  with  a  large  fleet  to  the  Hellespont,  where  Iphicrates  and 
the  Athenians  were  still  predominant.  But  the  overwhelming 
force  of  Antalcidas,  the  largest  that  ha.l  been  seen  in  the  tlelles- 
pont  since  the  battle  of  yEgospotami,  rendered  all  resistance 
hopeless.  The  supplies  of  corn  from  the  Euxine  no  longer 
found  their  way  to  Athens  ;  the  jEginetan  privateers  resumed 
their  depredations ;  and  the  Athenians,  depressed  at  once  both 
by  what  they  felt  and  by  what  they  anticipated,  began  to  long 
for  peace.  The  Argives  participated  in  the  same  desire  ;  and 
as  without  the  assistance  of  Athens  it  seemed  ho])eless  for  the 
other  allies  to  struggle  against  Sparta,  all  Greece  seemed  in- 
clined to  listen  to  an  accommodation. 

Under  these  circumstances  deputies  from  the  (.rrecian  states 
wei'e  summoned  to  meet  Tiribazus ;  who,  after  exhibiting  to 
them  the  royal  seal  of  Persia,  read  to  them  the  following  terms 
of  a  peace  :  "  King  Artaxerxes  thinks  it  just  that  the  cities  in 
Asia  and  the  islands  of  Clazomeiuo  and  Cyprus  should  belong  to 
him.  He  also  thinks  it  just  to  leave  all  the  other  Grecian  cities, 
both  small  and  great,  independent — except  Lemnos,  Imbrcs,  and 
Scyros,  which  are  to  belong  to  Athens,  as  of  old.  Should  any 
parties  refuse  to  accept  this  peace,  I  will  make  war  upon  them, 
along  with  those  who  are  of  the  same  mind,  both  by  land  and 
sea.  with  ships  and  with  money." 

The  dejmties  reported  these  terms  to  their  respective  govern- 
ments, all  of  which  at  once  accepted  the  peace  with  the  exception 
of  the  Thebans,  who  claimed  to  take  the  oath  not  in  their  own 


B.C.  38Y. 


PEACE  OF  ANTALCIDAS. 


455 


behalf  alone,  but  for  the  Boeotian  confederacy  in  general.  But 
when  Agesilaus  threatened  the  Thebans  with  war  if  they  did 
not  comply,  they  consented  to  take  the  oath  for  their  own  city 
alone — thus  virtually  renouncing  their  federal  headship. 

^  16.  This  disgraceful  peace,  called  the  peace  of  Antalcidas, 
was  concluded  in  the  year  B.C.  387.  By  it  Helles  seemed  pro- 
strated at  the  feet  of  the  barbarians  ;  for  its  very  terms,  engraven 
on  stone  and  set  up  in  the  sanctuaries  of  Greece,  recognized  the 
Persian  kiiAg  as  the  arbiter  of  her  destinies.  Although  Athens 
cannot  be  entirely  exonerated  from  the  blame  of  this  transac- 
tion, the  chief  guilt  rests  upon  Sparta,  whose  designs  were  far 
deeper  and  more  hypocritical  than  they  appeared.  Under  the 
specious  pretext  of  securing  the  independence  of  the  Grecian 
cities,  her  only  object  Avas  to  break  up  the  confederacies  under 
Athens  and  Thebes,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  Persia,  to  pave 
the  way  for  her  own  absolute  dominion  in  Greece.  Her  real 
aim  is  pithily  characterized  in  an  anecdote  recorded  of  Agesi- 
laus. When  somebody  remarked  "  Alas,  for  Hellas,  that  our 
Spartans  should  be  Medizing.'"  "Say  rather,"  replied  Agesi- 
laus, "that  the  Medes  are  Laconizing." 


Adventures  of  Dionysus,  from  ihe  Choragic  monument  of  Lysicrates. 


Adventures  of  Dionysus,  from  the  Choragic  Monument  ofLysicraics, 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 


FROM  THE  PEACE  OF  ANTALCIDAS  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  CALLIAS. 


§  1.  Aggressions  of  Sparta  in  Bocotia.  Kobiiilding  of  Platfca.  §  2. 
Reduction  of  ^lantinea.  §  3.  Oivnthian  confederation.  Sparta  in- 
terferes. §  4.  Seizure  of  tlie  CaJinea  at  Thebes  by  the  Laceda-mo- 
nians.  §  5.  Reduction  of  Olynthus.  §  6.  Unpopularity  of  Sparta. 
§  7.  Revohition  at  Thebes.  §  8.  The  Laceda?monians  expelled  from 
the  Cadmea.  §9.  Their  expeditions  against  Thebes.  Alarm  of  the 
Athenians,  -who  ally  themselves  with  Tiiebes.  §  10.  Reorganization 
of  the  Athenian  confederation.  §11.  Preparations  for  war.  The 
Theban  "Sacred  Band."  §12.  Ciiaracter  of  Epaminondas.  §13. 
Spartan  invasions  of  Boeotia.  14.  Maritime  affairs.  Battle  ofNaxos. 
Success  of  Timotheus.  §  15.  Progress  of  tlie  Thel)an  arn)s.  §  16. 
The  Athenians  form  a  peace  -with  Sparta,  which  is  immediately 
broken.  Proceedings  at  Corcyra.  §  17.  The  Lacedaemonians  solicit 
Persian  aid.  §18.  Congress  at  Sparta  to  treat  of  peace.  The  The- 
baus  are  excluded  from  it. 

^  1.  No  sooner  was  the  peace  of  Antalcidas  concluded  than 
Sparta,  directed  by  Agesilaus,  the  ever-active  enemy  of  Thebes, 
exerted  all  her  power  to  weaken  that  city.  She  began  by  pro- 
claimuig  the  independence  of  the  various  Bceotian  cities,  and 
by  organizing  in  each  a  local  oligarchy,  adverse  to  Thebes  and 
favourable  to  herself  The  popular  feeling  in  these  cities  was 
in  general  opposed  to  the  Spartan  dominion ;  two  alone,  Orcho- 
menus  and  Thespiaj,  preferred  it  to  that  of  Thebes ;  and  in  these 
the  Lacedasmouians  placed  garrisons,  and  made  them  their  main 
stations  in  BcEotia.  Even  such  a  step  as  this  seemed  to  exceed 
the  spiiit  of  the  treaty,  which  required  merely  the  independence 
of  each  city ;  but  the  restoration  of  Plataea,  now  eHected  by  the 
Lacedsemoniaus,  was  an  evident  work  of  supererogation,  under- 
taken only  to  annoy  and  weaken  Thebes,  and  to  form  a  place 
for  another  Lacedsemonian  garrison.      Since  the  destruction  of 


B.C.  3S5.  DESTRUCTION  OF  MANTINEA.  457 

Plata;a,  most  of  her  remaining  citizens  had  become  domiciled  at 
Athens,  had  married  Athenian  women,  and  had  thus  almost 
forgotten  their  native  country.  These  were  now  restored,  and 
their  city  rebuilt ;  but  merely  that  it  might  become  a  Spartan 
out-post.  Thebes  was  at  present  too  weak  to  resist  these  en- 
croachments on  her  dignity  and  power,  which  even  at  Sparta  were 
regarded  with  dissatisfation  by  king  Agesipolis  and  the  more 
moderate  party. 

§  2.  The  Lacedcemonians  now  found  themselves  in  a  condition 
to  wreak  their  vengeance  on  the  Mantineans,  by  whom  they 
deemed  themselves  aggrieved.  They  could  not,  indeed,  bring 
any  charge  of  positive  hostility  against  the  Mantineans  ;  but  they 
accused  them  of  lukewarmness  and  equivocal  fidelity  ;  of  having 
been  slack  in  furnishing  their  contingents  during  the  late  war  ; 
and  of  having  supplied  the  Argives  witli  corn  when  at  war  with 
Sparta.  Ou  these  grounds  a  massage  was  sent  requiring  the 
Mantineans  to  raze  their  walls  ;  and  as  they  hesitated  to  comply, 
an  army  was  despatched  under  Agesipolis  to  enforce  obedience. 
Agesipolis  succeeded  in  taking  Mantinea,  which  was  well  sup- 
plied with  provisions,  by  damming  up  the  river  Ophis  which 
ran  through  it.  The  inundation  thus  caused  undermined  the 
walls  which  were  built  of  baked  bricks,  and  obliged  the  citizens 
to  capitulate.  Much  harder  terms  were  now  e.\;acted  from 
them.  They  were  required  not  only  to  demolish  their  fortifica- 
tions but  also  a  great  part  of  their  town,  so  as  to  restore  it  to 
the  form  of  five  villages,  out  of  which  it  had  been  originally 
formed.  Each  of  these  villages  was  left  unfortified,  and  placed 
under  a  separate  oligarchical  government.  About  the  same 
time  the  Laceda3monians  compelled  the  city  of  Phlius  to  recall 
a  body  of  exiles  who  had  been  expelled  on  account  of  their  at- 
tachment to  the  interests  of  Sparta. 

s^  3.  But  the  attention  of  Sparta  was  soon  called  to  more 
distant  regions.  Olynthus,  a  town  situated  at  the  head  of  the 
Toronaic  gulf  in  the  peninsula  of  the  Macedonian  Chalcidice,  had 
become  the  head  of  a  powerful  confederation,  which  included 
several  of  the  adjacent  Grecian  cities,  and  among  them  Potidaea, 
on  the  isthmus  of  Pallene.  Acanthus  and  Apollonia,  the  largest 
cities  after  Olynthus,  in  the  Chalcidic  peninsula,  had  refused  to 
join  the  league  ;  and  as  they  were  threatened  with  war  by  Olyn- 
thus, they  despatched  envoys  to  Sparta  to  solicit  aid  (b.c.  3b3). 
The  envoys  gave  an  alarming  account  of  the  designs  of  Olyn- 
thus :  and  being  seconded  by  ambassadors  from  Amyntas,  king 
of  Macedonia,  the  Lacedaemonians  were  easily  persuaded  to  enter 
upon  an  undertaking  Avhich  harmonised  with  tlieir  present  course 
of  policy.     Their  allies  were  persuaded  or  rather  overawed  into 

X 


468  IIISTURY  (JF  GKKKCK.  f.'irAP.  XXXI>L 

ihu  a(l()j)tiori  ol' tlioir  views,  and  an  army  of  10,000  men  was 
voted.  The  emergency,  however,  was  so  pressiiifr  that  Euda- 
midas  was  despatched  at  once  with  a  Ibree  of  2000  hoplites. 
Marching  rapidly  with  only  a  portion  even  of  these,  he  arrived 
in  tune  enougii  lo  deiiuid  Acantlius  and  Ajwllonia,  and  even  suc- 
ceeded in  inducing  ]?otid;i'a  to  revolt  I'nun  the  league.  But, 
thougli  joined  by  Ainynta.s  with  his  forces,  he  was  not  strong 
enough  to  take  the  field  opi-nly  again.st  the  OlynthiarLS. 

^  4.  This  expedition  of  the  Lacedaemonians  led  incidentally  to 
an  allair  of  much  greater  importance.  The  Thebans  had  entered 
into  an  alliance  with  Olynthus,  and  had  forbidden  any  of  their 
citizens  to  join  the  Laceda:!monian  army  destined  to  act  again.st 
it ;  but  they  were  not  strong  enough  to  prevent  its  marching 
through  their  territory.  I'ha-bidas,  the  brother  of  Eudarnidas, 
Avas  appointed  to  collect  the  troops  wliich  Avere  not  in  readiness 
at  the  time  of  his  brothers  departure,  and  to  march  witli  all  pos- 
sible speed  towards  Olynthus.  On  his  way  through  Bu^otia  he 
halted  with  his  division  at  a  gj'mnasium  not  far  from  Thebes ; 
where  he  was  visited  by  Leontiades,  one  of  the  polcmarchs  of 
the  city,  and  two  or  three  other  leaders  of  the  Lacedcemonian 
party  in  Thebes.  It  happened  that  tlie  festival  of  the  Thes- 
inophoria  was  on  the  point  of  being  celebrated,  during  whicli  the 
Cadmea,  or  Theban  Acropolis,  was  given  up  for  the  exclusive  use 
of  the  women.  The  opportunity  seemed  lavourable  lor  a  sur- 
prise ;  and  Leontiades  and  Phoebidas  concerted  a  plot  to  seize  it. 
Whilst  the  festival  was  celebrating,  Phcebidas  pretended  to  re- 
sume his  march,  but  only  made  a  circuit  round  the  city  walls; 
whilst  Leontiades,  stealing  out  of  the  senate,  mounted  his  horse, 
and  joining  the  Lacedaemonian  troops,  conducted  them  towards 
the  Cadmea,  It  was  a  sultry  summer's  alternoon,  so  that  the 
very  streets  w'ere  deserted  ;  and  Phcfibidas,  without  encounter- 
ing any  opposition,  seized  the  citadel  and  all  the  women  in  it,  to 
serve  as  hostages  for  the  quiet  submission  of  the  Thebans. 
Leontiades  then  returned  to  the  senate,  and  caused  his  fellow 
Polemarch,  Ismcnias,  who  was  the  head  of  the  opposite,  or  pa- 
triotic, party,  to  be  seized  and  imprisoned.  Alter  this  blow, 
300  of  the  leading  men  of  his  party  Hed  to  Athens  lor  safety. 
Ismenias  was  shortly  afterwards  brought  to  trial  by  Leontiades 
before  a  packed  court,  and  put  to  death  on  the  ground  of  his 
receiving  money  from  Persia  and  stirring  up  the  late  war. 

This  treacherous  act  during  a  period  of  profound  peace 
awakened  the  liveliest  indignation  throughout  Greece.  Sjiarta 
herself  could  not  venture  to  justily  it  openly,  and  Pha?bidas  -was 
made  the  scape-goat  of  her  atfected  displeasure.  The  Ephors, 
though  tliey  had  secretly  autliorised  the  proceeding,  now  dis- 


B.C.  ^19.  END  OF  THE  OLYNTHIAN  WAR.  459 

avowed  him  ;  and  Af^esilaus  alone,  prompted  by  his  burning 
hatred  of"  Thebes,  stood  forth  in  liis  detence.  The  resuk  was  a 
truly  Laconian  piece  of  hypocrisy.  As  a  sort  of  atonement  to 
the  violated  ieeling  of  Greece,  Phcebidas  was  censured,  fined,  and 
dismissed.  But  that  this  was  a  mere  farce  is  evident  from  the 
fact  of  his  subsequent  restoration  to  command  ;  and,  however 
indignant  the  Lacedsemonians  aflected  to  appear  at  the  act  of 
Pha-bidas,  they  took  care  to  reap  the  fruits  of  it  by  retaining 
their  garrison  in  the  Cadinea. 

^  5.  The  cuce  haughty  Thebes  was  now  enrolled  a  member  of 
the  Lacedaunoiiian  alliance,  and  furnished  her  contingent — the 
grateful  oHeriiig  of  the  new  Theban  government — for  the  war 
which  Sparta  was  prosecuting  with  redoubled  vigour  against 
Olynthus.  The  troops  of  that  city,  however,  especially  its  cav- 
alry, were  excellent,  and  the  struggle  was  protracted  lor  several 
years.  During  the  course  of  it  king  Agesipolis  died  of  a  fever 
brought  on  by  his  exertions  ;  and  the  war,  which  had  begun  in 
i!.c.  383,  was  ultimately  brought  to  a  close  by  his  successor, 
Polybiades,  in  b.c.  379  •  who,  by  closely  blockading  Olynthus, 
deprived  it  of  its  supplies,  and  thus  forced  it  to  capitulate.  The 
Olyntliian  confederacy  was  now  dissolved  ;  the  Grecian  cities  be- 
longing to  it  were  compelled  to  join  the  Laccdsemonian  alliance  ; 
whilst  the  maritime  towns  of  Macedonia  were  again  reduced 
nnder  the  dominion  of  Amyntas.  Sparta  thus  inflicted  a  great 
blow  upon  Hellas  ;  for  the  Olynthian  confederacy  might  have 
served  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  growing  power  of  Macedon,  des- 
tined soon  to  overwhelm  the  rest  of  Greece. 

About  the  same  time  as  the  reduction  of  Olynthus,  Phlius 
yielded  to  the  arms  of  Agesilaus,  who,  on  the  complaint  of  the 
restored  exiles  that  they  could  not  obtain  a  restitution  of  their 
rights,  had  undertaken  the  siege  of  that  city.  A  government 
nominated  by  Agesilaus  was  now  appointed  there. 

§  G.  The  power  of  Sparta  on  land  had  now  attained  its  greatest 
height.  At  sea,  she  divided  with  Athens  the  empire  of  the 
smaller  islands,  whilst  the  larger  one  seems  to  have  been  inde- 
pendent of  both.  Her  unpopularity  in  Greece  was  commen- 
surate with  the  extent  of  her  harshly  administered  dominion. 
She  was  leagued  on  all  sides  with  the  enemies  of  Grecian  free- 
dom— with  the  Persians,  with  Amyntas  of  Macedon,  and  Avith 
Dionysius  of  Syracuse.  But  she  had  now  reached  the  turniug- 
jwint  of  her  fortunes,  and  her  successes,  which  had  been  earned 
without  scruple,  were  soon  to  be  followed  by  misfortunes  and 
disgrace.  The  lirst  blow  came  from  Thebes,  where  she  had  per- 
petrated her  most  signal  injustice. 

§  7.  That   city  had   been   for   tln-ee   years   in   the   hands   of 


400  HISTORY  OF  GREFX'M  Ciiai-.  XXXIX 

Lri)iiliu(l>.'.s  1111(1  llio  Sj);irl;iii  parly.  lJuriii<^  thi.s  liiiit-  f:rcat  dis- 
coiitciit  yiad  grttwii  up  aiii()ii<(  the  n-Hidc-iit  citizens  ;  and  there 
was  also  the  jjarly  of  exa«jK;raled  exiles,  wlio  had  taken  refuse  at 
A 1  hens.  Among  lhe.se  exiles  -was  I'elopidas,  a  young  man  of 
hirlh  and  fortune,  who  had  already  distinguished  himself  hy  his 
disinterested  patriotism  and  ardent  character.  He  applied  a 
great  part  of  his  wealth  to  the  relief  of  his  indignant  fellow- 
citizens,  and  gave  such  undivided  attention  to  jiuhlic  aliairs  as 
to  neglect  the  management  of  his  own  projicrty. 

Pelopidas  took  the  lead  in  llie  plans  now  iijiiiied  for  the  libe- 
ration of  his  country,  and  was  the  heart  and  soul  of  the  enter- 
prise. Rebuked  by  his  friends  on  account  of  his  careles.sne8s,  he 
replied  that  money  was  certainly  useful  to  such  as  were  lame 
and  blind.  His  warm  and  generous  heart  was  irresistibly  at- 
tracted by  everj'thing  great  and  noble  ;  and  hence  he  was  led  to 
ibrm  a  close  and  intimate  friendship  with  E])aminondas,  who 
was  several  years  older  than  himself  and  of  a  still  loftier  cha- 
racter. Their  friendship  is  said  to  have  originated  in  a  cam- 
paign in  which  they  served  together,  when  Pelopidas  having 
fallen  in  battle  apparently  dead,  Epaminondas  protected  his 
body  at  the  imminent  risk  of  his  own  life.  I'elopidas  al'tenvards 
endeavoured  to  persuade  Epaminondas  to  share  his  riches  with 
him  ;  and  when  he  did  not  succeed,  he  resolved,  to  live  on  the 
same  frugal  fare  as  his  great  friend.  A  secret  correspondence 
was  opened  with  his  friends  at  Thebes,  the  chief  of  whom  were 
Phyllidas,  secretary  to  the  polemarchs,  and  Charon.  Epaminon- 
das was  solicited  to  take  a  part  in  the  conspiracy  ;  but,  though 
he  viewed  the  Lacedannoniau  government  with  abhorrence,  his 
principles  forbade  him  to  paticipate  in  a  plot  \Ahich  was  to  be 
carried  out  by  treachery  and  murder. 

The  dominant  faction,  besides  the  advantage  of  the  actual 
possession  of  power,  was  supjiorted  by  a  garrison  of  1500  Lace- 
dajmonians.  The  enterprise,  therefore,  was  one  of  considerable 
difficulty  and  danger.  In  the  execution  of  it  Phyllidas  took  a 
leading  part.  It  was  arranged  that  he  should  give  a  supper  to 
Archias  and  Philippus,  the  two  polemarchs,  whose  companv  was 
to  be  secured  by  the  allurement  of  an  introduction  to  some 
Theban  women  remarkable  for  their  beauty.  After  they  had 
partaken  freely  of  wine,  the  conspirators  Avere  to  be  intro- 
duced, disguised  as  women,  and  to  complete  their  work  by  the 
assassination  of  the  polemarchs.  On  the  day  before  the  banquet, 
Pelopidas,  with  six  other  exiles,  arrived  at  Thebes  from  Athens, 
and,  straggling  through  the  gates  towards  dusk  in  the  disguise 
of  rustics  and  huntsmen,  arrived  safely  at  the  house  of  Charon, 
where  they  remained  concealed  till  the  appointed  hour.     Before 


B.C.  379.  LIBERATION  OF  THEBES.  461 

it  arrived,  liowever,  a  summons  which  Charon  received  to  attend 
the  polemarchs  filled  the  conspirators  with  the  liveliest  alarm. 
These  magistrates,  whilst  enjoying  tlie  good  cheer  of  Phyllidas, 
received  a  vague  message  Irom  Athens  respecting  some  plot 
form.ed  by  tlie  exiles  ;  and,  as  Charon  was  known  to  be  connected 
with  them,  he  was  immediately  sent  for  and  questioned.  By 
the  aid  of  Phyllidas,  however,  Charon  contrived  to  lull  the  sus- 
picions of  the  polemarchs,  who  were  already  half  intoxicated. 
Shortly  after  the  departure  ot  Charon  another  messenger  arrived 
from  Athens  with  a  letter  for  Archias,  in  which  the  whole  plot 
was  accurately  detailed.  The  messenger,  in  accordance  with  his 
uistructions  informed  Archias  that  the  letter  related  to  matters 
of  serious  importance.  But  the  polemarch,  completely  engi'ossed 
by  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  thrust  the  letter  under  the  pillow 
of  his  couch,  exclaiming,  "Serious  mattei's  to-mori"ow.'' 

The  hour  of  their  fate  was  now  ripe,  and  the  polemarchs, 
flushed  with  wine,  desired  PhyUidas  to  introduce  tlie  women. 
The  conspirators,  disguised  Avitli  veils,  and  in  the  ample  folds  of 
female  attire,  were  ushered  into  the  room.  For  men  in  the 
state  of  the  revellers  the  deception  was  complete  ;  but  when  they 
attempted  to  lift  the  veils  I'rom  the  women,  their  passion  was 
rewarded  by  the  mortal  thrust  of  a  dagger.  After  thus  slaying 
the  two  polemarchs,  the  conspirators  went  to  the  house  of  Leon- 
tiades,  whom  they  Ibund  reclining  after  supper,  whilst  his  wife 
sat  spinning  by  his  side.  Leontiades,  who  was  strong  and 
courageous,  immediately  seized  his  sword  and  inflicted  a  mortal 
wound  on  one  of  the  conspirators,  but  was  at  length  overpowered 
and  killed  by  Pelopidas.  Then  the  conspirators  proceeded  to  the 
gaol,  and,  having  liberated  the  prisoners,  supplied  them  with 
arms. 

The  news  of  the  revolution  soon  spread  abroad.  Epammondas, 
whose  repugnance  to  these  proceedings  attached  only  to  then- 
secret  and  treacherous  character,  now  appeared  accompanied  by 
a  few  friends  in  arms.  Proclamations  were  issued  announcing 
that  Thebes  was  free,  and  calling  upon  all  citizens  who  valued 
their  liberty  to  muster  in  the  market-place.  As  soon  as  day 
ilawned,  and  the  citizens  became  aware  that  they  were  sum- 
moned to  vindicate  their  liberty,  their  joy  and  enthusiasm  were 
unbounded.  For  the  first  time  since  the  seizure  of  their  citadel 
tliey  met  in  public  assembly  ;  the  conspirators,  being  introduced, 
were  crowned  by  the  priest  with  wreaths,  and  thanked  in  tlie 
name  of  their  country's  gods  ;  wliilst  the  assembly,  with  gratei\il 
acclamation,  unanimously  nominated  Pelopidas,  Charon,  and  Mel- 
lon as  the  first  restored  Bceotarchs. 

§  8.   Meanwhile  the  remainder  of  the  Theban  exiles,  acconr 


4fl2  lIlSTUltV  OF  (IREECE.  Chap.  XXXlX 

paiiicd  liy  ri  hody  of  Afliciiian  voluiitrors,  .awsfrnbled  on  the 
i'roiilicrs  of  ]{<j'olia  ;  and,  at  the  first  iirws  of  tlie  HUfceps  of  the 
ooiispiraoy,  liaslciwd  to  Thebes  to  coriiiilr-tc  th(3  revolution.  The 
Laccdinrrionian  f^arri.son  sent  to  Thcspirr;  and  Plata;a  for  rcinforoc- 
ments  ;  but  tliese  were  di.spersed  l>y  the  Tfieban  cavalry  before 
they  could  a])proach  the  f,'ates.  The  Thebans,  under  their  new 
BcDotarchs,  were  already  mounting  to  the  a.«.«aidt  of  the  Cadrnca, 
when  the  LacedanuonianHcapitulated,  and  were  allowed  to  march 
out  with  the  Iionoiu's  of  war.  But  several  of  the  Theban  citizens 
of  the  Laceda-nionian  party,  who  had  taken  refufre  in  tlie  citadel, 
were  put  to  death,  and  in  some  cases  even  their  children  .shaied 
their  fate.  The  surrender  cf  the  Cadmea  seems  to  have  been  a 
disgraceful  dereliction  of  duty  on  the  part  of  the  three  com- 
manding Sparlan  harmosls;  nor  are  we  surprised  to  hear  that 
two  of  them  were  put  to  death  and  the  third  fined  and  banished. 
^  9.  Tlic  news  of  this  revolution  gave  a  shock  to  the  Lace- 
daemonian  power  throughout  (j recce.  At  hfparta  itself  it  occa- 
sioned the  greatest  consternation.  Althougli  it  was  the  depth 
of  winter,  the  allied  contingents  were  immediately  called  out 
and  an  expedition  undertaken  against  Thebes.  As  Agesilaus, 
being  now  more  than  sixty  years  of  age,  declined  to  take  the 
command,  it  was  assigned  to  his  colleague,  Cleombrotus,  -who 
penetrated  as  far  into  Bceotia  as  Cynoscephalaj ;  but,  after  re- 
maining there  sixteen  days,  he  returned  to  Sparia  without  having 
efTeeted  anything,  leaving,  however,  a  third  of  liis  army  at  Thes- 
pian, under  the  command  of  Sphodrias.  This  expedition  caused 
great  alarm  at  Athens.  The  Laceda>m.onians  sent  envovs  to 
demand  satisfaction  for  the  part  which  the  Athenians  liad  taken 
ni  the  Theban  revolution.  Among  those  who  had  aided  and 
abetted  the  plot  were  two  of  the  Strategi  or  Generals,  who  were 
now  sacrificed  to  the  public  security,  one  of  them  being  con- 
demned and  executed,  and  the  other,  who  fled  before  trial,  sen- 
tenced to  banishment.  The  Thebans,  now  fearing  that  the 
Athenians  would  remain  (piiet  and  leave  them  to  contend  single- 
handed  against  the  Spartans,  bribed  Sphodrias  to  invade  Attica. 
Accordingly  Sphodrias  set  out  from  Thespian  with  tlie  intention 
of  surprising  the  Piraeus  by  night ;  but,  being  overtaken  by  day- 
light whilst  still  on  the  Thriasian  plain  near  Eleusis,  he  retreated, 
(hough  not  without  committing  various  acts  of  depredation. 
This  attempt  excited  the  liveliest  indignation  at  Athens.  The 
Laceda?monian  envoys,  still  at  Athens,  Mere  seized  and  interro- 
gated, but  exculpated  themselves  from  all  knowledge  of  tlie  en- 
terprise. tSphodrias  himself  was  indicted  for  it  at  S])arta.  but 
the  influence  of  Agesilaus  procured  his  acquittal.  His  escape 
was  denounced  by  the  unaijimous  voice  of  Greece.     At  Athens 


B.C.  878.    ALLIANCE  BETWEEN  ATHENS  AND  THEBES.       46S 

it,  at  once  produced  an  alliance  with  Thebes,  and  a  declaration 
of  Avar  against  Sparta  (u.c.  378). 

§  10.  From  this  time  must  be  dated  the  sera  of  a  new  political 
combination  in  Greece.  Athens  strained  every  nerve  to  organ- 
ize a  fresh  confederacy.  She  already  possessed  the  nucleus  oi'onti 
in  a  small  body  of  maritime  allies,  and  envoys  were  now  sent  to 
the  principal  ports  and  islands  in  the  iEgean,  inviting  them  to 
join  the  alliance  on  equal  and  honourable  terms.  Thebes  did 
not  scruple  to  enrol  herself  as  one  of  its  earliest  members.  At 
Athens  itself  the  fortifications  of  Pira;us  were  completed,  new 
ships  of  war  were  built,  and  every  means  taken  to  ensure  naval 
supremacy.  The  basis  on  which  the  confederacy  was  formed 
closely  resembled  that  of  Delos.  The  cities  comnosing  it  were 
to  be  independent,  and  to  send  dep-uties  to  a  congress  at  Athens, 
for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  common  fund  for  the  support  of  a 
naval  force.  Care  was  taken  to  banish  all  recollections  con- 
nected with  the  former  unpopularity  of  the  Athenian  empire. 
The  name  of  the  tribute  was  no  longer  phoros*  but  syniaxis,^  or 
"  contribution  ;"  and  all  previous  rights  of  cicrucliia  were  formally 
renounced.  The  confederacy,  which  ultimately  numbered  70 
cities,  was  chiefly  organized  through  the  exertions  of  Chabrias, 
of  Timotheus  the  son  of  Conon,  and  of  the  orator  (Jallistratus  ; 
but  of  these  Timotheus  was  particularly  successful  in  procuring 
accessions  to  the  league. 

§11.  The  first  proceeding  of  the  assembled  congress  was  to  vote 
20,000  hoplites,  500  cavalry,  and  200  triremes.  To  meet  the  ne- 
cessary expenses,  a  new  graduated  assessment  of  the  eisphoi'a,t  or 
property  tax,  was  instituted  at  Athens  itself  (b.c.  378);  a  species 
of  tax  never  imposed  except  on  urgent  occasions.  These  pro- 
ceedings show  the  ardour  with  which  Athens  embarked  in  the 
war.  jSTor  were  the  Thebans  less  zealous,  amongst  whom  the 
Spartan  government  had  left  a  lively  feeling  of  antipathy.  They 
hastened  to  enrol  themselves  mider  Pelopidas  and  his  colleagues  ; 
the  most  fertile  portion  of  the  Thcban  territory  was  surrounded 
with  a  ditch  and  palisade,  in  order  to  protect  it  from  invasion ; 
the  military  force  was  put  in  the  best  training,  and  tbe  famous 
"  Sacred  Band"  was  now  for  the  first  time  instituted.  This 
band  was  a  regiment  of  300  hoplites.  It  was  supported  at  the 
public  expense,  and  kept  constantly  under  arms.  It  w?>.s  com- 
posed of  young  and  chosen  citizens  of  the  best  familio-';,  and 
organized  in  such  a  manner  that  each  man  had  at  his  side  o  dear 
and  intimate  I'riend.  Its  special  duty  was  the  defence  of  the 
Cadmea. 


4«4  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chai'.  XXXIX. 

^  12.  The  Thebans  had  always  been  excellent  soldiers;  buttheir 

frood  lurtune  udw  fjfave  tliera  the  greatest  f^enoral  that  (ireeee  liad 
hitlierto  seen.  Eparninonda-s,  vvliu  now  appears  con-sjiieuously 
in  public  lite,  <lerierve.s  the  re|)Utati(>n  not  incnrly  ot  a  Theban 
but  of  a  (xriTian  hero.  Sprung  from  a  poor  but  ancient  family, 
Epaininondas  possessed  all  the  best  qualities  of  his  nation  with- 
out that  heaviness,  either  of  body  or  of  mind,  which  characterized 
and  deteriorated  the  Tlicban  people.  In  the  exerci.scs  of  the 
gymnasium  he  aimed  rather  at  feats  of  skill,  than  of  mere  cor- 
poreal streni^th.  He  excelled  in  music — a  term  which  among 
the  GrcL'ks  denoted  not  only  iiLstrumental  and  vocal  perlitrm- 
ance,  and  dancing,  but  also  the  just  and  rhythmical  intonation 
of  the  voice  and  movement  of  the  body.  To  the.se  accomplish- 
ments he  united  the  more  intellectual  study  of  philo.sophy. 
Throujrh  the  Theban  Simmias,  and  the  Tarentine  Sjiintliarus, 
both  of  whom  had  been  companions  of  Socrates,  Epaminondas 
imbib^nl  the  wisdom  anl  the  method  of  the  great  philosopher 
of  Athens ;  whilst  by  the  Pythagorean  Lysis,  a  Tarentine  exile 
resident  at  Thebes,  he  was  initiated  into  the  mce'e  recondite 
doctrines  of  the  earliest  of  Grecian  sages.  By  these  varied  com- 
munications his  mind  was  enlai'ged  beyond  the  sphere  of  vulgar 
superstition,  and  emancipated  from  that  timorous  interpretation 
of  nature,  which  caused  even  some  of  the  leading  men  of  those 
days  to  behold  a  portent  in  the  most  ordinary  phenomenon.  A 
still  rarer  accomplishment  for  a  Theban  was  that  of  eloquence, 
which  he  possessed  in  no  ordinary  degree.  These  intellectual 
qualities  were  matched  with  moral  virtues  worthy  to  consort 
with  them.  Though  eloquent,  he  was  discreet ;  though  poor,  he 
was  neither  avaricious  nor  corrupt ;  though  naturally  tirm  and 
courageous,  he  was  averse  to  cruelty,  violence,  and  bloodshed  ; 
though  a  patriot,  he  was  a  stranger  to  personal  ambition,  and 
scorned  the  little  arts  by  which  popularity  is  too  often  courted. 
Pelopitlas,  as  we  have  already  said,  was  his  bosom  friend.  It 
was  natural,  therelore,  that  when  Peloj)idas  was  named  Bobo- 
tarch,  Epaminondas  should  be  prominently  einploved  in  organ- 
izing the  means  of  war  ;  but  it  was  not  till  some  years  later 
tliat  his  military  genius  shone  forth  in  its  full  lustre. 

^  13.  The  Spartans  were  resolved  to  avenge  the  repulse  they 
had  received — and  in  the  summer  of  b.c.  378,  Agesilaus  marched 
with  a  large  army  into  Bceotia.  He  succeeded  in  breakinir 
through  the  Theban  circumvallation,  and  ravaged  the  countrj' 
up  to  the  very  gates  of  Thebes  ;  though  the  combined  Theban 
and  Athenian  armies — the  latter  under  Chabrias — presented 
too  formidable  a  front  for  him  to  venture  upon  an  engagement. 
After    spending    h.    month    in    the   BoBOtiau    territory    without 


B.C.  376.  BATTLE  OF  NAXOS.  465 

striking  a  decisive  blow,  Agesilaus  returned  to  Sparta  with 
the  bulk  of  his  army,  leaving  the  rest  under  the  command  of 
Phoebidas  at  Thespite  ;  who  shortly  afterwards  fell  in  a  skirmish. 
A  second  expedition  undertaken  by  Agesilaus  in  the  following 
summer  (k.c.  377)  ended  much  in  the  same  maimer.  An  injury 
to  his  leg,  which  he  received  on  the  homeward  march,  and  which 
was  aggravated  by  the  unskilfulness  of  his  surgeon,  disabled  him 
for  a  long  tima  from  active  service  ;  so  that  the  invasion  in  the 
summer  of  B.C.  376  was  conducted  by  Cleombrotus.  But  the 
Thebans  had  now  acquired  both  skill  and  confidence.  They  an- 
ticipated the  Lacedcemonians  in  seizing  the  passes  of  Cithaeron; 
and  Cleombrotus.  instead  of  invading  Bosotia,  was  forced  to  re- 
treat ingloriously. 

M4.  This  ill-success  on  land  determined  the  Lacedsemonians 
to  try  what  they  could  eti'ect  at  sea  ;  and  a  fleet  of  60  triremes 
under  PoUio  was  accordingly  despatched  mto  the  ^Egean.  Near 
Naxos  they  fell  in  with  the  Athenian  fleet  under  Chabrias,  who 
completely  defeated  them,  thus  regaining  once  more  for  Athens 
the  mastery  of  the  seas.  (b.c.  376.)  It  was  on  this  occasion 
that  young  Phocion  first  distinguished  himself  The  Athenians 
followed  up  this  success  by  sending  Timotheus,  the  son  of 
Conon,  with  a  fleet  into  the  western  seas.  Timotheus  won 
success  as  much  by  prudence  and  conciliation  as  by  arms.  The 
inhabitants  of  Cephallenia  and  Corcyra,  several  of  the  tribes 
of  Epirus,  together  with  the  Acarnanians  dwelling  on  the  coast, 
were  persuaded  to  join  the  Athenian  alliance.  OlFAcarnania 
he  was  attacked  by  the  Peloponnesian  fleet,  which,  however,  he 
defeated ;  and  being  subsequently  reinforced  by  some  triremes 
from  Corcyra,  he  bjcams  completely  master  of  the  seas  in  that 
quarter. 

^  15.  The  justice  and  forbearance,  however,  which  Timotheus 
observed  towards  friends  and  neutrals,  obliged  him  to  draw 
largely  upon  the  Athenian  treasury  ;  and  the  losses  inflicted  on 
the  Athenian  commerce  by  the  privateers  of  ./Egina  caused  the 
drain  to  ba  still  more  seriously  felt.  Athens  was  thus  compelled 
to  make  fresh  demands  on  the  members  of  the  confederacy  ; 
with  which  however  tha  Thebans  refused  to  comply,  though  it 
was  partly  at  their  instance  that  the  Athenian  fleet  had  been 
sent  into  the  iEgean.  This  refusal  was  embittered  by  jealousy 
of  the  rapid  strides,  which,  owing  to  the  diversion  caused  by  the 
maritime  efforts  of  Athens,  Thebes  had  recently  been  making. 
For  two  years  Boeotia  had  been  free  from  Spartan  invasion ;  and 
Thebes  had  employed  this  time  in  extending  her  dominion  over 
the  neighbouring  cities.  One  of  her  most  important  successes 
daring  this  period  was  the  victory  gained  bj'  Pelopidas  near 


46fl  JIISTOIIY  OF  raiEECE.  Chai.  XXXlx 

Teifvra,  a  villafro  dcpoiuli-nt  u[K»n  On-hornenus  (n.r.  375).  The 
Spartan  harmorft  ot"  Orf^lioint'iius  havirif;  left  that  t/jwn  with  the 
greater  part  of  the  frarriw)!!  in  order  to  make  an  incursion  into 
Locris,  Pelopidas  I'ormcd  the  project  of  surprisinj^  Orchornenus, 
but  (inchnjr  it  iinpraeticabic,  was  on  liis  road  home,  when  he  fell 
in  near  Teiryra  with  tlic;  Lacedaanonians  on  their  return  from 
Locris.  Pelopidas  had  with  liim  only  lh<!  Sacred  Band  and  ;i. 
small  body  of  cavalry,  while  the  Laceda-monians  were  nearly 
twice  as  numerous.  He  did  not,  however,  shrink  from  the  con- 
flict on  this  account  ;  and  when  one  of  his  men,  nuinin<r  up  to 
him,  exclaimed,  "  We  are  iallen  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy," 
he  replied,  "  Why  so,  more  than  they  into  the  midst  of  us  ?"  In 
the  battle  which  ensued,  the  two  Spartan  commanders  fell  at 
the  first  charge,  and  their  men  were  put  to  the  rout.  So  signal 
a  victory  inspired  the  Thebans  with  new  confidence  and  vigour, 
as  it  showed  that  Sparta  was  not  invincible  even  in  a  pitched 
battle,  and  with  the  advantage  of  numbers  on  her  side.  By  the 
year  374  b.c,  the  Thebans  had  succeeded  in  entirely  expelling 
the  Lacedismonians  from  Boeotia,  had  put  down  the  oligarchical 
factions  in  the  various  cities,  and  revived  the  Boeotian  confe- 
deracy. Orchornenus  alone,  which  lay  on  the  borders  of  Phccis, 
together  with  its  dependency  Cha-ronea,  still  remained  under 
Spartan  government.  The  Thebans  now  began  to  look  beyond 
their  own  boundaries,  and  to  retaliate  on  the  Phocians  for  the 
assistance  they  liad  lent  to  Sparta.  The  success  of  the  Thebans 
in  that  quarter  v.^ould  have  laid  open  to  them  the  temple  of 
Delphi  with  all  its  treasures  ;  nor  did  such  a  result  seem  impro- 
bable, as  the  Phocians  were  at  the  same  time  hard  })ressed  by 
Jason,  of  Phera;  in  Thessaly.  But  at  the  instance  of  the  Phocians 
Cleombrotus  came  to  their  aid,  and  succeeded  in  assuring  their 
safety,  as  well  as  that  of  Orchornenus. 

^16.  Such  were  the  successes  of  the  Thebans  which  revived 
the  jealousy  and  distrust  of  Athens.  Phocis  was  her  ancient 
ally ;  and  the  Theban  menace  of  that  coun.try,  coupled  with  the 
anger  excited  by  the  refusal  of  the  Thebai.s  to  pay  the  required 
tribute,  induced  the  Athenians  to  make  pro])osals  of  peace  to 
Sparta.  These  were  eagerly  adopted,  and  Timotheus  was  in- 
8tr!:Cted  to  sail  back  to  Athens  with  the  fleet.  The  peace,  how- 
Gvci,  was  broken  almost  as  soon  as  made.  On  his  way  back, 
Timotheus  disembarked  at  Zacynthus  some  exiles  belonging  to 
that  island,  and  assisted  them  in  establishing  a  fortified  post. 
For  this  proceeding  Sparta  demanded  redress  at  Athens  in  the 
name  of  the  Zacvnthian  government  ;  which  being  refused,  war 
was  again  declared.  The  Lacedannonians  now  sent  a  large  force 
under  the  command  of  Mrasippus  Jo  subdue  the  important  island 


B.C.  311.     PEACE  BETWEEN  ATHENS  AND  SPARTA.  467 

of  Corcyra.  which  has  not  appeared  in  Grecian  history  since  the 
time  ot"  the  fearful  dissensions  by  which  it  was  torn  asunder  in 
the  Peloponnesian  war.  Mnasippus  having  efiected  a  landinrc 
and  blockaded  the  capital,  the  Corcyrians  invoked  the  aid  of  the 
Athenians,  who  appomted  Tnnotheus  to  conduct  a  fleet  to  theif 
relief;  and  whilst  this  was  preparing  despatched  Stesicles  with 
600  peltasts  overland  through  Thessaly  and  Epirus.  These  being 
conveyed  across  the  channel  to  Corcyra,  contrived  to  get  into  the 
city,  and  revived  the  hopes  of  the  besieged  with  the  news  of  the 
approaching  Athenian  fleet.  The  distress  and  privation  had  now 
become  very  great  within  the  city  ;  but  the  misconduct  of  Mna- 
sippus aflbrded  the  Corcyrajans  an  opportunity  of  retrieving  their 
afiairs.  His  soldiers,  who  were  mostly  mercenaries,  being  irregu- 
lai'ly  paid  and  harshly  treated,  became  mutinous  and  insubor- 
dinate ;  the  watch  was  badly  kept  ;  and  the  besieged,  observing 
their  opportunity,  made  a  sally  in  which  the  Lacedaemonians 
were  defeated,  and  Mnasippus  himself  slain.  Shortly  afterAvards 
the  approach  of  the  Athenian  fleet  being  announced,  the  Lace- 
dtemonions  hastily  evacuated  the  island,  leaving  behind  them  a 
large  store  of  provisions  and  many  slaves,  besides  a  considerable 
number  of  sick  and  Avounded  soldiers. 

When  the  Athenian  fleet  arrived  it  was  found  to  be  com- 
manded by  Iphicrates,  Chabrias,  and  the  orator  Callistratus. 
Timotheus  had  been  superseded  in  the  command,  because  he 
was  thought  to  have  wasted  time  unnecessarily  in  equipping  the 
fleet.  Iphicrates,  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Corcyra,  captured  nine 
out  of  ten  triremes  sent  by  Dionysius  of  Syracuse  to  the  assist- 
ance of  Sparta.  From  thence  he  crossed  over  to  the  opposite 
coast  of  Acarnania,  and  even  laid  waste  the  western  shores  of 
Peloponnesus. 

^  17.  These  successes  of  the  Athenians  occasioned  great  alarm 
at  Sparta.  Antalcidas  was  again  despatched  (b.c.  372)  to  solicit 
the  intervention  of  Persia,  on  the  plea  that  the  peace  had  been 
infringed  by  the  re-establishment  of  the  Boeotian  confederation. 
But  even  Athens  had  become  anxious  for  peace,  in  consequence 
of  the  increasing  jealousy  of  Thebes,  which  had  recently  destroyed 
the  restored  city  of  Platsea,  and  obliged  its  inhabitants  once  more 
to  seek  refuge  at  Athens.  Prompted  by  these  feelings,  the  Athe- 
nians opened  negotiations  for  a  peace  with  Sparta  ;  a  resolution 
which  was  also  adopted  by  the  majority  of  the  allies.  Due  no- 
tice of  this  intention  was  given  to  the  Thebans,  who  were  also 
invited  to  send  deputies  to  Sparta. 

§  18.  A  congress  was  accordingly  opened  in  that  city  in  the 
spring  of  371  B.c.  The  Athenians  were  represented  by  Callias, 
Autocles,  and  Callistratus  ;  and  the  Thebans  ^y  Epaminondas, 


468 


IlISTOliy  OF  GREECE. 


Ciur.  XXXIX. 


thou  ono  ottlic  piilnnarclis.  Tin;  terms  tii  a  peace  were  agreed 
upon,  by  wlii*;!!  tin;  iii(lcpe.i(liMico  ol' the  various  Greeiarj  cities 
was  to  be  recoijriiizcd  ;  the  ariiiaiiii'iitH  on  both  sides  were  to  be  di«- 
bfinded,  and  the  .Spartan  hariuosts  and  ^'arrisons  everywhere  dis- 
missed. yj)arta  ratilied  the  treaty  lor  herself  and  her  alhes  ;  but 
Alliens  took  the  oaths  only  (or  herscll,  and  was  iijllowed  sejiarate- 
ly  by  her  allies  But  when  the  turn  of  the  Thebans  catue, 
Epaininondas  refused  to  sij^n  excej)t  in  the  name  of  the  Jia-otian 
conlederation,  and  jnslilied  Ins  refusal  in  a  bold  and  eloquent 
speeoh,  in  which  he  iniintaiiied  that  the  title  of  Thebes  to  the 
headship  of  Bujotia  rested  on  as  ju;ood  a  foundation  as  the  claim 
of  oparta  to  the  sovereignty  of  Laconia,  which  he  maintained 
was  derived  only  from  the  power  of  the  sword.  This  novel  and 
startling  view  of  the  matter,  which  nobody  before  had  ever  ven- 
tured to  open,  was  peculiarly  iiTntllting  to  Spartan  ears.  Agesi- 
laus  was  incensed  beyond  measure  at  what  he  regarded  as  another 
instance  of  Thebau  insolence.  Starting  abruptly  from  his  seat, 
and  addressing  Epamiuondas,  he  exclaimed  :  "  Speak  out — will 
yon,  or  will  you  not  leave  each  Boeotian  city  independent  ?" 
Epamiuondas  replied  by  another  rpiestion  :  "  Will  you  leave  each 
of  the  Laconian  towns  indepeiideiit  ?"  Agesilaus  made  no  answer, 
but  directing  the  name  of  the  Thebans  to  be  struck  out  of  the 
treaty,  proclaimed  them  excluded  from  it. 

Thus  ended  the  congress.  The  peace  concluded  between 
Sparta,  Athens,  and  their  respective  allies,  was  called  the  peace 
of  Callias.  The  result  with  regard  to  Thebes  and  Sparta  will 
appear  in  the  following  chapter. 


The  Wind  Boreas,  from  the  Horologium  of  Andronicus  Cyrrhestes  at  Athene. 


Ithome,  from  the  Stadium  oC  Mt 


CHAPTER  XL. 

THE   SUPREMACY    OF    THEBES. 

§  1.  Invasion  of  Boeotia  by  Cleombrotus.  §  2.  Battle  of  Lenctra.  §  3. 
Its  effect  tlu'ougliout  Greece.  §  4.  Jason  of  Pherrc  joins  the  Thebans. 
§  5.  Progress  of  Thebes.  §  6.  Assassination  of  Jason.  §  7.  Estab- 
lishment of  the  Arcadian  league.  §  8.  First  invasion  of  Peloponnesus 
by  Epaminondas.  Alarm  at  Sparta.  Vigorous  measures  of  Agesilaus. 
§  v).  Epaminondas  founds  Megalopolis,  and  restores  the  Messenians. 
g  10.  Alliance  between  Athens  and  Sparta.  Second  invasion  of 
Peloponnesus  bj^  Epaminondas.  §  11-  Invasion  of  Laconia  by  the 
Arcadians.  §  12.  Expedition  of  Pelopidas  into  Thessaly.  The 
"Tearless  Battle"  between  the  Arcadians  and  Lacedaemonians. 
§  13.  Third  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  Epaminondas.  §  14.  Mis- 
sion of  Pelopidas  to  the  court  of  Susa.  §  1.5.  Seizure  of  Pelopidas  by 
Alexander.  His  release.  §  16.  The  Athenians  acquire  Oropus.  Al- 
liance between  Athens  and  Arcadia.  §  17.  Attempt  of  the  Athenians 
to  seize  Corinth  followed  by  an  alliance  between  the  Corinthians  and 
Thebans.  §  18.  Success  of  the  Athenians  at  sea.  A  Theban  fleet 
commanded  by  Epaminondas.  §  19.  Death  of  Pelopidas.  §  20. 
Y>''ars  between  Elis  and  Arcadia.  Battle  at  Olyrapia  during  the 
festival.  §  21.  Dissensions  among  the  Arcadians.  §  22.  Fourth  in- 
vasion of  Peloponnesus  by  Epaminondas.  Attempts  upon  Sparta 
and  Mantinea.  §  2.3.  Battle  of  Mantinea,  and  death  of  Epaminon- 
das.    g  24.  Death  of  Agesilaus. 

M.  In  pursuance  of  the  treaty,  tho  Lacedaemonians  withdrew 
their  harmosts   and  garrisons,   whilst   the  Athenians    recalled 


470  HISTORY  or  GUEPXJK.  Ciiap.  XL. 

Ijjhlcralcs  witli  the  fleet  IVotn  the  Ionian  s(!a.  Oijlyonc  feeling 
prevailed  at  Sparta — a  desire  to  crush  Tliehes  ;  and  tliis  was 
carried  to  an  ahiiost  insane  extent  ;  so  that  even  Xenojihon,  a 
warm  jiarli/an  of  the  Laeeda-inonians,  coinjjares  it  to  a  rnis- 
]eadin;j  and  fatal  inspiration  sent  hy  the  f,'o(ls.  I5ut  this  was 
an  iif'ter-thouglit.  Before  the  actual  eoilision,  the  jxeneral  opinion 
not  only  at  Sparta,  hut  throughout  Greece,  was  very  difli-rent. 
Thebes  was  regarded  as  doomed  to  destruction  ;  and  it  was  not 
for  a  moment  imagined  that,  single-handed,  she  would  he  able 
to  resist  the  might  of  Sparta.  At  the  time  when  the  peace  was 
concluded,  Cleombrolus  haj)j)cned  to  be  in  Phocis  at  the  head  of 
a  Laceda;monian  army  ;  and  he  now  received  orders  to  invade 
Ba'otia  without  delay.  The  Thebans,  on  their  side,  were  equally 
determined  on  resistance.  In  order  to  prevent  Cleombrotus 
from  penetrating  into  Bceotia,  Epaminondas  occupied  with  a 
strong  force  the  narrow  pass  near  Coronea,  situated  between  the 
lake  Copais  and  a  spur  of  Mount  Helicon,  through  which  Agesi- 
laus  had  forced  a  passage  on  his  homeward  march  from  Asia. 
But  Cleombrotus  took  a  circuitous  road,  deemed  hardly  practi- 
cable, and  therefore  but  slightly  guarded,  over  the  mountains  to 
the  south.  Arriving  thus  unexpectedly  before  Creusis  in  the 
Crissa;an  gulf,  he  took  that  place  by  surprise,  and  seized  twelve 
Theban  triremes  which  lay  in  the  harbour.  Then,  having  left  a 
garrison  in  the  town,  he  directed  his  march  through  the  terri- 
tory of  Thespise,  and  encamped  on  the  memorable  plain  of 
Leuctra. 

^  2.  This  march  of  Cleombrotus  displays  considerable  military 
skill.  He  had  not  only  succeeded  in  penetrating  into  Boeotia 
almost  without  opposition  ;  but,  by  seizing  the  port  of  Creusis,  he 
liad  secured  a  safe  retreat  in  case  of  disaster.  The  Thebans  were 
discouraged  at  his  progress,  and  it  recpiired  all  the  enersr)'  and 
address  of  Epaminondas  and  Pelopidas  to  revive  their  drooping 
spirits.  Omens  of  evil  import  had  attended  their  march  from 
Thebes;  and  when  they  encamped  within  sight  of  the  Laceda>- 
monians,  three  out  of  the  seven  Bceotarchs  were  for  returning 
to  the  city  and  shutting  themselves  up  in  it,  after  sending  away 
their  wives  and  children  to  Athens.  But  Epaminondas  had  too 
much  confidence  in  his  own  genius  to  listen  to  such  timorous 
counsels.  His  own  mind  was  proof  against  the  fears  of  super- 
stition, and  luckily  some  favourable  portents  now  gave  encourage- 
ment to  his  troops.  A  Spartan  exile  sca-ving  with  the  Thebans 
bade  them  remark,  that  on  that  very  spot  stood  the  tomb  of 
two  Boeotian  virgins  who  slew  themselves  m  consequence  of 
having  been  outraged  hy  Lacedtemonians.  The  shades  of  these 
iniured  maidens,  he  said,  Avould  now  demand  venjreance  :  and 


B.C.  371.  BATTLE  OF  LEUCTRA.  471 

the  Theban  commanders,  seizing  the  omen,  crowned  the  tombs 
with  wreaths. 

The  forces  on  each  side  are  not  accurately  known,  but  it  seems 
probable  that  the  Thebans  were  outnumbered  by  the  Laceda;- 
monians.  The  mihtary  genius  of  Epaminondas,  however,  com- 
pensated any  inferiority  of  numbers  by  novelty  of  tactics.  Up 
to  this  time  Grecian  battles  had  been  uniformly  conducted  by  a 
general  attack  in  laie.  Epaminondas  now  first  adopted  the  ma- 
noeuvre, used  with  such  success  by  Napoleon  in  modern  times, 
of  concentrating  heavy  masses  on  a  given  point  of  the  enemy's 
array.  Having  fomied  his  left  wing  into  a  dense  column  of  50 
deep,  so  that  its  depth  was  greater  than  its  front,  he  directed  it 
against  the  Laceda?monian  right,  containing  the  best  troops  in 
their  anny,  drawn  up  12  deep,  and  led  by  Cleombrotus  in  person. 
Meanwhile  the  Theban  centre  and  right  were  ordered  to  be  kept 
out  of  action,  and  in  readiness  to  support  the  advance  of  the  left 
wing.  The  battle  began  v/ith  skirmishes  of  cavalry  in  front,  in 
which  the  Laceda?mouian  horse  were  soon  driven  in.  The 
Theban  left,  the  Sacred  Band  with  Pelopidas  at  their  head, 
leading  the  van,  now  fell  Avith  such  irresistible  weight  on  the 
Lacedaimonian  I'ight,  as  to  bear  down  all  opposition.  The  sliock 
was  terrible.  Cleombrotus  himself  was  mortally  wounded  in  the 
onset,  and  with  difficulty  carried  off  by  his  comrades.  I\  umbers 
of  his  officers,  as  well  as  of  his  men,  were  slain,  and  the  Avhole  Aving 
was  broken  and  driven  back  to  the  camp.  On  no  other  part  of 
the  line  was  thei'e  any  serious  fighting  ;  partly  owing  to  the  dis- 
position made  by  Epaminondas,  and  partly  to  the  lukewannness 
of  the  Spartan  allies,  who  occupied  the  centre  and  part  of  the 
right  Aving.  The  loss  of  the  Thebans  AA'as  small  compared  AA^ith 
that  of  the  Laceda3monians.  Out  of  700  Spartans  in  the  army 
of  the  latter,  400  had  fallen  ;  and  their  king  also  had  been  slain, 
an  event  Avhich  had  not  occurred  since  the  fatal  day  of  Tliermo- 
pylae.  Many  of  their  allies  hardly  concealed  the  satisfaction 
which  they  lelt  at  their  defeat ;  whilst  so  great  Avas  the  depres- 
sion among  the  Lacedajmonians  themselves,  that  very  fcAV  were 
found  bold  enough  to  propose  a  reneAval  of  the  combat,  in  order 
to  recover  the  bodies  of  the  slain.  The  majoiity  decided  that  a 
truce  should  be  solicited  for  that  purpose.  But,  though  the 
bodies  of  the  fallen  Avere  given  up,  their  arms  Avcre  retained  ;  and 
five  centuries  afterAvards  the  shields  of  the  principal  Spartan 
officers  were  seen  at  Thebes  by  the  traveller  Pausanias. 

§  3.  The  victory  of  Leuctra  Avas  gained  Avithin  three  Aveeks 
after  the  exclusion  of  the  Thebans  from  the  peace  of  Callias. 
The  efiect  of  it  throughout  Greece  AA^as  electrical.  It  was  every- 
where felt  that  a  new  military  power  had  arisen — that  the 


472  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Coap.  XL 

prcHtific  of  lli(!  old  Spiirtaii  (liscij)liiK'  and  tactifs  liad  dcjjartcd 
Y(  t,  at  Sparta  it.scdl,  tlinii<.'li  tliu  rfvcT^^e  was  the  greatest  that 
her  arms  had  ever  t^u.staiiied,  thir  iie\V!>  of  it  was  received  with 
an  assniii]jtioii  of  iii(hliereiiee  eharaeteristi*;  nl  tlie  people.  The 
Ephor.s  lurbade  tlic  chorus  ot  iiicti,  wlio  were  celebrating  in  the 
theatre  the  festival  of  the  Gyiiino])a;dia,  to  he  interrupted.  They 
contented  themselves  witli  directing  the  names  of  the  slain 
to  be  communicated  to  their  relatives,  and  with  issuing  an 
order  forbidding  the  women  to  wail  and  mauni.  Those  who*'J 
friends  had  fallen  apjK-ared  abroad  on  the  morrow  with  joyful 
countenances,  whilst  the  relatives  of  the  survivors  seemed  over- 
whelmed with  grief  and  shame.  The  Ephors  then  directed  their 
attention  to  the  rescue  of  the  defeated  army.  The  whole  re- 
maining military  force  of  Sparta,  inchiduig  even  the  more  aged 
citizens,  together  with  what  forces  could  be  collected  from  the 
allies,  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Archidamus,  .son  of 
Agesilaus,  and  transported  by  sea  from  Corinth  to  Creusis. 
which  port  now  proved  an  invaluable  acquisiticn. 

^  4.  Immediately  afler  the  battle  the  Tlicbans  had  sent  to 
Jason  of  Phera;  in  Thessaly  to  solicit  his  aid  against  tlie  Laceda;- 
monians.  We  have  already  had  occasion  to  mention  this  despot, 
who  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  of  the  period.  He  was 
Tagus,*  or  Generalissimo,  of  all  Thessaly  ;  and  Macedonia  was 
partially  dependent  on  him.  He  was  a  man  of  boundless  ambi- 
tion, and  meditated  nothing  less  than  extending  his  dominion 
over  the  whole  of  Greece,  for  which  his  central  situation  seemed 
to  offer  many  facilities.  Upon  receiving  the  invitation  of  the 
Thebans,  Jason  immediately  resolved  to  join  them,  and  marched 
with  such  ra])idity  that  he  forestalled  all  opposition,  though  he 
had  to  proceed  through  the  hostile  territories  ot  the  Heracleots 
and  riiocians.  When  he  arrived,  the  Thebans  were  anxious  that 
he  should  unite  with  them  in  an  attack  upon  the  Lacedaemonian 
camp;  but  Ja.son  dissuaded  them  from  the  enterprise,  advising 
them  not  to  drive  the  Lacedanuonians  to  despair,  and  otlering 
his  mediation.  He  accordingly  succeeded  in  eflecting  a  truce, 
by  which  the  Laccda-nwuians  were  allowed  to  depart  from 
Bajotia  unmolested.  Their  commander,  however,  did  not  trust 
to  this  ;  bvit,  having  given  out  that  he  meant  to  march  over 
Mount  Cithseron,  he  decamped  in  the  night  to  Creusis,  and  from 
thence  proceeded  by  a  dilficult  road  along  the  side  of  the  rocks 
upon  the  coast  to  ^gosthena  in  the  Megarid  ;  where  he  was  met 
by  Archidamus  and  his  army.  As  the  defeated  troops  were  now 
in  safety,  the  object  of  the  latter  had  been  attained,  aud  the 
whole  armament  was  disbanded. 


B.C.  310.  JASOIS^  OF  PHER^.  473 

^  5.  According  to  Spartan  custom,  the  survivois  of  a  defeat 
were  looked  upon  as  degraded  men,  and  subjected  to  the  pe- 
nalties of  civil  infamy.  No  allowance  was  made  for  circum- 
stances. But  those  who  had  tied  at  Leuctra  were  three  hundred  in 
number  ;  an  attempt  to  enforce  against  them  the  usual  penalties 
might  prove  not  only  inconvenient,  but  even  dangerous  ;  and  on 
the  proposal  of  Agesilaus,  they  were,  for  this  occasion  only,  sus- 
pended. The  loss  oi  material  power  which  Sparta  sustained  by 
the  defeat  was  great.  Tiie  ascendency  she  had  hitherto  enjoyed 
in  parts  north  of  the  Corinthian  gulf  tell  from  her  at  once,  and 
was  divided  between  Jason  of  Pherae,  and  the  Thebans.  The 
latter,  fluslied  by  success,  now  panted  for  nothing  but  military 
glory,  and  under  the  superintendence  of  Epaminondas  devoted 
themselves  to  an  active  course  of  warlike  training.  Their  alliance 
was  sought  on  every  side.  The  Phocians  were  the  hrst  to  claim 
it,  aud  their  example  was  soon  followed  by  the  Euboeans,  the 
Locrians,  the  Malians,  and  the  Heracleots.  In  this  flood-tide  of 
power  the  Thebans  longed  to  take  vengeance  on  their  ancient 
enemy  Orchomenus,  to  destroy  the  town,  and  to  sell  the  inhabit- 
ants lor  slaves  ;  and  from  this  design  they  were  only  diverted  by  the 
mildness  and  wisdom  of  Epaminondas.  But  the  Orchomenians 
were  forced  to  make  their  submission,  aud  \vere  then  re-admitted 
as  members  of  the  Boeotian  confederation.  The  same  lenity  was 
not  extended  to  the  Thespians,  who  were  expelled  from  Boeotia, 
and  their  territory  annexed  to  Thebes.  They  took  refuge,  like 
the  Plateeans,  at  Athens. 

^6.  At  the  same  time  Jason  of  Phera3  was  also  extending  his 
influence  and  power.  It  was  known  that  he  was  revolving  some 
important  enterprise,  but  it  was  doubtful  whether  he  would  turn 
his  arms  against  the  Persians,  against  the  cities  of  Chalcidice,  or 
against  the  states  of  southern  Greece.  After  the  battle  of  Leuctra 
the  last  seemed  the  most  probable.  He  had  annomiced  his  inten- 
tion of  being  present  at  the  Pythian  festival,  which  was  to  take 
place  in  August  370  b.c,  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army  ;  on 
which  occasion  his  sacrifice  to  the  Delphian  god  was  to  consist 
of  the  enormous  quantity  of  1000  bulls,  and  10,000  sheep,  goats, 
and  swine.  But  it  was  unpleasant  tidings  for  Gi-ecian  ears  to 
learu  that  he  intended  to  usurp  the  presidency  and  management 
of  the  festival,  which  were  the  prerogatives  of  the  Amphictyonic 
Council.  In  this  conjuncture  the  alarmed  Delphians  consulted 
the  god  as  to  what  they  should  do  in  case  Jason  approached 
their  treasury,  and  received  for  answer  that  he  would  himself 
take  care  of  it.  Shortly  afterwards  the  despot  was  assassinated  by 
seven  youths  as  he  sat  in  public  to  give  audience  to  all  comers. 
The  death  of  Jason  was  felt  a?  a  rehef  by  Greece,  and  especiallv 


m  HISTORY  01'  C.iiKKCll  (Jmat.  XL. 

by  Tlal)."s.  H'j  was  succeeded  by  bin  two  brothers  Polyphron 
and  rolydorus  ;  but  lliey  jMJsscsscd  neither  hi»  abihty  nor  his 
f)ower. 

W-  The  Athenians  stood  aloof  from  the  contending  parties. 
They  had  not  received  the  new.s  of  the  battle  of  Lcuetra  with 
any  pleasure,  for  they  now  dreaded  Thebes  more  than  Sjjarta. 
But  nistead  of  helpiiifr  the  latter,  they  endeavoured  to  prevent 
cither  from  obtaininfr  the  supremacy  in  Greece,  and  for  this  pur- 
pose called  upon  the  other  -states  to  form  a  new  alliance  upon 
the  terms  of  the  peace  of  Antalcidas.  Most  of  the  Peloponncsian 
states  joined  this  new  leajrue  ;  but  the  Eleans  declined,  on  ihc 
ground  tliat  they  would  thus  deprive  themselves  of  their  sove- 
reignty over  the  Triphylian  cities. 

Thus  even  the  Peloponncsian  cities  became  independent  of 
Sparta.  But  this  was  not  all.  Never  did  any  state  fall  with 
greater  rapidity.  She  not  only  lost  the  dommion  over  states 
which  she  had  exercised  for  centuries ;  but  two  new  political 
powers  sprung  up  in  the  peninsula,  which  threatened  her  own 
independence.  The  first  of  these  was  the  Arcadian  confedera- 
tion, established  a  few  months  after  the  battle  of  Leuctra  ;  the 
second  was  the  nev/  Messenian  state,  founded  by  Epaminondas 
two  years  later. 

It  has  been  related  liow  the  Lacedajmonians  had  some  years 
previously  broken  up  Mantinea  into  its  five  original  villages, 
and  thus  degraded  it  from  the  rank  of  a  city.  The  Mantineans, 
assisted  by  the  Arcadians  of  various  other  quarters,  now  availed 
themselves  of  the  weakness  of  Sparta  to  rebuild  their  town. 
Its  restoration  suggested  the  still  more  extensive  scheme  of  a 
union  of  all  the  Arcadian  cities.  Hitherto  the  Arcadians  had 
been  a  race  and  not  a  nation,  having  nothing  in  common  but 
their  name.  The  idea  of  uniting  them  into  a  federal  state  arose 
with  Lycomedes,  one  of  the  leading  men  of  the  restored  Man- 
tinea.  It  was  expected  that  the  Thebans  and  Argives  would 
lend  their  aid  to  the  project,  which  was  well  received  throughout 
the  greater  part  of  Arcadia,  though  opposed  by  Tegea  and  cer- 
tain other  cities  jealous  of  Mantinea.  The  Spartans  would  not 
tamely  allow  such  a  Ibrmidable  power  to  spring  up  at  their  very 
doors ;  and,  accordingly,  Agesilaus  marched  with  a  Lacedfemo- 
:iian  army  against  Mantinea  (n.c.  370).  But  the  Mantineans 
were  too  prudent  to  venture  on  an  engagement  till  reinforced  by 
the  Thebans,  to  whom  they  had  ajiplied  for  assistance  ;  and  as 
they  kept  within  their  walls,  Agesilaus,  after  ravaging  their  ter- 
ritory, marched  back  to  Sparta. 

^  8.  Ever  since  the  battle  of  Leuctra,  Epaminondas  had  been 
watching  an  opportunity  for  interfering  m  the  affairs  of  Peiopon- 


6.0.370.  EPAMINONDAS  INVADES  LACONIA.  475 

nesus.  But  his  views  were  not  confined  to  the  estabhshnnent  of 
an  Arcadian  xniion.  He  also  proposed  to  restore  the  exiled  Mes- 
senians  to  their  territory.  That  race  had  formerly  hved  under  a 
dynasty  of  their  own  kings  ;  but  for  the  last  three  centuries 
their  land  had  been  in  the  possession  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  and 
they  had  been  fugitives  upon  the  face  of  the  earth.  The  re- 
storation of  these  exiles,  now  dispersed  in  various  Hellenic  co 
fonies,  to  their  former  rights,  would  plant  a  bitter  hostile  neigh- 
bour on  the  very  borders  of  Laconia.  Epaminondas  accordingly 
opened  communications  with  them,  and  numbers  of  them  flocked 
to  his  standard  during  his  march  into  Arcadia,  late  in  the  au- 
tumn of  370  B.C.  He  entered  that  country  shortly  after  Agesi- 
laus  had  quitted  it,  and,  in  addition  to  the  Arcadians,  was 
immediately  joined  by  the  Argives  and  Eleans.  The  combined 
force,  including  the  Tiiebans,  is  estimated  at  70,000  men.  Epa- 
minondas, Avho  had  in  reality  the  chief  command,  though  asso- 
ciated with  the  other  Bceotarchs,  brought  with  him  choice  bodies 
of  auxiliaries  from  Phocis.  Locris,  and  other  places,  and  especially 
the  excellent  cavalry  and  peltasts  of  Thessaly.  But  it  was  the 
Theban  bands  themselves  that  were  the  object  of  universal  ad- 
miration ;  which,  under  the  inspection  of  Epaminondas,  had 
been  brought  into  the  highest  state  of  discipline  and  efficiency. 
The  Peloponnesian  allies,  elated  at  tlie  sight  of  so  large  and  so 
well  appointed  an  army,  pressed  Epaminondas  to  invade  Laconia 
itself,  since  his  services  were  no  longer  required  in  Arcadia,  in 
consequence  of  the  retreat  of  Agesilaus.  Although  it  was  now 
mid-winter,  he  resolved,  after  some  hesitation,  to  comply  with 
their  request.  Dividing  his  army  into  four  parts,  he  crossed 
without  any  serious  opposition  the  mountains  separating  Ar- 
cadia from  Laconia,  and  reunited  his  forces  at  Sellasia.  From 
thence  he  marched  to  Amyclse,  two  or  three  miles  below  Sparta, 
where  he  crossed  the  river  Eurotas,  and  then  advanced  cautiously 
towards  the  capital. 

Sparta,  which  was  wholly  uniortilled,  was  now  filled  with  con- 
fusion and  alarm.  The  women,  who  had  never  yet  seen  the  face 
of  an  enemy,  gave  vent  to  their  fears  in  wailing  and  lamentation. 
Moreover,  the  state  was  in  great  danger  from  her  own  intestine 
divisions.  Not  only  was  she  threatened  by  the  customary  dis- 
content of  the  PericEci  and  Helots,  but  the  large  class  of  poor 
and  discontented  citizens  called  "  Life'riors,"  looked  with  anger 
on  the  wealth  and  political  power  of  the  "  Peers."*  But  the 
emergency  was  pressing,  and  called  for  decisive  measures.  The 
Ephors  ventured   on  the  step  of  offering  Ireedom  to  sucii  He- 

*  See  p.  438. 


47«  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XL 

Jots  .'i.s  would  fiili.sl  as  lioplites  for  tho  (K-fiuro  of't>ie  city.  The 
call  was;  responded  to  by  no  lewer  than  CiOOO,  who  now  inspired 
li-ar  by  their  very  numbers  ;  and  the  alarm  was  justified  and 
heiffhtened  ]>y  the  latrt  that  a  considerable  body  of  PericEci  and 
Helols  had  aetuaily  joined  the  Thebans. 

In  the  midst  of"  tliese  pressin<(  danfzers  Sj)ar1a  was  saved  by 
the  vigilance  and  enerfry  of"  her  aged  king  Agesilaug.  He  re- 
pulsed  tiic  cavalry  ni'  i'^jtaminondas  as  they  advanced  towards  tha 
city  ;  and  so  vigorous  wen-  his  measures  of  defence,  tliat  Epa* 
minundas  abandoned  all  further  attempt  upon  the  city,  and 
proceeded  southwards  as  far  as  llelos  and  Gvthium  on  the  coast, 
the  latter  the  port  and  arsenal  cf  tSparta.  After  laying  waste 
■witli  fire  and  sword  tlie  valley  of  the  Eurotas,  he  retraced  his 
steps  to  the  frontiers  of  Arcadia. 

S^  9.  Epaniiiiondas  now  piccecded  to  carry  out  the  two  objects 
for  which  his  march  had  been  undertaken  ;  namely,  the  conso- 
lidation of  the  Arcadian  confederation,  and  the  establishment  of 
the  Messenians  as  an  independent  community.  In  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  former  of  these  designs,  the  mutual  jealousy  of  the 
various  Arcadian  cities  rendered  it  necessary  that  a  new  one 
should  be  founded,  which  should  be  regarded  as  the  capital  of 
the  confederation.  Consequently,  a  new  city  was  built  on  the 
banks  of  the  Helisson,  called  Megalopolis,  and  peopled  by  the 
inhabitants  of  forty  disthict  Arcadian  towiishijis.  Here  a  svnod 
of  deputies  from  the  towns  composing  the  confederation,  called 
"  The  Ten  Thousand,"*  was  to  meet  periodically  for  the  de- 
spatch of  business.  A  body  of  Arcadian  troops,  called 
Epariti,t  was  also  levied  for  the  purposes  of  the  league.  Epa- 
niiiiondas next  founded  the  town  of  Messene.  Its  citadel  was 
placed  on  the  summit  of  Mount  Ithome,  which  had  three  cen- 
turies before  been  so  bravely  defended  by  the  Messenians  against 
the  Spartans  ;  whilst  the  town  itself  was  seated  lower  down  upon 
the  western  slope  of  the  mountain,  but  connected  with  its  Acro- 
polis by  a  continuous  wall.  The  strength  of  its  fortifications 
w-as  long  afterwards  a  subject  ol"  admiration.  The  territorj'  at- 
tached to  the  new  city  extended  southwards  to  the  Messenian 
gulf,  and  northw^ards  to  the  borders  of  Arcadia,  comprising  some 
of  the  most  fertile  land  in  Peloponnesus. 

In  order  to  settle  the  atiiiirs  of  Arcadia  and  Messcnia.  Epami- 
nondas  had  remained  in*  Peloponnesus  four  months  after  the 
legal  period  of  his  command  had  expired  ;  for  which  olience  he 
and  the  otlier  Ba^otarchs  were  arraigned  on  his  return  to  Thebes. 
But  they  Avere  honourably  acquitted,  Epaminondas  having  ex- 

*  Mvpioi.  \  'E-ufiirai. 


B.C.  370.  FOUNDATIOX  OF  MEGALOPOLIS.  477 

pressed  his  willingness  to  die  if  the  Thebans  would  record  that 
he  was  put  to  death  because  he  had  humbled  Sparta,  and  taught 
his  countrymen  to  conquer  her  armies. 

^10.  So  low  had  Sparta  now  sunk,  that  she  was  fain  to  send 
envoys  to  beg  the  assistance  of  the  Athenians.  This  request 
was  acceded  to;  and  shortly  afterwards  an  alliance  was  formed 
between  the  two  states,  in  which  Sparta  waived  all  her  claims  to 
ouperiority  and  head.ship.  It  was  agreed  that  the  command  both 
on  laud  and  sea  should  alternate  every  five  days  between  Athens 
and  oparta,  and  that  their  united  forces  should  occupy  Corinth 
and  guard  the  passes  of  the  Onean  mountains  across  the  isth- 
mus, so  as  to  prevent  the  Thebans  from  again  invading  Pelopon- 
nesus. Before  this  position  Ej)aminondas  appeared  with  his 
army  in  the  spring  of  the  year  e.c.  3G9  ;  and  as  all  his  ultempts 
to  draAV  on  a  battle  proved  unavailing,  he  resolved  on  forcing  his 
way  through  the  hostile  lines.  Directing  his  march  just  before 
daybreak  against  the  position  occupied  by  the  Lacedaemonians, 
he  succeeded  in  surprising  and  completely  defeating  them.  Ho 
was  thus  enabled  to  form  a  junction  with  his  allies  in  Pelopon- 
nesus, whdst  the  Laccda-monians  and  Athenians  do  not  appear 
to  have  stirred  from  their  position.  Sicyon  now  deserted  Sparta 
and  joined  the  Theban  alliance  ;  but  the  little  town  of  Phlius 
remained  faithful  to  the  LacedEemonians,  and  successfully  re- 
sisted all  the  attempts  made  to  capture  it.  The  Thebans  were 
also  defeated  in  an  attempt  upon  Corinth  ;  and  the  spirits  of 
the  Spartan  allies  were  still  further  raised  by  the  arrival  at 
Lechffium  of  a  Syracusan  squadron,  bringing  2000  mercenary 
Gauls  and  Iberians,  together  with  50  horsemen,  as  a  succour 
from  the  despot  Dionysius.  After  a  while,  however,  accord- 
ing to  the  usual  desultory  nature  of  Grecian  warfare,  both 
armies  returned  home  without  having  achieved  anything  of  im- 
portance. 

S^  11.  Meanwhile  the  Arcadians,  elate  with  their  newly  acquired 
power,  not  only  believed  them.selves  capable  of  maintaining  their 
independence  without  foreign  assistance,  but  thought  themselves 
entitled  to  share  the  headship  with  Thebes,  as  Athens  did  with 
Sparta.  Lycomedes,  whom  we  have  already  mentioned  as  an 
able  and  energetic  citizen  of  Mantinea,  was  the  chief  promoter 
of  these  ambitious  views,  and  easily  flattered  the  national  vanity 
of  his  countrj'men  by  appeals  to  their  acknowledged  courage  and 
hardihood.  They  responded  to  his  representations  by  calling 
upon  him  to  lead  them  into  active  service,  appointed  him  their 
commander,  and  chose  all  the  officers  whom  he  nominated.  The 
first  exploit  of  Lycomedes  was  to  rescue  the  Argive  troops  in 
Epidaurus,  where  they  were  in  great  danger  of  being  cut  ofi'  by  a 


478  IIISTOKV  UK  (iUKKCK.  Ciur.  XL 

body  of  Allnuiiiiir!  and  Corinthians  inid'T  Cliabnas.  He  then 
marched  into  the  .soulh-western  jjortion  of  MesBcnia,  where  he 
penetrated  as  far  as  Awine,  defeated  the  h>partau  commander 
Geranor,  who  liad  drawn  out  the  garrison  to  oppose  liirn,  and 
destroyed  the  suburbs  of  the  town.  It  was  ])rohably  by  this 
expedition  that  the  annihilation  of  tlie  Spartan  dominion  in  tliat 
quarter  was  completed.  The  liardihood  and  enterprise  displayed 
in  it  excited  everywhere  both  admiration  and  alann  ;  but  at 
Thebes  it  also  occasioned  jealousy.  At  the  same  time  circum- 
Btances  aro.se  which  tenilcd  to  di.sunite  the  Arcadians  and  J'^leans. 
The  former  objected  to  YAts  resumitifr  her  sovereifinity  over  tlie 
towns  of  Triphylia,  which  they  liad  thought  to  regain  after  the 
decay  of  the  Spartan  supremacy. 

^  12.  During  the  year  3Gb  i;.c.  the  Thebans  undertook  no  ex- 
pedition into  Peloponnesus  ;  but  Pelopidas  conducted  a  Theban 
force  into  Thessaly  for  tlie  purpose  of  protecting  Lari.«sa  and 
other  cities  against  the  designs  of  Alexander,  who,  by  the  murder 
of  bis  two  brothers,  had  become  despot  of  Plicraj  and  Tagus  of 
Thessaly.  Alexander  was  compelled  to  sobcit  peace  ;  and  Pe- 
lopidas, after  establishing  a  defensive  league  amongst  the  Thes- 
salian  cities,  marched  into  Macedonia,  when  the  regent  Ptolemy 
entered  into  an  alliance  ^\•ith  the  Thebans.  Amongst  the  hcc- 
tages  given  for  the  observance  of  this  treaty  was  the  youthful 
Philip,  son  of  Amyntas,  afterwards  the  celebrated  king  cf  Mc- 
cedon,  who  remained  for  some  years  at  Thebes. 

Shortly  afterwards  tlie  Laceda:monians,  under  the  command 
of  Archidamus,  supported  by  the  reinforcements  sent  by  Diony- 
sius,  succeeded  in  routing  the  Arcadians  with  great  slaughter, 
whilst  not  a  single  Lacedaemonian  fell,  whence  the  victory  de- 
rived the  name  of  "  the  Tearless  Battle."  The  news  of  this  deieat 
of  the  Arcadians  was  by  no  means  unwelcome  at  Thebes,  as  it 
was  calculated  to  check  their  presumption,  and  to  show  them 
that  they  could  not  dispense  with  Theban  aid. 

§  13.  Epaminondas  noAV  resolved  on  another  expedition  into 
Peloponnesus,  with  the  view  of  bringing  the  Achsans  into  the 
Theban  alliance.  Until  the  battle  of  Leuctra  the  cities  of  Achaia 
had  been  the  dependent  allies  of  Sparta  ;  but  since  that  event 
they  liad  remained  free  and  neutral.  On  the  approach  of  Epa- 
minondas they  immediately  submitted,  and  consented  to  be  en- 
rolled among  the  allies  of  Thebes.  That  commander,  with  his 
usual  moderation,  did  not  insist  upon  any  change  in  their  go- 
vernments. But  this  was  made  a  subject  of  accusation  against 
him  at  Jiome.  The  Arcadians  charged  him  with  having  left  n^.en 
in  power  in  the  Achaean  cities  wlio  ■would  join  Sparta  on  the  first 
;)])portunity.    These  acvusations,  being  supported  by  the  enemies 


B.C.  368.  THE  TEARLESS  BATTLK  ila 

of  Epaminoudas,  prevailed  :  his  proceedings  in  Aehaia  were  re- 
i^ersed  ;  democratic  governments  were  established  in  the  various 
Achaean  cities  ;  and  in  the  ensuing  year  Epaminoudas  himself 
was  not  re-elected  as  Bceotarch.  But  tlio  consequence  was  that 
the  exiles  thus  driven  from  the  various  Achcean  cities,  watching 
their  opportunity,  succeeded  in  eft(?cting  counter-i-evolutions,  and 
afterwards  took  a  decided  part  with  Sparta. 

§  14.  The  Thebans  now  resolved  to  send  an  embassy  to  Persia. 
Ever  since  the  peace  of  Antalcidas  the  great  King  had  become 
the  recognised  mediator  between  the  states  of  Greece  ;  and  his 
fiat  seemed  indispensable  to  stamp  the  claims  of  that  city  which 
pretended  to  the  headship.  The  recent  achievements  of  Thebes 
might  entitle  her  to  aspire  to  that  position  ;  and  at  all  events 
the  alterations  which  she  had  produced  in  the  intei'nal  state  of 
Greece,  by  the  establishment  of  Megalopolis  and  Messene,  seemed 
to  require  for  their  stability  the  sanction  of  a  Persian  rescript. 
For  this  purpose  Pelopiilas  and  Ismenias  proceeded  to  the  court 
of  Susa  apparently  in  the  years  3G7— 366  e.c.  They  were  accom- 
panied by  other  deputies  from  the  allies  ;  and  at  the  same  time 
the  Athenians  sent  Timagoras  and  Leon  to  counteract  their  in- 
fluence. Pelopidas  may  probably  have  pleaded  the  former  ser- 
vices of  Thebes  towards  Persia  at  the  time  of  the  invasion  of 
Greece  by  Xerxes,  as  well  as  in  having  opposed  the  expedition 
of  Agesilaus  into  Asia.  But  the  great  fact  which  influenced  the 
decision  of  the  Persian  king  would  doubtless  be  that  Thebes  was 
now  the  strongest  state  in  Greece  ;  for  it  was  evidently  easier  to 
exercise  Persian  ascendency  there  by  her  means,  than  through  a 
weaker  power.  Pelopidas  had  thereibre  only  to  ask  his  own  terms. 
A  rescript  w^as  issued  declaring  the  independence  of  Messene  and 
Amphipolis  ;  the  Athenians  were  directed  to  lay  up  their  ships 
of  war  in  ordinary  ;  Thebes  was  declared  the  head  of  Greece ; 
and  the  dispute  between  Elis  and  Arcadia  on  the  subject  of  the 
Triphylian  cities  was  decided  in  favour  of  the  former  power  : 
probably  at  the  instance  of  Pelopidas,  and  on  account  of  the 
estrangement  now  subsisting  between  Arcadia  and  Thebes. 

The  Athenian  and  Arcadian  envoys  had  attempted  in  vain  to 
secure  better  terms  for  their  own  states.  Antiochus,  the  repre- 
sentative of  Arcadia,  on  his  return  to  Megalopolis,  vented  his 
displeasure  by  a  most  depreciatory  report  to  the  Ten  Thousand 
of  all  that  he  had  seen  during  his  journey.  There  were  armies, 
he  said,  of  cooks,  confectioners,  wine-bearers,  and  tlie  like,  but 
not  a  single  man  fit  to  fight  against  Greeks ;  and  even  the  vaunted 
golden  plane-tree  itself  he  affirmed,  was  too  small  to  afford  shade 
to  a  single  grasshopper.  The  Thebans,  on  the  contrary,  made 
the  most  of  their  success.     Deputies  from  the  allied  cities  were 


480  lllS'lOin-  OF  GJIEKCR  Ciiac.  XI^ 

Hnriirnoiicd  to  TIic'Ijl'.s  to  lic;ir  i.Ikj  royal  rCK-ript  n-ad  ;  but  it  was 
coldly  received  hy  all  present.  Lyfomedc-s,  tlie  Arcadian  envoy, 
even  protested  ajraiiist  the  hcad^llip  claimed  for  Thebes,  and 
asserted  that  the  allied  synod  should  not  be  exelnsively  convened 
in  that  city,  but  iti  the  actual  seat  of  war.  After  s<jmc  an^rry 
languafre,  the  Arcadians  withdrew  from  the  a.«sembly,  and  the 
other  depulies  seem  to  hav(!  l<)llowed  their  example.  Nor  were 
the  Thi'haus  more  succes.^lid  in  an  attem])t  to  pet  the  rescript 
recoirnized  by  seii(lin<r  it  round  to  the  various  cities  separately. 

^  15.  It  was,  in  all  probability,  duriufj  a  mission  undertaken 
by  Pelopidas  and  Isnienias,  ilir  the  purpose  of  j»rocurinp  the 
acknowie(l<_nnent  of  the  rescrij)t  in  Thessaly  and  the  northern 
parts  of"  Greece,  that  they  were  seized  and  iinpri.'^oned  by  Alex- 
ander of  Phera;.  That  tyrant  met  them  at  Pharsalus  under  all 
the  appearances  of  ])eacc,  but  took  occasion  of  their  being  with- 
out guards  to  seize  and  carry  them  oil'  to  Phera?.  f?ueh  value 
was  attached  to  the  person  of  Pelopidas  that  his  irnprisoinnent 
induced  several  of  tlie  Thessalian  partizans  of  Thebes  to  submit 
to  Alexander.  Even  the  Athenians  did  not  disdain  to  avail 
themselves  of  this  treacherous  breach  of  public  faith,  and  sent 
Autocles  with  a  fleet  of  30  triremes  and  1000  hoplites  to  the 
support  of  Alexander.  Meanwhile  the  justly  incensed  Thcbans 
had  despatched  an  army  of  8000  hoplites  and  GOO  cavalry,  to 
recover  or  avenge  their  favourite  citizen.  Unfortunately,  how- 
ever, they  were  no  longer  commanded  by  Epaminondas,  who, 
as  we  have  related,  had  not  been  re-elected  to  the  ofKce  of 
BcKotarch.  Their  present  commanders  were  iitterly  incompe- 
tent. They  were  beaten  and  forced  to  retreat,  and  the  army 
vyas  in  such  danger  irom  the  active  pursuit  of  the  Thessalians 
and  Athenians,  that  its  destiiiction  seemed  inevitable.  Luckily, 
however,  Epaminondas  Avas  serving  as  a  hoplite  in  the  ranks. 
By  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  troops  he  was  now  called  to  the 
command,  and  succeeded  in  conducting  the  army  safely  back  to 
Thebes.  liere  the  \uisuccessful  Ba?tarchs  were  disgraced,  and 
Epaminondas,  whose  reputation  now  shone  forth  more  brilliantly 
than  ever,  was  restored  to  the  command,  and  placed  at  the  head 
of  a  second  Theban  army  destined  to  attempt  the  release  of  Pe- 
lopidas. Directed  by  his  superior  skill,  the  enterprise  proved 
successful.  Anxious,  however,  for  the  life  of  his  friend,  Epami- 
nondas avoided  reducing  Alexander  to  such  extremities  as  miirht 
induce  him  to  make  away  with  Pelopidas ;  and  thus,  though  the 
main  object  of  the  expedition  was  attained,  it  Mas  not  accom- 
panied with  such  striking  and  decisive  results  as  to  counter- 
balance the  advantages  Avhich  Alexr.uder  had  derived  from  his 
ireachcry 


B.C.  360.    ALLIANCE  BETWEEN  ARCADIA  AND  ATHENS.     481 

^  IG.  The  acquirenieiit  of  Orcpus  was,  however,  some  com- 
pensaticu  to  the  Thebaiis  for  tlieir  losses  ou  the  other  side  of 
their  frontier.  The  possession  of  that  town,  which  lay  on 
the  borders  of  Athens  and  Tliebes,  had  long  been  a  subject  of 
contention  between  the  two  states.  For  many  years  past  it  had 
been  in  the  hands  of  the  Allienians  ;  but  it  was  now  seized  by  a 
party  of  exiles  favourable  to  the  Thebaii  interest,  and  inrme- 
diately  occupied  by  a  Theban  garrison,  which  deprived  the  Athe- 
nians of  all  hopes  of  retaking  it.  The  Athenians  had  been  dis- 
pleased at  the  Avant  of  zeal  manifested  by  their  Peloponnesian 
allies  in  not  assisting  them  in  the  allair  of  Oropus ;  and  Lyco- 
rnedes,  who  was  disgu.sted  with  the  Theban  ascendency,  took 
advantage  of  this  feeling  to  negotiate  an  alliance  between  Arcadia 
and  Athens.  He  procured  himself  to  be  appointed  ambassador 
to  that  city,  where  he  A\as  favourably  received,  and  preliminary 
arrangements  made  for  an  alliance  ;  but  on  his  way  heme  he 
was  assassinated  by  some  Arcadian  exiles  of  the  opposite  party. 
The  negotiations,  however,  proceeded.  Callistratus  was  sent 
froMi  Athens  as  Ambassador  to  the  Arcadian  Ten  Thousand, 
v.-hilst  Epaminondas  hastened  from  Thebes,  to  counteract,  if 
jjossible,  tlie  machinations  of  the  eloquent  Athenian.  But  though 
E.paminondas  here  displayed  his  ready  talent  in  debate,  he  was 
i^nsucccssful.  The  Athenians  concluded  an  alliance  with  Ar- 
cadia, but  at  the  same  time  without  formally  breaking  with 
Vhebes. 

H7.  This  connexion  rendered  it  desirable  for  Athens  to  secure 
an  uninterrupted  communication  with  Peloponnesus,  and  for 
this  purpose  she  formed  the  treacherous  design  of  seizing  Co- 
rinth by  surprise.  She  was  not  only  at  peace  but  in  alliance 
with  that  city ;  and  her  auxiliaries  were  serving  in  the  Corinthian 
forts  and  outposts.  These,  however,  were  to  be  the  instruments 
of  her  tTcachery.  Under  pretence  of  a  reinforcement  an  arma- 
ment under  the  command  of  Chares  was  despatched  to  Corinth. 
But  the  designs  of  Athens  had  reached  the  ears  of  the  Ccrinthians, 
wlio  refused  to  admit  Chares  into  their  port  of  Cenchrea; ;  and 
at  the  same  time  dismissed  the  other  Athenians  in  their  service, 
yet  with  all  the  appearance  of  good  A\ill.  Though  thus  saved 
ibr  the  moment,  this  step  had  placed  the  Corinthians  in  a  state 
of  isolation  ;  and  they  therefore  resolved  to  open  negotiations 
with  Tliebes  for  a  general  peace.  Their  overtures  were  well  re- 
ceived by  the  Thebans.  A  meeting  of  the  allies  was  then  con- 
vened at  Sparta,  in  which  the  Corinthians  set  Ibrth  the  necessity 
of  their  case,  and  endeavoured  to  induce  the  rest  of  the  confe- 
derates to  follow  their  example  in  concluding  a  peace  with 
Thebes,  the  terms  of  which  were  to  be  the  independence  ot  eacji 

Y 


482  IIISTOKY  OF  GKEKCE.  Cuap.  XL, 

iiidividiial  city,  iiioludiiif?  Mc3senc  ;  but  without  rccof^izing  the 
headship  of  Thcljcs,  or  entoriuf^  iuto  any  lijrinal  alHaucc  with 
Jier.  On  tliis  basis  a  ])cace  was  accordiiij,'ly  concluded  between 
Thebes,  Corinth,  Pldius,  I'lpidauriis,  and  perhaps  one  or  two 
other  cities  ;  but  as  the  Tlit-baiis  made  the  independence  of 
Messenc  an  indispensable  condition,  Sparta  resolutely  refused  to 
join  it,  and  the  larger  states  of  Greece,  Thebes,  Athens,  Sparta, 
Arcadia,  and  others  still  remained  at  war. 

\  IB.  Athens  availed  herself  of  the  distracted  condition  of 
Greece  to  extend  her  maritime  ernptre.  She  had  no  longer  oc;ca- 
sion  to  dread  any  opposition  from  Sparta  ;  and  she  accordingly 
gent  a  powerful  lleet  into  the  iEgean  under  the  command  of 
Timotheus,  who  succeeded  in  conquering  Samos,  and  in  ob- 
taining possession  of  Potida^a,  Pydna,  Methone,  and  it  is  said 
even  of  Olynthus  itself  But  in  the  midst  of  his  success,  he  was 
menaced  by  the  unexpected  appearance  of  a  Theban  fleet.  Epa- 
minondas,  jealous  of  the  maritime  empire  of  Athens,  had  per- 
suaded his  countrymen  to  try  their  strength  on  a  new  element. 
Sparta,  he  said,  was  humbled  ;  it  was  not  she,  but  Athens, 
who  was  now  their  prominent  enemy  ;  and  he  exhorted  them 
not  to  rest  content  till  they  had  transterred  to  the  Theban  Cad- 
mea  the  Propylaea  which  adorned  the  acropolis  of  Athens.  A 
fleet  of  100  triremes  was  constmcted,  and  he  himself  appointed 
to  the  command  ;  whilst  envoys  were  sent  to  Rhodes,  Chios,  and 
Byzantium,  to  induce  them  to  break  with  Athens.  It  was  with 
this  fleet  that  Epaminondas  appeared  in  the  Hellespont  in  b.c. 
363.  He  seems,  however,  to  have  eflected  little, — at  least  no- 
thing splendid  is  recorded — and  this  expedition  proved  both  the 
firs,t  and  last  of  the  Thebans  by  sea. 

M9.  It  was  in  the  same  year  that  his  friend  Pelopidas  led  an 
expedition  into  Thessaly  against  Alexander  of  Phera?.  Strong 
complaints  of  the  tyranny  of  that  despot  arrived  at  Thebes,  and 
Pelopidas,  who  probably  also  burned  to  avenge  his  private 
wrongs,  prevailed  upon  the  Thebans  to  send  him  into  Thessaly 
to  punish  the  tyrant.  The  forces  he  had  collected  were  far 
inferior  in  number  to  those  of  Alexander  ;  and  when  informed  at 
Pharsalus,  that  the  tyrant  was  advancing  towards  liim  with  a 
great  army,  he  remarked  that  it  was  so  much  the  better,  since 
there  would  be  more  for  him  to  conquer.  The  battle  was  fought 
on  the  hills  of  Cynoscephala> ;  the  troops  of  Alexander  were  routed  ; 
and  Pelopidas,  observing  his  hated  enemy  endeavouring  to  rally 
them,  was  seized  with  such  a  transport  of  rage  that,  regardless  of 
his  duties  as  a  general,  he  rushed  impetuously  forwards  and  chal- 
lenged him  to  a  single  combat.  Alexander  shrunk  back  within 
the  ranks  of  his  guards,  followed  impetuously  by  Pelopidas,  who 


B.C.  364.  DEATH  OF  PELOPIDAS.  483 

was  soon  slain,  fighting  with  desperate  bravery.  Although  the 
army  of  Alexander  was  defeated  with  severe  loss,  the  news  of 
the  death  of  Pelopidas  deprived  the  Thebans  and  their  Thessa- 
lian  alhes  of  all  the  joy  which  they  would  otherwise  have  felt 
at  their  victory.  The  Thebans,  however,  subsequently  avenged 
the  death  of  their  general  by  sending  a  fresh  force  of  7000  hop- 
lites  into  Thcssaly  ;  with  which  they  compelled  Alexander  to 
I'elinquish  all  his  dependencies  in  that  country,  to  confine  him- 
self to  the  actual  limits  of  Phera?,  and  to  swear  allegiance  to 
Thebes.  The  Thebans  thus'acquired  greater  influence  than  they 
had  ever  before  enjoyed  in  Northern  Greece. 

^  20.  Meantime  a  war  had  been  carried  on  between  Elis  and  Ar- 
cadia. It  has  been  already  remarked,  on  more  than  one  occasion, 
that  the  Eleans  claimed  the  sovereignty  of  the  Triphylian  towns, 
in  which  they  were  backed  by  Sparla,  but  opposed  by  the  Arca- 
dians. The  Eleans  also  laid  claim  to  a  tract  of  hilly  ground 
lying  noi'th  of  the  Alpheus,  containing  Lasion  and  some  other 
towns  which  had  been  included  in  the  Arcadian  league.  They 
seized  Lasion  by  surprise,  but  were  driven  out  again  by  the 
Arcadians,  who  afterwards  took  formal  possession  of  the  sacred 
district  of  Olympia.  Other  acts  of  hostility  had  occurred  between 
the  Eleans  and  Arcadians,  and  the  former  had  called  in  the 
assistance  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  but  without  any  decisive 
result.  Li  364  b.c.  the  Arcadians  were  still  in  possession  of 
Olympia  ;  and  as  the  Olympic  festival  occurred  in  that  year, 
they  availed  themselves  of  their  situation  to  transfer  the  presi- 
dency of  the  games  from  the  Eleans  to  the  Pisatans,  who  had 
long  laid  claim  to  it.  It  was  anticipated  that  the  Eleans  would 
assert  their  rights  by  force  ;  and  the  Arcadians  prepared  to 
resist  any  attempt  of  that  kind,  not  only  by  a  large  army  of 
their  own,  but  also  by  summoning  their  allies.  The  festival  had 
already  commenced,  many  ol  the  games  had  been  performed,  and 
the  wrestling  match  was  going  on,  when  bodies  of  the  Eleans, 
and  their  allies  the  Achaeans,  were  observed  approaching  the 
sa,cred  ground.  The  Arcadians  immediately  rushed  to  arms,  and 
formed  on  the  bank  of  the  little  river  Cladeus,  to  prevent  their 
approach.  The  Eleans  advanced  with  the  utmost  boldness,  but 
were  finally  repulsed  and  obliged  to  retire.  On  this  occasion 
the  temple  of  the  Olympian  deity  himself  was  converted  into  a 
fortress,  and  the  majestic  Jove  of  Phidias  looked  down  with 
calm  dignity  upon  those  who  were  contending  for  the  honour  of 
celebrating  his  iestival.  The  Eleans  subsequently  avenged  them- 
selves by  striking  the  104th  Olympiad  out  of  the  list  of  the 
■festivals. 

"*  2L  Not  content  with  this  insult  to  the  Eleans,  the  Arcadians 


4«4  HISTORY  OF  (UiKKril  Cjiai-.  XL 

cairicd  their  iusolciire  to  tlie  extent  of  f^acrilcfre,  by  dcKpoiliiin; 
the  rich  temples  ol"  Olyinpia.  But  tliis  act  ripened  the  seeds 
of  disunion  which  were  already  f  ])rinj:infr  up  ainonp  the  Arca- 
dians themselves.  The  assembly  of  M;int  in '-a  pa.s.-ed  an  act  re- 
nouncing all  participation  in  the  t^acred  sj)oii,  and  th')u<,'h  tliP 
Ten  Thoui^and  altempted  at  first  to  seize  the  leadinjr  men  at 
Mantinea  as  traitors  to  the  Arcadian  lea<ruc,  the  views  of  the 
Mantineans  rci-,nrctinf^  the  enijdovment  of  the  sacred  treasures 
were  so  evidently  just,  that  even  their  opponents  were  at  length 
shamed  into  them.  Accordingly,  fT  jieace  was  concluded  with 
the  Eleans,  who  were  restored  to  all  their  rights  with  regard  to 
Olympia.  Since  the  Sj)artans  liad  su])jiorted  the  Eleans,  the 
Mantineans  were  naturally  brought  into  close  connexion  with 
the  former ;  whilst  the  rest  of  the  Arcadians,  and  especially  the 
Tegeans,  favoured  Thebes.  Tegea  thus  became  the  centre  of 
Theban  influence  in  Arcadia,  and  was  occupied  by  a  Theban 
harmost  and  a  garrison  of  300  Boeotians.  The  Thebans  viewed 
the  success  of  the  Mantineans  and  Spartan  party  with  sus])icion  ; 
and  when  the  peace,  recently  concluded,  was  sworn  to  at  Tegea, 
they  seized  the  principal  members  of  the  Spartan  party.  The 
news  of  this  treacherous  act  was  received  with  great  indig- 
nation at  Mantinea.  Heralds  were  immediately  despatched  by 
the  Mantineans  to  demand  the  release  of  their  own  citizens. 
Hereupon  the  Theban  harmost  released  the  pri.-oners,  protesting 
that  he  had  been  misled  by  a  false  report  of  the  approach  of 
a  Spartan  force,  prepared  to  co-operate  with  a  party  within  the 
walls  in  order  to  seize  Tegea.  The  Mantineans  and  their  party, 
however,  were  not  satisfied  with  this  apology,  but  sent  envoys 
to  Thebes,  demanding  the  punishment  of  the  lianiiost.  Epami- 
nondas,  incensed  that  a  peace  had  been  concluded  without  the 
sanction  of  Thebes,  justilicd  the  harmosts  conduct,  and  bade  the 
envoys  carry  back  Avord  that  he  would  himself  soon  lead  an 
army  into  Arcadia.  The  Mantineans  and  their  partisans  imme- 
diately made  preparations  for  war,  and  sent  ambassadors  to 
request  the  assistance  of  the  Lacedaemonians. 

§  22.  These  events  occurred  in  3G2  B.C.,  and  in  the  simimer  of 
that  year  Epaminondas  undertook  his  fourth  and  last  invasion 
oi'  Peloponnesus.  The  proceedings  in  Arcadia,  which  threatened 
1o  undo  all  that  he  had  done  in  that  country,  and  idtimately  to 
lead  to  an  alliance  between  it  and  Sparta,  were  the  motives 
for  his  expedition.  His  army  was  tiumerous,  and  included 
many  troops  from  Northern  Greece.  He  marched  without 
opposition  to  Tegea,  where  he  was  joined  by  such  of  the 
Arcadians  and  other  Peloponnesians  as  were  favourable  to  the 
Theban  cause.     The  other  party  concentrated  tlAcmselves   at 


B.C.  362.  BATTLE  OF  MANTINEA.  483 

Mantinea,  whither  the  aged  Agesilaus  was  marching  with  a  Lace- 
dsemouian  force,  whilst  Athenian  .snccours  were  also  expected. 
Epaminondas,  whose  movements  were  characterized  by  decision 
and  rapidity,  resolved  to  surprise  Sparta  in  the  absence  of  Age- 
silaus by  a  sudden  march  upon  it.  Providentially,  however,  a 
swift  Cretan  runner  overtook  Agesilaus  in  time  to  warn  him  of 
the  danger.  He  got  back  to  Sparta  early  enough  to  anticipate 
the  attempt  of  Epaminondas  ;  and  though  that  commander 
actually  entered  the  city,  yet  he  found  the  streets  and  houses  so 
wall  defended,  that  he  was  fain  to  retire.  The  alarm  caused  by 
this  diversion  had  however  occasioned  the  recall  of  the  Lacedaj- 
monian  army  destined  for  Mantinea,  and  Epaminondas  took 
advantage  of  that  circumstance  to  attempt  the  surprise  of  that 
place.  Fortunately  for  the  Mantineans,  the  Athenian  cavalry 
had  reached  their  city  an  hour  or  two  befoi-e  the  arrival  of 
Epaminondas,  and  though  hungry  and  tired  with  their  march, 
succeeeded  in  repulsing  the  Theban  and  Thessalian  horse.  Epa- 
minondas now  fell  back  upon  Tegea. 

^  23.  Thus  both  these  well  planned  manccuvres  wei'e  acci- 
dentally frustrated.  As  the  enemy  had  now  succeeded  in  con- 
centrating their  forces  at  Mantinea,  it  was  clear  that  a  general 
action  was  unavoidable.  The  plain  between  Tegea  and  Mantinea, 
though  2000  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  is  shut  in  on  every 
side  by  lofty  mountains.  In  length  it  is  about  ten  miles,  whilst 
its  breadth  varies  from  one  to  eight.  About  four  miles  south  of 
Mantinea  it  contracts  to  its  narrowest  dimensions,  and  here  the 
Lacedaemonians  and  Mantineans  took  up  their  position.  Epa- 
minondas, in  marching  northwards  from  Tegea,  inclined  to  the 
left,  so  as  to  skirt  the  base  of  Mount  Masiialus,  which  bounds  the 
plain  on  the  west.  On  arriving  in  sight  of  the  hostile  lines,  Epa- 
minondas ordered  his  troops  to  halt  and  ground  arms.  Hence 
the  Lacedaemonians  inferred  that  he  did  not  mean  to  ofier  battle 
that  day ;  and  so  strong  was  this  persuasion,  that  they  left  their 
ranks,  whilst  some  of  the  horsemen  took  off  their  breastplates 
and  unbridled  their  horses.  But  meanwliile  Epaminondas  was 
making  his  dispositions  for  an  attack.  His  plan  very  much  re- 
sembled that  of  the  battle  of  Leuctra.  His  chief  reliance  was 
upon  the  Bceotian  troops,  whom  he  had  formed  into  a  column  of 
extraordinary  depth.  The  enemy  at  length  became  aware  of  his 
intentions  and  hurried  into  their  ranks  ;  but  they  were  in  no 
condition  to  receive  the  onset  of  the  Theban  hoplites,  who 
bore  down  all  bei'ore  them.  The  Mantineans  and  Lacedae- 
monians turned  and  fled,  and  the  rest  followed  their  example. 
The  day  was  won  ;  but  Epaminondas,  who  fought  in  the  foremost 
ranks,  fell  pierced  with  a  mortal  wound.      His  fall  occasioned 


486  niSTUllY  OF  GREECE.  f'liAi-.  XL, 

suoli  const erii.ll  ion  ainont?  liis  Iroojis,  that  althou<rli  tlic  ciicrny 
■were  in  lull  flif^ht,  llicy  did  not  know  how  to  use  their  advantaf^c, 
and  remained  rooted  to  tlio  npot.  Jlenee  hotli  sides  subse- 
quently claimed  the  victory  and  erected  trophies,  though  it  was 
the  Laeedaimonians  who  sent  a  herald  to  request  the  bodies  of 
the  slain. 

Epaminondas  was  carried  odlhe  field  with  the  spear-head  still 
fixed  iu  liis  breast.  Having;  sati.-fied  himself  that  his  shield  was 
safe,  and  that  the  victory  was  jrained,  he  inquired  for  lolaidas 
and  Daiphantus,  whom  he  intended  to  succeed  him  in  the  com- 
mand. Being  informed  that  both  were  slain  :  "Then,"  he  ob- 
served, "  you  must  make  peace."  After  this  he  ordered  the 
spear-head  to  be  Avitlidrawn  ;  when  the  push  of  blood  which 
followed  soon  terminated  liis  life.  Thus  died  this  truly  great 
man  ;  and  never  was  there  one  whose  title  to  that  epithet  has 
been  less  di-sputed.  Antiquity  is  unanimous  in  his  praise,  and 
some  of  the  lirst  men  of  Greece  subsequently  took  him  lor  their 
model.  AYith  him  the  commanding  inlluence  of  Thebes  began 
and  ended.  His  last  advice  was  adopted,  and  peace  was  con- 
cluded probably  before  the  Theban  army  quitted  Peloponnesus. 
Its  basis  was  a  recognition  of  the  status  quo — to  leave  everything 
as  it  was,  to  acknowledge  the  Arcadian  constitution  and  the  in- 
dependence of  Messene.  Sparta  alone  refused  to  join  it  on 
account  of  the  last  article,  but  she  was  not  supported  by  her 
allies. 

\  24.  Agesilaus  had  lived  to  see  the  empire  of  Sparta  extin- 
guished by  her  hated  rival.  Thus  curiously  had  the  prophecy 
been  fulfilled,  which  warned  Sparta  of  the  evils  awaiting  her 
under  a  "  lame  sovereignty."  But  Agesilaus  had  not  yet  aban- 
doned all  hope ;  and  he  and  his  son  Archidamus  now  directed 
their  views  towards  the  east  as  the  quarter  from  which  Spartan 
power  might  still  be  resuscitated.  At  the  age  of  SO  the  indo- 
mitable old  man  proceeded  \v'\i\\  a  force  of  1000  hoplites  to  assist 
Tachos,  king  of  Egypt,  in  his  revolt  against  Persia.  The  age  and 
insignilicant  appearance  of  the  veteran  warrior  made  him,  how- 
ever, a  butt  for  Egyptian  ridicule,  and  he  was  not  intrusted  with 
the  supreme  command.  But  in  spite  of  this  ati'ront  he  accom- 
panied the  Egyptian  army  on  an  expedition  into  Phcenicia. 
During  the  absence  of  Tachos,  Nectanebis  rose  against  him,  and 
being  supported  by  Agesilaus,  obtained  the  throne  of  Ejrv'pt. 
Ncctanebis  rewarded  this  service  with  a  present  of  230  talents. 
But  Agesilaus  did  not  live  to  carry  this  money  home  to  Sparta. 
He  died  on  his  road  to  Cyrene,  wlierc  he  had  intended  to  embark 
for  Greece.  His  body  was  embalmed  iu  wax,  and  splendidly 
burii-d  in  Sparta.     He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Archidamus  HI 


Bust  of  Plato. 


CHAPTER  XLI. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  SICILIAN  GREEKS  FROM  THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE 
ATHENIAN  ARMAMENT  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  TIMOLEON. 

§  1.  Revolutions  at  Syracuse.  Dionysiiis  the  Elder  seizes  the  despotism. 
§  2.  His  successes.  §  3.  His  poetical  compositions.  Plato  visits  Sy- 
racuse. §4.  Deathof  Dionysius.  His  character.  Story  of  Damocles. 
§5.  Accession  of  the  younger  Dionysius.  Second  visit  of  Plato.  Ban- 
ishment of  Dion.  Third  visit  of  Plato.  §6.  Dion  expels  Dionysius, 
and  becomes  master  of  Syracuse,  g  7.  Assassination  of  Dion.  §  8. 
Revolutions  at  Syracuse.  The  Syracusans  invoke  the  aid  of  Corinth. 
§9.  Character  of  Timoleon.  §10.  His  successes.  Surrender  of  Diony- 
sius and  conquest  of  Syracuse.  §11.  Moderation  of  Timoleon.  He 
remodels  the  constitution.  §  12.  Defeats  the  Carthaginians  at  the 
Crimesus.  §13.  Deposes  the  Sicilian  despots.  §1-1.  Retires  into  a 
private  station.     His  great  popularity  and  death. 

^  1.  The  affairs  of  the  Sicilian  Greeks,  an  important  branch  of 
the  Hellenic  race,  deserve  a  passing  notice.  After  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Athenian  armament  in  B.C.  413,  the  constitution  of 
Syracuse  was  rendered  still  more  democratical  by  a  new  code  of 
laws,  which  Diodes,  one  of  the  principal  citizens,  took  the  chief 
part  in  drawing  up.  Shortly  afterwards,  in  B.C.  410,  Hermo- 
crates,  the  leader  of  the  aristocratical  party,  who  had  greatly 
distinguished  himself  during  the  Athenian  invasion,  was  ba- 
nished ;  and  Diodes  thus  obtained  for  a  time  the  undisputed 
direction  of  the  Syracusan  government.  But  two  years  after- 
wards Diodes  was  in  his  turn  banished  in  consequence  of  his 
want  of  success  in  the  Avar  against  the  Carthaginians.  Mean- 
time Hermocratcs  had  returned  to  Sicily  and  collected  a  con- 
siderable .force  at  Solinus,  from  whence  he  carried  on  hostilities 


488  HISTORY  OF  (illEECR  Chap.  XLL 

against  llic  C.irlliagiiiirins  and  llioir  allius  with  considerable 
success,  ajid  tlius  secured  a  strong  party  at  Syracuse  in  his 
favour.  Relying  upon  this  circumstance,  he  endeavoured  to  edect 
his  restoration  by  lorce,  but  was  slain  in  an  atternj)!  to  enter 
Syracuse  by  night,  is.c.  407.  This  state  of  things  opened  the 
way  for  a  still  more  daring  and  successful  aspirant.  This  was 
the  celebrated  Diony.sius,  the  son  of  a  person  also  named  Her- 
mocrates.  Dionysius  was  of  humble  origin,  but  of  good  educa- 
tion, and  began  life  as  a  clerk  in  a  public  otiice.  He  had  taken 
an  active  part  in  the  cnterpri.se  of  Jiermocrates  just  mentioned, 
in  wliieh  he  had  been  wounded  and  given  out  for  dead, — a  cir- 
cumstance by  which  he  escaped  a  sentence  of  baiii.shment. 
After  the  death  of  Hermocrates,  the  domestic  di.scontents  of  the 
Syracusans  were  still  further  fumented  by  another  invasion  of 
the  Can.haginians  in  lOG  e.g.,  during  which  they  took  and  plun- 
dered Agrigentvnn.  Dionysius,  who  now  headed  the  party  of 
Hermocrates,  taking  advantage  of  the  prevailiutr  di.-content,  in  an 
artful  address  to  the  assembly  attributed  the  fall  of  Agrigenturn 
to  the  mcorapetence  of  the  Syracusan  generals,  and  succeeded 
in  procuring  their  deposition,  and  the  appointment  of  others  in 
their  stead,  of  whom  he  himself  was  one.  His  advent  to  power 
was  immediately  followed  by  the  restoration  of  all  the  exiles  of 
his  party.  His  next  step  was  to  get  rid  of  his  colleagues  by  ac- 
cusing them  of  treachery  and  corruption,  and  to  procure  his 
own  sole  appointment  with  indimited  and  irresponsible  au- 
thority. The  remaining  steps  towards  a  despotism  were  easy. 
Under  pretence  that  his  life  had  been  attempted,  he  obtained  a 
body-guard  of  1000  men  for  his  protection  ;  by  whose  means  he 
made  himself  master  of  Syracuse,  and  openly  seized  upon  the 
supreme  power,  B.C.  405. 

^  2.  Dionysius  first  directed  his  arms  against  Naxos,  Catana, 
and  Leontini,  which  successively  I'ell  into  his  power  either  by 
force  or  treachery  ;  but  it  Avas  not  till  n.c.  397  that  he  considered 
himself  sutficiently  strong  to  declare  war  against  Carthage.  This 
war  was  conducted  with  varying  success.  In  395—1  Syracuse 
itself  seemed  on  the  point  oi'  tailing  into  the  hands  of  the  Cartha- 
ginians. The  Carthaginian  fleet,  after  obtaining  a  great  naval 
victoiy  at  Catana,  sailed  into  the  harbour  of  Syracuse  upwards 
of  200  strong.  At  the  same  time  their  army  established  itself  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  city,  and  Imilcon,  the  Carthaginian 
general,  took  up  his  head-quarters  in  the  temple  of  the  Olympian 
Jove,  within  about  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  walls,  and  even  occu- 
pied and  plundered  the  suburb  of  Achradina.  The  situation  of 
Dionysius  now  seemed  desperate.  It  is  even  said  that  he  Avas 
on  the  point  of  giving  up  all  for  lost  and  making  his  escape  :  from 


B.C.  393.  DIONYSIUS  THE  ELDER.  489 

which  he  was  deterred  by  one  of  his  friends  observing,  "that  so- 
vereign power  was  an  honourable  winding-sheet."  A  pestilence 
which  shortly  afterwards  broke  out  in  the  Carthaginian  carnp 
proved  the  salvation  of  Syracuse.  The  Carthaginians  fell  by 
thousands,  whilst  the  Syracusans  themselves  remained  unharmed. 
Dionysius  made  a  successful  attack  both  by  sea  and  land  on  their 
weakened  forces  ;  and  Imilcon  was  glad  to  secure  a  disgraceful 
retreat  by  purchasing  the  connivance  of  Dionysius  for  the  sum 
of  300  talents. 

After  this  period  the  career  of  Dionysius  was  marked  by  great 
though  not  altogether  unvarying  success.  In  393  the  Cartha- 
ginians under  Magon  once  more  threatened  Syracuse,  but  were 
again  defeated,  and  compelled  to  sue  for  peace.  Dionysius 
willingly  concluded  a  treaty  with  them,  since  he  was  anxious  to 
pursue  his  schemes  of  conquest  in  tlie  interior  of  Sicily,  and  in 
Magna  G-rtecia.  By  the  year  384  he  had  reduced  the  greater 
part  of  the  former,  and  a  considerable  portion  of  the  latter 
country.  He  had  now  arrived  at  his  highest  pitch  of  power, 
and  had  raised  Syracuse  to  be  one  of  the  chief  Grecian  states, 
second  in  influence,  if  indeed  second,  to  Sparta  alone.  Under 
his  sway  Syracuse  was  strengthened  and  embellished  with  new 
fortifications,  docks,  arsenals,  and  other  public  buildings,  and 
became  superior  even  to  Athens  in  extent  and  population.  Dio- 
nysius took  every  opportunity  of  extending  his  relations  with 
foreign  powers,  and  strengthening  himself  by  alliances.  He 
cultivated  the  friendship  of  the  Lacedsemonians  ;  and  among  the 
last  acts  of  his  reign  was  the  sending  of  an  auxiliary  force  in  two 
successive  years  to  support  them  against  the  increasing  power 
of  the  Thebans. 

^  3.  Dionysius  was'a  warm  patron  of  literature,  and  was  anx- 
ious to  gain  distinction  by  his  literary  compositions.  In  the  midst 
of  his  political  and  iiiilitary  cares  he  devoted  himself  assiduously 
to  poetry,  and  not  only  caused  his  poems  to  be  publicly  recited 
at  the  Olympic  games,  but  repeatedly  contended  for  the  prize  of 
tragedy  at  Athens.  Here  he  sev^eral  times  obtained  the  second 
and  third  prizes  ;  and,  finally,  just  before  his  death,  bore  away 
the  first  prize  at  the  Lena3au  festival,  with  a  play  called  the 
"  Ransom  of  Hector." 

In  accordance  with  the  same  spirit  we  find  him  seeking  the 
society  of  men  distinguished  in  literature  and  philosophy. 
Plato,  who  visited  Sicily  about  the  year  389  from  a  curiosity  to 
see  Mount  vEtna,  was  introduced  to  Dionysius  by  Dion.  The 
high  moral  tone  of  Plato's  conversation  did  not  however  prove 
so  attractive  to  Dionysius  as  it  had  done  to  Dion  ;  and  the  phi- 
losopher was  not  only  dismissed  with  aversion  and  dislike,  but 


4'JO  IIISTOIIY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XLL 

even,  it  seems,  llir()u;.'li  llic  machinations  of  Dionysius,  seized, 
Ii.'iiukI,  and  sold  lor  u  slave  in  the  island  of"  iEgiiia.  He  was| 
liowevor,  rcpurcha.^od  hy  AnniocriH  ol  Cyn'Mu'-,  and  Kent  back  to 
Athens. 

^  4.  Dionysius  dii-d  in  ii.r.  HOT ,  afler  a  reifrn  of  38  ycare. 
Love  of  j)o\ver  was  liis  rulinjj:  ])a.ssion  :  the  desire  of  hterary 
fame  his  second.  In  liis  manner  of  hfc  lie  was  moderate  and 
teun)erate  ;  but  he  was  a  stranjrer  to  pity,  and  never  sulFered 
it  to  check  him  in  the  i)ur.suit  of  liis  ends.  Althoufrh  hy  no 
means  deficient  in  personal  courage,  the  suspicious  temper  of 
Dionysius  rendered  him  the  miserable  prey  of  unea.siness  in  the 
midst  of  all  his  greatness,  and  drove  him  to  take  precautions 
for  the  security  of  his  life  even  against  his  nearest  friends  and 
relatives.  The  miseries  of  absolute,  but  unlegalized  and  unpo- 
pular power,  cannot  be  more  strongly  illustrated  than  hy  the 
celebrated  story  of  the  despot  of  Syracuse  and  his  flatterer  Da- 
mocles. The  latter  having  extolled  the  power  and  majesty,  the 
abundant  possessions  and  magiiilicent  ])alaces  which  rendered  his 
master  the  happiest  of  men,  Dionysius  invited  Damocles  to  try 
what  his  happiness  really  was,  and  then  ordered  him  to  be  placed 
on  a  golden  couch,  decked  with  coverings  of  the  richest  and 
most  magnificent  embroidery.  The  sideboards  groaned  under 
the  "weight  of  gold  and  silver  })late  ;  pages  of  the  choicest  beauty 
waited  on  him  ;  his  head  was  crowned  with  garlands,  and  reeked 
with  unguents  ;  the  smell  of  burning  odours  filled  all  the  apart- 
ment, and  the  table  was  covered  with  the  most  exquisite  viands. 
Damocles  now  thought  himself  supremely  happy ;  but  in  the 
midst  of  his  enjoyments  he  happened  to  cast  his  eyes  towards 
the  ceiling,  and  beheld  a  naked  scimitar  suspended  over  his  head 
by  a  single  liair.  At  this  sight  his  satisfaction  vanished  in  an 
instant,  and  he  entreated  to  be  released  from  the  enjoyment  of 
pleasures  which  could  only  be  tasted  at  the  risk  of  lite.*  Such 
was  the  tyrants  practical  illustration  of  his  own  envied  con- 
dition. 

§  0.  Dionysius  was  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son,  commonly 
called  the  younger  Dionysius,  who  was  about  25  years  of  age  at 
the  time  of  his  father's  death.  The  elder  Dionysius  had  married 
two  wives  at  the  same  time.  One  of  these  was  a  Locrian  woman 
named  Doris ;  the  other,  Aristomaclie,  was  a  Syracusan,  the 
daughter  of  Hipparinus,   one  of  the  most   active  partisans  of 

*    "  Destrietus  ensis  ciii  siipor  impia 
Cervicc-  pendet,  non  Siciilre  dapes 
Dulcem  elaborabunt  saporem; 
Non  avium  citharwque  cantus 
Somnum  reduceuL'" — Hob.  Carm.  ill  1.  17. 


B.C.  387.  DIONYSruS  THE  YOUXGER.  491 

Dionysius,  and  sister  to  Dion,  whom  we  have  already  had  occa- 
sion to  mention  as  the  friend  of  Plato.  The  marriage  with  Doris 
proved  immediately  fruitful,  and  by  her  he  had  three  children, 
of  v.'hom  the  eldest,  Dionysius,  was  his  successor.  But  Aristo- 
mache  was  long  childless,  much  to  the  chagrin  of  Dionysius,  who, 
attributing  tlie  circumstance  to  the  spells  and  incantations  of 
the  mother  of  Doris,  caused  the  latter  to  be  put  to  death.  At 
length  Aristomache  also  bore  him  children,  two  sons  and  two 
daughters.  Dionysius  having  died  without  appointing  any  suc- 
cessor, Dion  at  first  attempted  to  secure  the  inheritance  lor  his 
youthful  nephews,  but  found  himself  obliged  to  relinquish  all 
such  claims  in  favour  of  the  son  of  Doris.  The  inexperience  of 
the  young  Dionysius,  however,  inclined  him  to  listen  to  the 
counsels  of  Dion,  who  had  always  enjoyed  the  respect  and  con- 
fidence of  his  father,  and  who  now  became  the  confidential  ad- 
viser of  the  son.  Plato's  lofty  and  ideal  conceptions  of  civil 
government  had  sunk  deep  into  the  mind  of  Dion,  and  the 
influence  which  he  now  enjoyed  over  the  youthful  sovereign 
made  him  long  to  seize  the  opportunity  for  realizing  them  in 
practice.  To  expel  the  Carthaginians  from  Sicily,  to  civilize  and 
Hellenize  the  semi-barbarous  Siceliot  tribes,  and  to  convert 
Syracuse  from  a  dcspotisin  mto  a  constitutional  monarchy  go- 
verned by  equal  laws, — these  were  the  projects  which  floated  in 
the  imagination  of  Dion,  and  which  he  endeavoured  to  instil  into 
Dionysius.  With  this  view  he  pursuaded  Dionysius  to  invite 
Plato  again  to  Syracuse,  nothing  doubting  that  his  eloquence 
and  conversational  powers  would  work  an  immense  eflect  upon 
the  youthful  monarch.  But  Plato  was  now  groMing  old,  and  had 
already  experienced  the  danger  of  attempting  to  instruct  despots 
in  the  sublime,  but  somewhat  visionary  theories  of  perfect  go- 
vernment. Nevertheless,  after  something  of  a  struggle,  he  sacri- 
ficed his  scruples  and  apprehensions  to  the  pressing  instances  of 
his  friend  Dion,  and  the  warm  invitation  of  young  Dionysius 
himself  The  philosopher  was  received  with  the  greatest  honour. 
His  illustrious  pupil  immediately  began  to  take  lessons  in  geo- 
metry ;  superfluous  dishes  disappeared  from  the  royal  table  ;  and 
Dionysius  even  betrayed  some  symptoms  of  a  wi.sh  to  mitigate 
the  former  rigours  of  the  despotism.  But  now  his  old  courtiers 
took  the  alarm ;  nor  does  Plato  himself  appear  to  have  used 
with  skill  the  opportunity  for  a  practical  application  of  his  doc- 
trines which  chance  had  thrown  in  his  way.  It  was  whispered 
to  Dionysius  that  the  whole  was  a  deep  laid  scheme  on  the  part 
of  Dion  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  a  revolution  and  placing  his 
own  nephews  on  the  throne.  These  accusations  had  the  desired 
eflect  on  the  mind  of  Dionysius  ;   and  an  intercepted  letter  from 


492  HISTORY  OK  GREECE.  Crur.  XIA. 

I)i(iii  \t>  tliL-  C;iitli;i<riiiiaii  <f('iicr;ils,  in  \\liicli  lie  invited  lliern  to 
iiiaUe  tlieir  coimiiuiiic;i.ti(jii.s  thron;_4i  limi,  ;ilioi(led  iJioiiysius  a 
pretext  lor  ge1tiii<r  rid  ol'  liiiii.  In  tlie  eourse  ol' a  coiiversilioii 
lie  enticed  i)i()ii  down  to  llie  very  Iniiik  ol'  the  liarljour,  wlien 
suddenly  j)ro<lncin<,'  the  intercepted  letter,  and  charfrinp  hirn  to 
his  liico  with  treason,  he  li)rced  him  to  enter  a  vcsi-el  that  was 
in  readiness  1o  convey  him  to  Italy.  The  situation  of  Plato  -was 
now  very  critical.  Many  advi.'.ed  Dionysius  to  jiut  hirn  to  death  ; 
but  the  despot  refused  to  listen  to  these  snpfresti(jns.  He  even  in- 
vited riato  to  his  palace,  and  treated  him  with  the  prcatcst  respect ; 
but  he  cautiously  abstained  from  any  more  les.'-ens  in  a  philo- 
sophy which  he  had  now  been  taught  to  regard  with  suspicion 
as  designed  only  to  dejirive  him  of  his  power.  Plato  was  at 
length  sulltjred  to  escape  from  the  kind  of  honourable  captivity 
in  which  he  was  held  ;  but  at  the  pressing  invitation  of  Diony- 
sius he  again  reluctantly  returned  lo  Syracuse  in  the  hope  of 
prcA'ailiug  upon  the  tyrant  to  recall  Dion  frc  in  banishment.  In 
this,  however,  he  proved  unsuccessful  ;  nay,  Dionysius  even  pro- 
ceeded to  measures  of  violence  against  his  firmer  guide  and 
minister.  First  the  remittances  which  Dion,  wlio  was  now 
residing  at  Athens,  was  in  the  habit  of  receiving,  were  stopped, 
and  at  length  all  his  large  property  was  confiscated  and  sold,  and 
the  proceeds  distributed  among  the  personal  friends  of  Diony- 
sius. Plato  beheld  this  injustice  towards  his  friend  with  grief 
and  mortification,  but  without  the  power  of  preventing  it ;  and 
it  was  with  ditHculty  that  he  himself  at  length  obtained  pemiis- 
sion  to  return  to  Greece. 

§  6.  This  event  took  place  early  in  360  e.c.  ;  and  at  the 
Olympic  festival  of  that  year  Plato  met  his  friend  Dion,  and 
acquainted  him  with  the  measures  which  had  been  taken  against 
him  by  Dionysivis.  The  natural  indignition  of  Dion  was  fur- 
ther inflamed  by  other  acts  of  the  Syracusan  tyrant.  Dionysius 
compelled  Arete,  the  wife  of  Dion,  and  his  own  half-sister,  to 
marry  one  of  his  Irieiids,  named  Timocrates.  He  also  acted  in 
the  most  brutal  manner  towards  Dion's  youthful  son.  Thus 
wovuided  in  tlie  teiiderest  points,  Dion  resolved  on  revenge. 
The  popularity  which  he  had  acquired,  not  only  at  Athens  but 
at  Sparta  and  in  the  Peloponnesus,  and  especially  among  those 
\\lio  were  attached  to  Plato  and  his  teaching,  rendered  many 
disposed  to  serve  him  ;  whilst  the  natural  desire  of  a  great 
part  of  the  Syracusan  population  to  recover  their  liberty,  as  well 
as  the  contempt  into  which  Dionysius  had  fallen  from  his 
drunken  and  dissipated  habits,  promised  success  to  any  enter- 
prise against  him,  though  undertaken  vith  ever  so  small  a 
force. 


B.C.  356.  DION  CONQUERS  SYRACUSE.  493 

After  two  or  three  years  spent  in  preparations,  Dion,  in  the  sum- 
mer of  357  B.C.,  landed  on  the  coast  of  Sicily  with  only  800  men. 
The  enterprise  was  favoured  by  an  imprudent  step  on  the  part 
of  Diouysius,  who  had  recently  sailed  with  a  fleet  of  80  vessels 
on  an  expedition  to  the  coasts  of  Italy.  By  a  rapid  night-march 
Dion  appeared  unexpectedly  before  Syracuse  ;  at  dawn  his  troops 
Avere  beheld  from  the  walls  in  the  act  of  crossing  the  little  river 
Aiiapus,  flrst  crowning  their  heads  with  garlands,  and  sacrificing 
to  the  rising  sun.  Their  advance  resembled  rather  the  solemn 
profession  of  a  festival  than  the  march  of  an  hostile  army.  The 
inhabitants,  filled  with  joy  and  enthusiasm,  crowded  through 
the  gates  to  welcome  Dion  as  their  deliverer,  who  proclaimed  by 
sound  of  trumpet  that  he  was  come  for  the  purpose  of  putting 
dovm  the  despotism  of  Dionysius,  and  of  liberating  not  only  the 
Syracusans,  but  all  the  Sicilian  Greeks. 

Dion  easily  rendered  himself  master  of  the  whole  of  Syracuse, 
with  the  exception  of  Ortygia,  which  was  still  lield  by  the  parti- 
sans of  Dionysius.  Such  was  the  state  in  which  that  tyrant  tbund 
his  capital  on  his  return  from  his  Italian  expedition.  Dionysius 
at  flrst  attempted  to  recover  possession  of  the  city  by  force,  but 
having  been  defeated  in  a  sea-fight,  he  determined  to  quit  Syra- 
cuse, and  sailed  away  to  Locri  in  Italy,  leaving  his  sou  Apollo- 
crates  in  charge  of  the  citadel  (b.c.  35G).  After  his  departure, 
dissensions  broke  out  among  the  besiegers,  and  Dion  was  deposed 
from  the  command ;  but  the  disasters  of  the  Syracusans,  aris- 
ing from  the  incapacity  of  their  new  leaders,  soon  led  to  his 
recall  and  to  his  appointment  as  sole  general  with  uncontrolled 
authority.  Not  long  after,  ApoUocrates  was  compelled  by  famine 
to  surrender  the  citadel. 

§  7.  Dion  was  now  master  of  Syracuse,  and  in  a  condition  to 
carry  out  all  those  exalted  notions  of  political  life  which  he 
had  sought  to  instil  into  the  mind  of  Dionysius.  He  seems  to 
have  contemplated  some  political  changes,  probably  the  esta- 
blishment of  a  kind  of  limited  and  constitutional  monarchy, 
after  the  fashion  of  Sparta,  combined  perhaps  with  the  oligarchi- 
cal institutions  of  Corinth.  But  this  scheme  of  a  constitution 
existed  only  in  his  imagination  :  his  immediate  and  jtractical 
acts  were  tyrannical,  and  were  rendered  still  more  unpopular  by 
his  overbearing  manners.  The  Syracusans  looked  for  rejiublican 
institutions — tor  the  dismantling  of  the  fortifications  of  Urtygia, 
the  stronghold  of  despotism — and  for  the  destruction  of  the 
splendid  mausoleum,  which  had  been  erected  there  to  the  me- 
mory of  the  elder  Dionysius,  by  way  of  pledge  that  the  despotism 
was  really  extnict  and  overthrown.  But  Dion  did  nothing  of  all 
this.     Nay,  he  even  caused  Heraclides,  who  had  proposed  the 


4'.»'i  IIISTOUY  OF  GREECK  Ciiai".  XLI. 

dcstruclidii  of  Orly^N.'i,  lo  In;  jiiiv.'itely  af-sassinalcd.  This  act 
iiicieai-cd  lo  llii;  Jiifflicst  pitch  ihc  iiiijiojiularily  under  which 
l;c  already  lahourcd.  One  ol'  his  Lo.-uni  liieiids — the  Alhcuian 
CaUippus — f-ei/cd  the  cijtporlunity  to  mount  lo  jjower  by  his 
murder,  and,  liavinpf  pained  over  some  ol'  lii.s  puards,  caused 
him  lo  be  af-.^aKsinated  in  liis  own  lioui-e.  This  event  loi-k  place 
in  353,  about  three  years  alter  llie  expulsion  ol'  the  Dionysian 
dynasty. 

§  8.  Callippus  contrived  to  retain  the  sovereign  power  about 
a  twelvemonth.  He  was  ultimately  driven  out  by  Hipparijius, 
the  nepliCAV  ol"  Dion  (son  ol'thc  elder  Llionysius  by  Aristoruaehe), 
who  reigned  but  two  years.  Nysajus,  another  ol  Dion's  nephews, 
subsequently  obtained  the  supreme  authority,  and  was  in  pos- 
session of  it  when  Dionysius  presented  himself  belbre  Syra- 
cuse with  a  fleet,  and  became  master  of  the  city  by  treacherj', 
about  E.c.  346.  DionjoiUS,  however,  was  not  able  to  re-establish 
himself  firmly  in  his  former  power.  Most  of  the  other  cities  of 
Sicily  had  shaken  oil'  the  yoke  of  Syracuse,  and  were  governed 
by  petty  despots  :  one  of  these,  Uicetas,  who  had  established 
himself  at  Leontini,  afforded  a  rallying-point  to  the  disalit-cted 
Syracusans,  with  whom  he  joined  in  making  war  on  Syracuse. 
Meantime,  the  Carthaginians  prepared  to  take  advantage  of  the 
distracted  condition  of  Sicily.  In  the  extremity  cf  their  sufier- 
ings,  several  of  the  Syracusan  exiles  appealed  lor  aid  to  Corinth, 
their  mother-city.  The  application  was  granted,  and  Timoleon 
was  appointed  to  command  an  expedition  destined  Icr  the  relief 
of  Syracuse. 

^  9.  Timoleon  w^as  one  of  those  models  of  uncompromising 
patriotism  which  we  sometimes  meet  with  in  the  history  of 
Greece,  and  still  more  frequently  in  that  of  Rome,  but  which, 
xnider  some  of  its  phases,  we,  in  modern  times,  are  at  a  loss 
whether  to  apjirove  or  to  condemn.  ^Yhen  a  mans  comitry  was 
comprised  in  a  small  state  or  a  single  city,  the  feeling  of  patriot- 
ism grew  stronger  in  jjroportion  as  it  was  more  condensed  ;  and 
to  this  circumstance,  as  well  as  to  the  humanising  eliects  of 
Christianity,  may  perhaps  be  chiefly  attributed  the  diflerence 
between  ancient  and  modern  views  respecting  the  duty  cf  a 
patriot.  Timoleon  was  distinguished  for  gentleness  as  well  as  for 
courage,  but  towards  traitors  and  despots  his  hatred  v\as  intense. 
He  had  once  saved  the  life  of  his  elder  brother  Tirnophanes  in 
battle  at  the  imminent  peril  cf  his  own ;  but  when  Tirnophanes 
availing  himself  of  his  situation  as  commander  of  the  garrison 
in  the  Acrocorinthus,  endeavoured  to  enslave  his  countr\-,  Timo- 
leon did  not  hesitate  to  consent  to  his  death.  Twice  before 
had  Timoleon  pleaded  with  his  brother,  beseeching  him  not  to 


B.C.  344.  TIMOLEON  INVADES  SICILY.  495 

destroy  the  liberties  of  his  country  ;  but  when  Timophanes 
tuiued  a  deaf  ear  to  these  appeals,  Timoleon  connived  at  the 
action  of  his  friends  who  put  hina  to  death,  whilst  he  himself, 
baliied  in  a  flood  of  tears,  stood  a  little  way  aloof  The  action 
was  not  without  its  censurers  even  among  the  Corinthians  them- 
selves :  but  these  were  chiefly  the  adherents  of  the  despotic 
party,  wliilst  the  great  body  of  the  citizens  regarded  the  conduct 
of  Timoleon  with  love  and  admiration.  In  the  mind  of  Timoleon, 
however,  their  approving  verdict  was  far  more  than  outweighed 
by  the  reproaches  and  execrations  of  his  mother.  The  stings  of 
blood-guiltiness  and  the  maternal  curse  sunk  so  deep  into  his 
soul  that  he  endeavoured  to  starve  himself  to  death,  and  he  was 
only  diverted  from  his  purpose  by  the  active  interference  of  his 
friends.  But  for  many  years  nothing  could  prevail  upon  him  to 
return  to  public  life.  He  buried  himself  in  the  country  far  from 
the  haunts  of  men,  dragging  out  the  life  of  a  self-condemned 
criminal  and  exile,  till  a  chance  voice  in  the  Corinthian  as- 
sembly nominated  him  as  the  leader  of  the  expedition  agamst 
Dionysius. 

S^  10.  Roused  by  the  nature  of  the  cause,  and  the  exhortations 
of  his  friends,  Timoleon  resolved  to  accept  the  post  thus  oliered 
to  him.  The  prospect  however  was  discouraging.  Before  he 
sailed,  a,  message  arrived  from  Sicily  to  countermand  the  expe- 
dition, Hicetas  and  the  anti-Dionysian  party  having  entered  into 
secret  negotiations  with  the  Carthaginians,  who  refused  to  allow 
any  Corinthians  to  land  in  Sicily.  But  the  responses  of  the 
Delphic  oracle  and  the  omens  of  the  gods  were  propitious ; 
especially  the  circumstance  that  in  the  temple  of  Delphi  itself  a 
wreath  of  victory  fell  from  one  of  the  statues  upon  the  head  of 
Timoleon. 

The  fleet  of  Timoleon  consisted  of  only  ten  triremes,  but  by 
an  adroit  stratagem  he  contrived  to  elude  the  Carthaginian  fleet 
of  twenty  sail,  and  arrived  safely  at  Tauromenium  in  Sicily, 
where  he  was  heartily  welcomed  by  the  inhabitants.  Hicetas, 
meanwhile,  had  made  great  progress  in  the  war  against  Diony- 
sius. He  had  deteated  him  in  battle,  and  had  made  himself 
master  of  the  whole  of  Syracuse  with  the  exception  of  Orlygia, 
in  which  he  kept  the  despot  closely  besieged.  Hicetas,  learning 
that  Timoleon  was  advancing  to  occupy  Adranum,  hastened 
thither  to  anticipate  him,  but  Avas  deteated  with  heavy  loss. 
Timoleon  now  marched  upon  Syracuse.  Dionysius,  who  appears 
to  have  abandoned  all  hope  of  ultimate  success,  judged  it  better 
to  treat  with  Timoleon  than  with  Hicetas,  and  accordingly  sur- 
rendered the  citadel  into  the  hands  of  the  Corinthian  leader, 
on  condition  of  being  ^^ flowed  to  depart  in  safety  to  Corinth, 


496  HISTORY  OF  f;RKKCR  Ciiai-.  XLI. 

n.(;.  3-13.  Dioiiysius  passed  tlic  rciniiindrr  kC  liis  life  at  Corinth, 
wlicio  he  is  said  to  have  displayed  some  rcriiiiaMls  of  his  litrrner 
hixury  hy  the  fastidious  taste  whieh  lie  showed  in  the  choice  of 
his  viands,  unfruents,  dress,  and  Iwrniture;  whilst  his  literary  in- 
clinations iiianiiested  themselves  in  leaching  the  puhlic  singerH 
and  actors,  and  in  opening  a  school  fi»r  hoys. 

llicetas  still  liad  jiossession  of  Achradina  ;*  and,  since  he  saw 
that  his  seliish  plans  were  on  the  point  of  failnre,  he  now  called 
in  tho  aid  of  the  whole  Carthaginian  force  icir  the  reduction  of 
Ortygia.  The  harhour  of  Syracuse  was  occujiied  by  150  Car- 
thaginian ships,  whilst  an  army  of  00,000  Carthaginians  was 
admitted  within  the  walls  of  Syracuse.  But  while  llicetas  and 
Magou  the  Carthaginian  general  marched  with  a  great  part  of 
their  force  to  attack  the  town  of  Catana,  whence  the  garrison 
of  Ortygia  was  supplied  with  provisions,  Neon,  the  Corinthian 
commander  in  Ortygia,  watching  a  favourable  opportunity,  made 
a  sally,  defeated  the  blockading  force  on  all  sides,  and  even  ob- 
tained possession  of  the  suburb  of  Achradina.  This  unexpected 
success  raised  the  su.«pieions  of  Magon,  who,  fearing  that  Hi- 
cetas  meant  to  betray  him,  resolved  to  quit  the  island,  and 
sailed  away  with  all  his  forces  to  Carthage.  Isotwithstanding 
the  defection  of  his  powerful  ally,  llicetas  attempted  to  retain 
possession  cf  tliat  jiart  of  Syracu.-^e  which  was  still  in  his  power, 
but  he  Avas  unable  to  resist  the  attack  of  Tiinoleon,  and  was 
obliged  to  abandon  the  city  and  return  to  Lcontini. 

S^  11 .  Thus  was  the  apparently  hopeless  enterprise  of  Timoleon 
crowned  with  entire  success  in  an  incredibly  short  space  of  time. 
It  now  remained  for  him  to  achieve  a  still  greater  victory — 
a  victory  over  himself.  He  was  master  of  iSyracuse  and  of 
Ortygia,  wdth  all  its  means  and  resources  for  establishing  a 
despotism  in  his  own  favour  ;  but  his  first  public  act  was  to 
destroy  those  impregnable  fortifications  which  Mould  have  ren- 
dered such  a  visurpation  feasible.  All  the  Syracusans  were 
invited  to  assist  in  demolishing  the  walls  of  Ortygia,  and  the 
monument  of  the  elder  Dionysius,  the  record  of  their  fomier 
slaveiy;  and  on  the  ruins  of  these  dreaded  works  Timoleon  caused 
courts  of  justice  to  be  erected,  at  once  the  pledge  and  instnmients 
of  equal  laws  and  future  freedom. 

Much,  however,  remained  to  be  done  to  restore  Svracuse  to  its 
former  prosperity,  and  Sicily  in  general  to  a  state  of  liberty  and 
order.  With  this  view  all  exiles  were  invited  to  return  ;  whilst 
Corinth  was  intreated  to  co-operate  in  the  work  of  restoration 
and  to  become  a  second  time  the  fouud«."  of  S\Tacuse.     Two 

*  See  plan  of  Syracuse,  p.  337. 


B.C.  343  TIMOLEOX  AT  SYRACUSE.  49Y 

leading  Corinthian,  citizens  were  accordingly  despatched  to  assist 
Timoleon  and  the  Syracusans  in  recasting  their  constitution, 
which  was  remodelled  on  the  basis  of  the  laws  of  Diodes.* 
To  remedy  the  poverty  into  which  Syracuse  had  been  plunged 
by  its  misfortunes,  new  colonists  were  invited  to  enrol  them- 
selves ;  and  thus  a  body  of  10,000  citizens,  including  the  Syra- 
cusan  exiles,  was  collected  at  Corinth  and  transported  to  Syracuse. 
But  larger  bodies  of  Greeks  soon  poured  in  from  Italy,  so  that 
altogether  the  immigrants  are  reckoned  at  GO, 000. 

§  12.  Meantime,  Timoleon  was  not  idle.  He  attacked  liicetas 
in  Leontini,  and  compelled  him  to  capitulate.  But  the  submis- 
sion of  Hicetas  was  a  mere  feint  in  order  to  gain  time  for  calling 
in  the  Carthaginians  ;  who  highly  indignant  at  the  precipitate 
retreat  of  Magon,  were  anxious  to  wipe  out  the  disgrace  by 
some  signal  act  of  vengeance.  An  army  of  70,000  men  was 
accordingly  disembarked  at  Lilybseum.  To  meet  this  formidable 
force  Timoleon  could  raise  only  about  12,000  men  ;  and  on  his 
march  against  the  enemy  this  small  force  was  still  further  re- 
duced by  the  defection  of  about  1000  of  his  mercenaries.  With 
the  remainder  Timoleon  marched  westwards  into  the  Cartha- 
ginian province.  As  he  was  approaching  the  Crimesus,  or  Cri- 
missus,  a  small  river  which  flows  into  the  Hypsa  on  the  south- 
western coast  of  Sicily,  he  was  saluted  by  one  of  those  omens 
which  so  frequently  either  raised  the  courage  of  the  Greeks  or 
sunk  them  into  despondency.  The  army  was  met  by  several 
mules  bearing  loads  of  parsley,  the  usual  ornament  of  tombs. 
Perceiving  the  alarm  of  his  soldiers,  Timoleon,  M'ith  great  pre- 
sence of  mind,  gave  the  omen  another  and  a  favourable  direction. 
Crowns  of  parsley  were  also  employed  to  reward  the  victors  in 
the  Isthmian  games ;  and  Timoleon,  seizing  a  handful  and 
making  a  wreath  for  his  own  head,  exclaimed,  "  Behold  our 
Corinthian  symbol  of  victory  ;  its  unexpected  appearance  here 
affords  an  unequivocal  omen  of  success."  These  timely  words 
reanimated  his  men,  who  now  followed  him  v/ith  alacrity.  In 
the  battle  which  ensued  Timoleon  appeared  to  have  been  again 
favoured  by  the  gods.  In  the  hottest  of  the  fight  a  terrific  storm 
of  hail,  rain,  and  thunder,  and  lightning  beat  right  in  the  faces  of 
the  Carthaginians,  and  by  the  confusion  which  it  created  enabled 
the  Greeks  to  put  them  to  the  rout.  The  same  cause  occasioned 
the  death  of  thousands  in  their  retreat,  for  the  river  Crimesus, 
swollen  by  the  sudden  rain,  carried  away  a  great  part  of  those 
wlio  attempted  to  rccross  it.  Ten  thousand  Carthaginians  are 
said  to  have  perished  in  the  battle,  while   15,000  mom  were 

*  See  p.  487. 


4'J8  HISTORY  OF  OREECK.  CirAP.  XLL 

rnridn  j)risoncrs.  Tlio  rcrnaiinliT  l\c(\  willioiil  htoj)|»iiif,'  to  Lily- 
ba;mii,  wlienrc  llicy  iiiiiiicdialfly  ciiilmrki-d  ior  Carlliafre,  not 
"witlioiit  <i  dread  that  the  aii<r<T  of  tlio  [rods  would  .still  pursue 
llit'in  at  soa. 

^  i;j.  The  victory  of  the  Criiiie.su.s  brou<.'ht  Tiiiioleon  Huch 
an  accession  of  power  and  influence,  that  he  now  resolved  to 
carry  into  execution  his  project  of  expelling  all  the  despots 
from  Sicily.  The  Carthafrinians  sent  another  expedition  to 
assist  these  despots,  but  they  were  unable  to  eflect  anything, 
and  were  glad  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  Tinioleon  in  n.c.  33b. 
While  the  war  still  continued  with  the  Carthaginians,  Timoleon 
obtained  possession  of  the  town  of  Leontini,  as  well  as  of  the 
person  of  Jlicetas,  whom  he  caused  to  be  put  to  death.  Ma- 
mercus,  despot  of  Catana,  was  next  deposed  and  executed  by 
order  of  tlie  public  assembly  at  Syracuse,  and  the  other  despots 
in  Sicily  soon  shared  hi.s  iatc. 

^  14.  Having  thus  ellccled  the  liberation  of  the  island,  Timo- 
leon iiiunediately  laid  down  his  power.  All  the  reward  he  received 
for  his  great  services  was  a  house  in  Syracuse,  and  some  landed 
property  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city.  He  now  sent  for  his 
family  from  Corinth,  and  became  a  Syracusan  citizen.  He  con- 
tiimcd,  however,  to  retain,  though  in  a  private  station,  the 
gi-eatcst  influence  in  the  state.  During  the  latter  part  of  his 
life,  though  he  was  totally  deprived  of  sight,  yet  when  important 
aflairs  were  discussed  in  the  assembly,  it  was  custcmar}'  to  send  for 
Timoleon,  wlio  was  drawn  in  a  car  into  the  middle  of  the  theatre 
amid  the  shouts  and  aflectionate  greetings  of  the  assembled 
citizens.  When  the  tumult  of  his  reception  had  subsided  he 
listened  patiently  to  the  debate.  The  opinion  which  he  pro- 
nounced was  usually  ratified  by  the  vote  of  the  assembly  ;  and 
he  then  left  the  theatre  amidst  the  same  cheers  which  had 
greeted  his  arrival.  A  truly  gratifying  ])osition  I  and  one  which 
must  have  conferred  on  Timoleon  more  real  happiness  than  the 
possession  of  the  most  absolute  power  could  ever  have  be- 
stowed. In  this  happy  and  honoured  condition  he  breathed  his 
last  hi  B.C.  33G,  a  few  years  after  the  battle  cf  Crimesus.  He 
wa.«  splendidly  interred  at  the  public  cost,  whilst  the  tears  of  the 
whole  Syracusan  populatioix  followed  him  to  the  grave. 


View  of  Delphi  and  Mount  Parnassus. 

BOOK  VI. 

THE  MACEDONIAN  SUPREMACY. 

B.C.  359—146. 


CHAPTER  XLII. 


FROM  THE  ACCESSION  OF  PHILIP  TO  THE  END  OF  THE  SACRED  WAR. 

§  1.  State  of  Greece.  §  2.  Description  of  Mficedonia.  §  3.  Kings  of 
Mnccdon.  §  4.  Character  of  Philip.  §  5.  lie  subdues  the  Pa-oiiians 
and  lUyrians.  §6.  Il's  militaiy  discipline.  §7.  Cnj)ture  of  Am|)hi- 
polis,  and  foundation  of  Philipjii.  §8.  The  Social  War.  §9.  Coni- 
meneenient  of  the  Sacred  Vv'ur.  The  Phocians  seize  Delphi.  §10.  Suc- 
cesses of  the  Phocians.  §11-  Philip  interferes  in  the  war.  Conquers 
Thessaly.  §  12.  Philip inThi-ace.  Demosthenes.  §  13.  TheOlynthian 
War.  §  14.  Character  of  Fhocion.  Fall  of  Olyntluis.  §  15.  Progress 
of  (he  Sacred  W^ar.  Embassy  to  Philip.  §  1 6.  Conquest  of  Phocis  by 
Philip.     Sentence  of  the  Amphictyonic  Council  on  the  Phocians. 

>)  1 .  The  internal  dissensions  of  Greece,  Avhich  have  formed  the 
subject  of  the  two  preceding  books,  are  now  about  to  produce 
their  natural  fruits ;  and  in  the  present  book  we  shall  have  to 


BOO  inSTOIlY  OF  OREECR  Ciiai-.  XLIL 

relate  Ui(!  (lowiiCal!  of  licr  iii(l<'|i('ii(lciicc  .'iiid  her  Kubjuffation  by  a 
iiirt'iirii  powLT.  We  have  lir.st  (if  all  .seen  Sparta  exercisiii}^  a  w)rl 
of  empire  of  ojiinion  over  the  other  (ireciaii  states,  and  Irjokcd 
up  to  by  theiM  with  willing'  obedience  as  their  traditional  and 
chosen  iead(!r.  After  the  Persian  wars  Athens  contests  the 
I)ahn  with  lier,  and,  tliroufrh  the  confederacy  of  Delos,  becomes 
virtually  the  head  of  (ireece  in  material  power,  if  not  reeoirnised 
as  such  by  the  public  opinion  of  the  nation.  But  Sparta 
and  most  of  the  other  (irecian  states,  irorn  jealousy  of  the 
Athenian  supremacy,  league  together  for  the  purpose  of  crush- 
ing Athens.  After  a  long  struggle,  Athens  falls  into  the  power 
of  her  enemies  ;  and  Sparta  becomes  the  ruler  of  Greece.  The 
power  which  she  has  thus  acquired,  she  exercises  with  harsh» 
ness,  cruelty,  and  corruption;  her  own  allies  desert  her:  and 
in  little  more  than  thirty  years  after  the  battle  of  ..Egospotami 
she  is  in  her  turn  not  only  deprived  of  the  supremacy,  but  even 
stripped  of  a  considerable  portion  of  her  own  ancient  territory, 
chieliy  through  the  power  and  influence  of  Thebes.  For  a  httle 
while  Thebes  becomes  the  predominant  state  ;  but  she  owes 
her  position  solely  to  the  abilities  and  genius  of  Epaminondas, 
and  after  his  death  sinks  down  to  her  ibrmcr  level.  The  state 
of  exhaustion  into  whicli  Greece  had  been  thrown  by  these 
protracted  intestine  dissensions  is  already  shown  by  her  having 
condescended  to  throw  herself  at  the  feet  of  Persia,  and  to  make 
her  hereditary  enemy  the  arbiter  of  her  quarrels.  Athens  alone, 
during  the  comparative  state  of  trau([uillity  all'orded  her  through 
the  mutual  disputes  of  her  neighbours,  has  succeeded  in  regain- 
ing some  portion  of  her  former  strength,  and  becomes  the  leading 
power  in  the  struggle  which  now  threatens  to  overwhelm  the 
whole  of  Greece.  This  new  danger  comes  from  an  obscure 
northern  state,  hitherto  overlooked  and  despised,  and  considered 
as  altogether  barbarous,  and  without  the  pale  of  Grecian  civi- 
lization. 

§  2.  Macedonia — for  that  is  the  country  of  which  we  are 
speaking — had  various  limits  at  ditrerent  times.  Properly,  how- 
ever, it  may  be  regarded  as  separated  from  Thessaly  oix  the 
south  by  the  Cambunian  mountains  ;  from  lUyria  on  the  west 
by  the  great  mountain  chain  called  Scardus  and  Bernus,  and 
which,  under  the  name  of  Pnidus,  also  separates  Thcssalv  from 
Epirus  ;  from  Mocsia  on  the  north  by  the  mountains  called  Orbe- 
lus  and  Scomius  ;  and  from  Thrace  on  the  east  by  the  river 
Strymon.  It  is  drained  by  three  rivers  of  considerable  size,  the 
Axius,  the  Lydias,  and  tlie  Haliacmon  ;  each  of  which  has  its 
separate  valley,  iormed  by  two  mountain  ranges  running  south- 
eastwards  from  the  mountains  that  divide  Illvria  and  Macedonia. 


B.C.  859.  HISTORY  OF  JIACEDONIA.  501 

All  these  rivers  discharge  themselves  into  the  Thermaic  gulf. 
The  origin  of  the  people  who  inhabited  this  tract  cf  country  has 
been  much  disputed.  The  Greeks  tliemselves  looked  upon  them 
as  barbarians,  that  is,  as  not  of  Hellenic  origin.  They  were  pro- 
bably an  lUyrian  people,  and  the  similarity  of  the  maimers  and 
customs,  as  well  as  of  the  languages,  so  far  as  they  are  known, 
of  the  early  Macedonians  and  llhiuns,  seems  to  establish  the 
identity  of  the  races. 

^  3.  But  though  the  Macedonians  were  not  Greeks,  their  so- 
vereigns claimed  to  be  descended  from  an  Hellenic  race,  namely, 
that  of  Temenus  of  Argos  ;  and  it  is  said  that  Alexander  I. 
proved  his  Argive  descent  previously  to  contending  at  the  Olympic 
games.  Perdiccas  is  commonly  regarded  as  the  founder  of  the 
monarchy  ;  of  the  history  of  which,  however,  little  is  known  till 
the  reign  of  Amyntas  1.,  his  fifth  successor,  A^ho  was  contem- 
porary with  the  PisistratidtB  at  Athens.  Under  Ampitas,  who 
submitted  to  the  satrap  Megabyzus,  Macedonia  became  subject 
to  Persia,  and  remained  so  till  after  the  battle  of  Plalsea.  The 
reigns  of  the  succeeding  sovereigns  down  to  Pliilip  H.  present 
little  that  is  remarkable,  with  the  exception  of  that  of  Arche- 
laus  (b.c.  413).  This  monarch  eflected  much  for  Macedonia  by 
improving  the  condition  of  the  army,  by  erecting  fortresses  to 
clieck  the  incursions  cf  his  barbarous  neighbours,  bv  construct- 
ing roads,  and  by  endeavouring  to  difluse  among  his  subjects  a 
taste  for  literature  and  art.  He  transferred  his  residence  from 
jEgSd  to  Pella,  which  thus  became  the  capital,  and  he  employed 
Zeuxis  to  adorn  his  palace  there  with  paintings.  He  entertained 
many  literaiy  men  at  his  court ;  such  as  Agathon  and  Euripides, 
the  latter  of  whom  ended  his  days  at  Pella.  Archelaus  was  as- 
sassinated in  B.C.  399,  and  the  crown  devolved  upon  Amyntas  H., 
a  representative  of  the  ancient  line.  Amyntas  left  three  sons  : 
Alexander  U.,  who  was  assassinated  by  Ptolemy  Alorites  ;  Per- 
diccas HI.,  who  recovered  his  brother's  throne  by  slaying  Pto- 
lemy, and  who  fell  in  battle  against  the  Illyrians  ;  and  lastly,  the 
celebrated  Philip,  of  whom  we  have  now  to  speak. 

§  1.  It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  the  youtliful  Pliilip 
was  one  of  the  hostages  delivered  to  the  Thebans  as  security  lor 
the  peace  eflected  by  Pelopidas.  His  residence  at  Thebes  gave 
him  some  tincture  of  Grecian  philosophy  and  literature.  It 
seems  probable  that  he  made  the  personal  acquaintance  ol'  Plato  ; 
and  he  undoubtedly  acquired  that  command  over  the  Greek  lan- 
guage Avhich  put  him  on  a  level  with  the  best  orators  of  the  day. 
But  the  most  important  lesson  which  he  learned  at  Thebes  was 
the  art  of  war,  with  all  the  improved  tactics  introduced  by  Epa- 
minbndas.     A*  <he  time  of  Pb.ilip's  residence,  moreover,  Thebes 


C02  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Cmap.  XLIL 

w.'is  the  ooiilrc  of  pnlitical  iiilorost,  I'liid  lie  inu.«l  arrordiiifrly  liave 
had  ojipDrtimitics  to  Ijcooinc  iiiliiiiatfly  ac(|uaiiited  witli  the 
views  and  policy  of  the  varioii.s  (ireeiaii  jjowers.  The  goiiiiis 
and  cliaracler  of  Philip  were  well  caleulated  to  derive  ad vanlag-c 
from  these  opportunities.  He  had  great  natural  aeutenes.s  and 
sajracity,  .so  as  to  perceive  at  a  glance  the  men  to  be  employed, 
and  the  opportunities  to  be  improved.  His  boundless  ambition 
Avas  seconded  by  an  iron  will,  which  no  danger  could  daunt  and 
no  repulse  dishearten  ;  and  when  lie  had  once  Ibmied  a  project 
he  pursued  it  with  untirin:^  and  resistless  energy.  His  hand- 
some person,  spontaneous  elorpiencc,  and  apparently  frank 
deportment,  were  of  great  assistance  to  liim  in  the  prosecution 
of  his  schemes  ;  whilst  under  the.se  seducing  qualities  lurked  no 
inconvenient  morality  to  stand  between  liis  desires  and  their 
gratification.  Corruption  was  his  instrument  as  frerpiently  as 
iorce  ;  and  it  was  one  of  his  favourite  boasts  that  he  had  taken 
more  towns  with  silver  than  with  iron.*  Yet  when  force  was 
necessary  no  man  could  wield  it  better  ;  for  with  the  skill  of  a 
general  he  united  a  robu:-tness  of  constitution  which  enabled 
him  to  bear  all  the  hardships  ol"  a  campaign  as  well  as  the 
meanest  soldier. 

k  5.  Such  was  the  man  who  at  the  age  of  23  assumed  the  go- 
vernment of  Macedonia  (r.c.  359).  It  had  probably  been  in- 
trusted to  him  when  his  brother  Perdiccas  set  out  on  the  expe- 
dition against  the  lUyriaiis  in  which  he  fell ;  and  after  that  event 
he  became  the  guardian  of  his  brother's  infant  son.  This  minority 
induced  two  pretenders  to  claim  the  crown  :  Pausanias,  who  was 
supported  by  the  king  of  Thrace  ;  and  Argajus,  whose  claims 
were  backed  by  the  Athenians  with  a  force  of  3000  hoplites, 
because  he  had  engaged  to  put  them  in  possession  of  Amphi- 
polis.  But  by  his  promises  and  address  Philip  contrived  to 
propitiate  both  the  king  of  Thrace  and  the  Athenians  ;  to  the 
latter  of  whom  he  made  the  same  oilers  as  Arga-us  had  done. 
The  two  pretenders  being  thus  deprived  of  their  supporters, 
were  easily  got  rid  of,  and  Philip  was  left  at  liberty  to  turn  his 
arms  against  the  Pa;onians  and  lllyrians,  who  were  threatening 
Macedonia  with  invasion.  The  former  people  were  easily  sub- 
dued, and  Philip  then  marched  against  the  Hlyrians  with  a  force 
of  10,000  men.  He  was  met  by  Bardylis,  the  aged  chief  of 
Illyria,  with  an  army  of  about  the  same  strength.  This  was  the 
first  important  engagement  fought  by  Philip.  He  displayed  in 
it  the  military  skill  which  he  had  acquired  in  the  school  of  Epa- 
*  "  diffidit  iirbium 

Portas  vir  Macedo  ot  subruit  rDmiilos 
Reges  nnuici-ibus." — IIoiu  Can/u  iii.  IS.  13. 


B.C.  359.  ACCESSION  OF  PHILIP.  50S 

miiioudas,  and,  like  that  commander,  gained  the  victory  by  con- 
centrating his  foi-ces  on  one  point  of  the  enemy's  hne.  Nearly 
two-thirds  of  the  Illyrian  army  were  destroyed  ;  and  they  were 
consequently  compelled  to  submit  unconditionally,  and  to  place 
in  the  hands  of  Philip  the  principal  mountain  passes  bet\veen 
the  two  countries.  It  Avas  after  these  victories  that  Philip  seems 
to  have  deposed  his  nephew,  and  to  have  assumed  the  croAvu  of 
Macedon.  This  revolution,  however,  was  unattended  with  harsh- 
ness or  cruelty.  Philip  continued  to  bring  up  his  nephew  at 
court,  and  ultimately  gave  him  one  of  his  daughters  in  marriage. 

§  6.  It  w^as  natural  that  success  acquired  with  so  much  ease 
should  prompt  a  youthful  and  ambitious  monarch  to  further 
undertakings.  In  anticipation  of  future  conquests  he  devoted 
the  greatest  attention  to  the  training  and  discipline  of  his  army. 
It  was  in  his  Illyrian  wars  that  he  is  said  to  have  introduced  the 
far-famed  Macedonian  phalanx.  But  perhaps  the  greatest  of  his 
military  innovations  was  the  establishment  of  a  standing  army. 
We  have  already  noticed  certain  bodies  of  this  description  at 
Argos  and  Thebes.  Philip,  however,  seems  to  have  retained  on 
foot  the  10,000  men  which  he  had  employed  against  the  Illy- 
rians  ;  and  this  standing  force  was  gradually  enlarged  to  double 
the  number.  Among  the  soldiers  discipline  v/as  preserved  by 
the  severest  punishments.  Thus  we  hear  of  a  youth  of  noble 
bu'th  being  scourged  for  leaving  the  ranks  to  get  a  draught  of 
wine  at  a  tavern ;  and  of  another  who,  though  a  favourite  at 
court,  was  put  to  death  for  a  similar  offence,  aggravated  by  a 
breach  of  positive  orders. 

§  7.  Philip's  views  were  now  turned  towards  the  eastern  fron- 
tiers of  his  dominions,  where  his  interests  clashed  with  those  of 
the  Athenians.  A  few  years  before  the  Athenians  had  made 
various  unavailing  atteiTipts  to  obtain  possession  of  Amphipolis, 
once  the  jewel  of  their  empire,  but  which  they  had  never  reco- 
vered since  its  capture  by  Brasidas  in  the  eighth  year  of  the  Pe- 
loponnesian  Avar.  Its  situation  at  the  mouth  of  the  Strymon 
rendered  it  also  valuable  to  Macedonia,  not  only  as  a  commercial 
port,  but  as  opening  a  passage  into  Thrace.  The  Olynthians 
Avere  likcAvise  anxious  to  enrol  Amphipolis  as  a  member  oi  their 
confederacy,  and  accordingly  proposed  to  the  Athenians  to  form 
an  alliance  for  the  purpose  of  defending  Amphipolis  against  their 
mutual  enemy.  An  alliance  between  these  tAVO  powerful  states 
would  have  proved  an  insurmountable  obstacle  to  Philip's  vieAvs  ; 
and  it  Avas  therefore  absolutely  necessary  to  prevent  this  coali- 
tion. Here  we  have  the  first  instance  of  Philip's  skill  and  du- 
plicity in  negotiation.  By  secretly  promising  the  Athenians 
that  he  would  put  Amphipolis  into  their  hands,  if  they  would 


r.04  IILSTOIIY  OF  flllEKCR  Chap.  XLIL 

fxivi!  him  possossitm  di'  l'yilii;i,  Ik;  iiidiiccd  tlicin  to  ri-jcct  ihe 
overtures  ol  the  Olyiilhiaiis  ;  and  hy  (•••ditijf  to  the  latter  liie 
town  ol'AiithcmiiH,  Ik;  hou^ht  olT  their  opposition,  lie  now  laid 
S!e^(;  to  Ani|)liipoli.s,  whieli,  Iteiiiir  tlnis  jell  iniaided,  li.-ll  into  his 
hands  (r.-c.  .'iOs).  He  then  l()rthvvith  niarelied  a<rain.st  J'ydna, 
"whieh  surrendered  to  him  ;  hut  on  the  pround  that  it  was  not 
llio  Athenians  wIk)  had  ]»ut  him  in  jto.'-ses.'-ioii  of  this  town,  he 
relnsed  to  frive  up  Am])liij)olis  to  tliem. 

Philip  had  now  just  rea.-^on  to  dread  the  enmity  of  the  Athenians, 
and  accordingly  it  was  his  policy  to  court  the  favour  of  the 
Olynthiaus,  and  to  prevent  them  from  renewiiif^  their  negotia- 
tions with  the  Athenians.  In  order  to  separate  them  more 
elleetually,  he  assisted  the  Olynthians  in  recovering  Potidaea, 
"which  had  formerly  belonged  to  their  confederacy,  but  Avas  now 
in  the  hands  of  the  Athenians.  On  the  capture  of  the  town  he 
handed  it  over  to  the  Olynthians  ;  but  at  the  .same  time  he 
treated  the  Athenian  garri.son  with  kindness,  and  allowed  them 
to  return  home  in  safely.  Plutarch  relates  that  tlie  capture  of 
Polida-a  was  accompanied  ^ith  three  other  fortunate  events  in 
the  life  of  Philip  ;  namely,  the  prize  gained  by  his  chariot  at  the 
01ym])ic  games,  a  victory  of  his  general  Parrnenio  over  the 
Illyrians,  and  the  birth  of  his  sou  Alexander.  These  events 
happened  in  u.c.  356. 

Philip  now  crossed  the  J^tryniou,  on  the  left  bank  c  f  which 
lay  Pangaius,  a  range  cf  mountains  abounding  in  gold  mines. 
Pangccus  properly  belonged  to  the  Thracians,  but  had  some- 
times been  in  the  possession  of  the  Athenians,  and  sometimes 
of  the  Thasians  ;  and  at  this  time  was  held  by  the  latter  people. 
Philip  conquered  the  district,  and  founded  there  a  new  town 
called  Philippi,  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Thasian  tow-n  of 
Crenides.  By  improved  methods  of  working  the  mines  he  made 
them  yield  an  annual  revenue  of  1000  talents,  nearly  250,000Z. 
But  it  was  chiefly  as  a  military  post  that  Philippi  was  valu- 
able to  him,  and  as  a  means  of  pushing  his  conquests  farther 
eastwards  ;  for  whieh,  however  he  was  not  at  present  pre- 
pared. 

§  8.  Meanwhile,  Athens  was  engaged  in  a  war  with  her  allies, 
which  has  been  called  the  Social  ^]'ar  ;  and  which  was,  perhaps, 
the  reason  why  she  was  obliged  to  look  quietly  on  whilst 
Philip  was  thus  aggrandizing  himself  at  her  expense.  This  war 
broke  out  in  b.c.  3-37.  The  chief  causes  of  it  seem  to  Jiave  been 
the  contributions  levied  upon  the  allies  by  the  Athenian  gene- 
rals, and  the  I'c-establishment  of  the  system  of  cleruchies,  which 
the  Athenians  had  formally  renounced  when  they  were  beginning 
to  reconstruct  their  empire      However  this  may  be,  a  coalition 


B.C.  357.  THE  SACRED  WAR.  •'505 

was  formed  against  Athens,  of  which  either  Byzantium  or  Rhode? 
was  the  head,  and  whieh  was  soon  joined  by  Chios,  Cos,  am' 
other  places.  The  insurgents  were  also  assisted  by  the  Cariai. 
prince,  Mausolus.  The  lirst  step  taken  by  the  Athenians  in 
order  to  quell  this  insurrection  was  to  attack  Chios  with  GO  tri- 
remes, under  Chares  and  Chabrias.  The  expedition  proved  un- 
successful. Chabrias  was  slain  whilst  gallantly  leading  the  way 
mto  the  harbour  of  Chios,  and  the  armament  was  altogether  de- 
feated. We  next  fnid  Timotheus  and  Iphicrates  employed  in 
this  war  in  conjunction  with  Chares  :  but  the  details  recorded 
of  it  are  obscure,  and  sometimes  contradictory.  Chares  got  rid 
of  his  two  colleagues  on  a  charge  of  failing  to  support  him  in  a 
battle.  On  this  indictment  they  were  subsequently  tried,  when 
Iplncratcs  Mas  acquitted  ;  but  Timotheus  was  condemned,  and 
retired  to  Chalcis,  where  he  sooii  afterwards  died.  Athens  thus 
lost  her  best  commanders;' and  Chares,  haA'ing  obtained  the  sole 
command,  entered  the  service  of  the  satrap  Artabazus,  who  had 
revolted  against  Artaxerxes,  and  was  rewarded  with  a  large  sum, 
which  enabled  him  to  pay  his  men.  He  did  not  succeed,  how- 
ever, in  reducing  the  refractory  allies  to  obedience  ;  and  when 
Artaxerxes  threatened  to  support  them  with  a  fleet  of  300  ships, 
the  Athenians  were  obliged  to  consent  to  a  disadvantageous 
peace,  which  secured  the  independence  of  the  more  important 
allies  (b.c.  355).  The  Athenians  only  succeeded  in  retaining 
some  of  the  smaller  towns  and  islands,  and  their  revenue  from 
them  was  reduced  to  the  moderate  sum  of  45  talents. 

§  9.  The  Social  War  tended  still  further  to  exhaust  the  Grecian 
states,  and  thus  pave  the  way  for  Philip's  progress  to  the  su- 
premacy. Another  war,  which  had  been  raging  during  the  same 
time,  produced  the  same  result  even  to  a  greater  extent.  This 
was  the  Sacred  War,  which  broke  out  between  Thebes  and 
Phocis  in  the  same  year  as  the  Social  War  (b.c.  357).  An  ill- 
feeling  had  long  subsisted  between  those  two  countries.  It  was 
with  reluctance  that  the  Phocians  had  joined  the  Theban  al- 
liance. In  the  last  campaigir  of  Epaminondas  in  the  Pelopon- 
nesus, they  positively  retiised  their  assistance  ;  and  after  the 
death  of  that  leader  they  seem  to  have  committed  some  actual 
hostilities  against  Bceotia.  The  Thebans  now  availed  themselves 
of  the  influence  which  they  possessed  in  the  Ampliictyonic  coun- 
cil to  take  vengeance  upon  the  Phocians,  and  accordingly  induced 
this  body  to  impose  a  heavy  fine  upon  the  Phocians,  because 
they  had  cultivated  a  portion  of  the  Cirrha>an  plain,  which,  after 
the  first  sacred  war,  had  been  consecrated  to  the  Delphian  god,* 
and  was  to  lie  waste  for  ever.  The  Phocians  pleaded  that  the 
*  See  ))}).  50,  51. 
Z 


60G  IIISTOUV  OF  GllEKCE.  Chap.  XLII. 

payment  of  tli'!  dm;  would  ruin  tlicrii  ;  but  instead  of  listening 
to  llu-ir  rcinonstranties,  the  Anijjhiclyon.s  doubled  tlic  amount, 
and  threatened,  in  case  of  their  continued  refu.sal,  to  reduce 
them  to  tlie  (condition  of  serfs.  Tims  driven  to  des|)(;ration,  the 
Phoeians  resolved  to  complete  the  saerilc<re  with  which  they  had 
been  branded,  by  seizing  the  very  temple  of  Delphi  itself,  to  the 
possession  of  which  they  asserted  an  ancient  right,  lijunilcd  on  a 
verse  in  Homer,  in  which  the  "  rocky  Pytho"  was  reckoned 
among  the  Phocian  towns.*  If  they  succeeded  in  seizing  the 
temple,  not  only  would  all  its  treasures  be  at  their  command, 
but  they  would  even  bo  able  to  dictate  the  responses  of  the 
oracle.  The  leader  and  counsellor  of  this  enterprise  was  Philo- 
raelus,  who,  with  a  Ibrce  of  no  more  than  2000  men,  surprised 
and  took  Delphi.  The  Locriaus  of  Arnphissa,  who  came  to  the 
rescue  of  the  temple,  were  defeated  by  him  with  great  loss. 
Being  now  master  of  the  temple,  Philomelus  destroyed  the  re- 
cords containing  the  sentence  of  the  Amphictyons,  and  apfxjaled 
to  all  Greece  against  its  injustice.  At  lirst,  however,  he  care- 
fully abstained  from  touching  the  sacred  treasure  ;  but  he  levied 
large  sums  on  the  private  property  of  the  Delphians.  He  then 
fortifusd  the  temple  afresh  ;  and,  having  hired  inore  mercenaries, 
which  swelled  his  force  to  aOOO  men,  invaded  the  Locrian  terri- 
tory. After  some  petty  skirmishes,  the  Locriaus  were  finally 
defeated  in  a  pitched  battle  ;  whereupon  they  applied  to  the 
Thebans  for  assistance. 

MO.  Meanwhile,  Philomelus,  being  master  of  the  oracle,  ex- 
torted a  decree  from  the  priestess  sanctioning  all  that  he  had 
done  ;  and  sent  envoys  to  the  principal  Grecian  cities,  including 
Thebes,  to  vindicate  his  conduct,  and  to  declare  that  the  treasures 
of  Delphi  were  untouched.  The  envoys  succeeded  in  obtaining  the 
alliance  of  Sparta  and  Athens,  but  from  Thebes  they  were  repulsed 
with  threats.  There,  however,  the  application  of  the  Locrians 
mjt  with  a  ready  acquiescence  ;  and  messages  were  sent  by  the 
Thebans  to  stir  up  the  Thessalians  and  all  the  northern  tribes 
which  belonged  to  the  Amphielyonie  Council.  The  Phocians 
now  saw  themselves  threatened  by  a  powerlul  combination, 
whilst  from  Athens,  weakened  by  the  social  war,  and  from  Sparta, 
hampered  by  Megalopolis  and  Messene,  thev  could  expect  but 
little  aid.  In  this  emergency  Philomelus  threw  oil"  the  scruples 
which  he  had  hitlierto  assumed,  and  announced  that  the  sacred 
treasures  should  be  converted  into  a  fund  for  the  payment  of 
mercenaries.  Crowds  of  adventurers  now  flocked  on  all  sides  to 
his  standard,  and  he  soon  found  himself  at  the  head  of  10,000 
men.  With  these  he  again  invaded  Jiocris,  and  defeated  the 
*  Iha.l,  ii.  517. 


B.C.  852.  INTERFERENCE  OF  PHILIP.  507 

Thebaiis  and  Thessalians.  Subsequently,  however,  the  Thebans 
obtained  large  reinforcements,  and  having  become  manifestly  the 
strongest,  put  to  death  all  Phocian  prisoners,  as  being  guilty  of 
sacrilege.  The  war  thus  assumed  the  most  barbarous  character, 
and  the  Phocians,  by  way  of  self  preservation,  were  obliged  to 
retaliate.  The  details  of  the  struggle  arc  not  accurately  known, 
but  it  appears  that  a  great  battle  was  at  length  fought,  in  which 
the  Phocians  were  defeated  and  Philomelus  killed.  The  victory, 
however,  does  not  seem  to  have  been  sufficiently  decisive  to 
enable  the  Thebans  to  obtain  possession  of  Delphi,  and  they  sub- 
sequently returned  home. 

Onomarchus,  who  succeeded  his  brother  Philomelus  in  the 
command,  carried  on  the  war  with  vigour  and  success.  He  re- 
duced both  the  western  and  eastern  Locrians,  as  well  as  the  little 
state  of  Doris.  He  then  invaded  Boeotia,  captured  Orchome- 
nus,  and  laid  siege  to  Chaeronea;  which,  however,  the  Thebans 
compelled  him  to  raise,  and  drove  him  back  with  some  loss  into 
Phocis. 

Ml.  Such  was  the  state  of  the  Sacred  War  when  Philip  first 
began  to  interfere  in  it.  It  was  only,  however,  through  his  pre- 
vious conquests  in  Thossaly  that  he  was  enabled  to  do  so.  Even 
before  he  could  enter  that  country  he  had  to  reduce  the  town  of 
Melhone,  which  lay  between  him  and  the  Thessalian  frontier ; 
and  it  was  at  the  siege  of  this  place  that  he  lost  his  eye  by  an 
arrow.  After  the  capture  of  Methone,  his  road  lay  open  into 
Thessaly  ;  and  at  the  invitation  of  the  Aleuadse  of  Larissa,  who 
were  disgusted  with  the  tyranny  exercised  by  the  successors  of 
Alexander  of  Pherse,  he  undertook  an  expedition  against  that 
state.  Alexander  himself  had  been  despatched  through  the 
machinations  of  his  wife  Thebe,  who  caused  him  to  be  murdered 
by  her  three  half-brothers.  These  subsequently  ascended  the 
tlirone,  and  exercised  a  tyranny  as  harsh  as  that  of  their  pre- 
deces.sor.  Pheraj,  it  seems,  had  shown  some  disposition  to  assist 
the  Phocians ;  and  when  Onomarchus  heard  that  Philip  was 
marching  against  it,  he  sent  his  brother,  Phayllus,  with  a  Ibrce 
of  7000  men  to  its  assistance.  Philip  defeated  Phayllus,  but 
was  subsequently  routed  and  compelled  to  retreat  by  Onomar- 
chus in  person.  The  latter  then  turned  his  arms  against  Coro- 
nea,  wliich  he  reduced  ;  but  the  news  that  Philip  had  re-entered 
Thessaly  at  the  head  of  20,000  men,  soon  compelled  him  again 
to  march  thither.  Philip  now  assumed  the  character  of  a  cham- 
pion of  the  Delphic  god,  and  made  his  soldiers  wear  wreaths  of 
laurel,  plucked  in  the  groves  of  Tempe.  Onomarchus  was  at  the 
head  of  about  an  equal  number  of  men ;  but  in  the  encounter 
which  ensued,  apparently  near  the  gulf  of  Pagasse,  he  was  slain, 


fi08  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XLIL 

and  liis  iiniiy  totally  (Icfcated  (n.c.  3.'}2).  This  viriory  rnado 
I'liilip  master  of  Thcssaly.  lie  now  directed  Viis  inarcli  wjuth- 
wards  witli  the  view  oC  siih(hiiiif,'  the  Phociaiis  ;  hut  upon 
reachinjr  Thcnnoyjyht!,  he  llmiid  the  ])as-.s  ^niarded  hy  a  strong 
Athenian  force,  and  was  compelled,  or  considered  it  more  jjrudent, 
to  retreat. 

^12.  After  hi.s  return  from  The.ssaly,  Philip's  views  were  di- 
rected towards  Tliraec  and  the  Chersonese  ;  hut  lie  first  carried 
his  arms  so  far  into  the  interior  of"  the  country  that  the  Athe- 
nians could  learn  nothing  of  his  movements.  It  was  at  this 
juncture  that  Demosthenes  stepped  forwards  as  the  proclaimed 
opponent  of  Philip,  and  delivered  the  first  of  tliose  ceiehrated 
orations  which  from  their  subject  have  been  called  "  the  Philip- 
pics." Since  the  establishment  of  democracy  at  Athens  a  cer- 
tain degree  of  ability  in  public  speaking  was  indi.«pensable  to  a 
public  man.  Hitherto,  liowevcr,  the  leading  men  ol"  Athens  had. 
like  Cirnon  and  Pericles,  been  statesmen  and  warriors,  as  well  as 
orators.  But  the  great  jirogress  made  in  the  art  of  rhetoric,  as 
well  as  iu  the  art  of  war  since  the  imj)roved  tactics  introduced 
by  Epaminondas,  had  now  almost  conii)letely  separated  the  pro- 
fessions of  the  orator  and  the  soldier.  Phocion,  the  contempo- 
rary of  Demosthenes,  was  the  la.st  who  combined  the  provinces 
of  the  two.  The  ears  of  the  Athenians  had  become  fastidious. 
They  delighted  in  displays  of  oratorical  skill  ;  and  it  was  this 
period  which  produced  those  speakers  who  have  been  called  by 
way  of  eminence  "  the  Attic  orators."  Demosthenes,  the  most 
famous  of  them  all,  was  born  in  b.c.  382-381.  Having  lost  his 
father  at  the  early  age  of  seven,  his  guardians  abused  their  trust, 
and  defrauded  him  of  the  greater  part  of  his  paternal  inheritance. 
This  misfortune,  however,  proved  one  of  the  cau-ses  which  tended 
to  make  him  an  oi-ator.  Demosthenes,-  as  he  advanced  towards 
manhood,  perceived  with  indignation  the  conduct  of  his  guar- 
dians, for  Avhich  he  resolved  to  make  them  answerable  when  the 
proper  opportunity  should  arrive,  by  accusing  them  h.imself 
befoi-e  the  dicastery.  The  w-cakness  of  his  bodily  frame,  which 
unfitted  him  for  the  exercises  ot"  the  gj^mnasium,  cau.sed  him  to 
devote  himself  with  all  the  more  ardour  to  intellectual  pursuits. 
He  placed  himself  under  the  tuition  of  Isa-us,  who  then  enjoyed 
a  high  reputation  as  an  advocate  ;  and  Avhcn  he  had  acquired 
a  competent  degree  of  skill,  he  pleaded  his  cause  against  liis  guar- 
dians, and  appears  to  have  recovered  a  considerable  portion  of 
his  estate.  This  success  encouraged  him  to  speak  in  the  public 
assembly  ;  but  his  first  attempt  proved  a  failure,  and  he  retired 
from  the  bema  amidst  the  hootings  and  laughter  of  the  citizens. 
The  more  judicious  and  candid  among  his  auditors  perceived, 


B.C.  352.  DEMOSTHENES.     FIRST  PHILIPPIC.  509 

however,  marks  of  genius  in  his  speech,  and  rightly  attributed 
his  Ihihire  to  timidity  and  want  of  due  preparation.  Eunomus, 
an  aiied  citizen  wlio  met  him  wandering  about  the  Piraeus  in  a 
state  of  dejection  at  his  ill  success,  bade  liim  take  courage  and 
persevere.  "Your  manner  of  speakuig,"  said  he,  "very  much 
resembles  that  of  Pericles ;  you  fail  only  through  want  of  con- 
fidence. You  are  too  much  disheartened  by  the  tumult  of  a 
popular  assembly,  and  you  do  not  take  any  pains  even  to  acquire 
that  strength  of  body  which  is  requisite  ibr  tlie  bema."  Struck 
and  encouraged  by  these  remarks,  Demosthenes  withdrew  awhile 
from  public  life,  and  devoted  himself  perseveringly  to  remedy 
his  defects.  They  were  such  as  might  be  lessened,  if  not  re- 
moved, by  practice,  and  consisted  chiefly  of  a  weak  voice, 
imperfect  articulation,  and  ungraceful  and  inappropriate  action. 
He  derived  much  assistance  from  Satyrus,  the  actor,  who  exep 
cised  him  in  reciting  passages  from  Sophocles  and  Euripides. 
He  studied  the  best  rhetorical  treatises  and  orations,  and  is  said 
to  have  cojiied  the  work  of  Thucydides  with  his  own  hand  no 
fewer  than  eight  times.  He  shut  himself  up  for  two  or  three 
months  together  in  a  subterranean  chamber  in  order  to  practise 
composition  and  declamation.  It  may  also  be  well  supposed 
that  he  devoted  no  inconsiderable  part  of  his  attention  to  the 
laws  of  Athens  and  the  politics  of  Greece.  -His  perseverance  was 
crowned  with  success  ;  and  he  who  on  the  first  attempt  had 
descended  from  the  bema  amid  the  ridicule  of  the  crowd,  became 
at  last  the  most  perfect  orator  the  world  has  ever  seen. 

^  13.  Demosthenes  had  established  himself  as  a  public  speaker 
before  the  period  which  we  have  now  reached ;  but  it  is  chiefly 
in  connexion  with  Philip  that  we  are  to  view  him  as  a  statesman 
as  well  as  an  oi'ator.  Philip  had  shown  his  ambition  by  the  con- 
quest of  Thessaly,  and  by  the  part  he  had  taken  in  the  Sacred 
War ;  and  Demosthenes  now  began  to  regard  him  as  the  enemy 
of  the  liberties  of  Athens  and  of  Greece.  In  his  first  "  Philippic" 
Demosthenes  tried  to  rouse  his  countrymen  to  energetic  meas- 
ures against  this  fonnidable  enemy ;  but  his  Avarnings  and  exhor- 
tations produced  little  efl'ect,  for  the  Athenians  were  no  longer 
distinguished  by  the  same  spirit  of  enterprise  which  had  cha- 
racterized them  in  the  days  of  their  supremacy.  It  is  true  they 
were  roused  to  momentary  action  towards  the  end  of  B.C.  352 
by  the  news  that  Philip  was  besieging  the  fortress  of  Herajum  on 
the  Propontis ;  but  the  armament  which  they  voted,  upon  receiv- 
ing tne  news,  did  not  sail  till  the  autmrin  of  b.c.  351,  and  thexi 
on  a  reduced  scale  under  the  command  of  Charidemus.  For  the 
next  two  years  no  important  step  was  taken  to  curb  the  growing 
power  of  Philip ;  and  it  was  the  danger  of  Olynthus,  which  first 


610  HISTORY  OF  OltKKCE  Chap.  XlAl. 

iiidiiccd  llic  Allifiiiiiiis  1()  jirDsr-ciiti'  llic  \v;ir  \\\\\i  a  little  more 

Ill  '.]'')0  ii.c,  lMiili|)  li;iviii<( f.'i|ilin<"(l  ;i  lowii  in  CliaU-idifr',  Olyn- 
tluis  bofran  to  tR-iiiblc  f()r  licr  own  sail-ty,  ami  scut  fiivoys  to 
Atln'iis  to  crave  assistance.  Olyiillius  was  still  at  llic  liead  of 
thirty-two  Greek  towns,  and  llie  eonl'ederaey  was  a  wjrt  of  coun- 
terpoise to  the  power  of  Philip.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that 
Demosthenes  delivered  his  three  Olynthaic  orations,  in  wyiich 
he  warmly  advocated  an  alliance  with  Olynthus. 

k  14.  Demosthenes  was  opposed  by  a  stronj^  party,  with  which 
Phocion  commonly  acted.  I'hocion  is  one  of  the  most  siiijinlar 
and  orifrinal  characters  in  Grecian  histor}'.  JN'alnrally  simj)le, 
nprijrhl,  and  benevolent,  his  manners  were  nevertheless  often 
rendered  repulsive  by  a  tinj^e  of  misanthroj)y  and  cynicism.  He 
viewed  the  multitude  and  their  allairs  with  a  scorn  which  he 
was  at  no  ])ains  to  disguise;  receiving  their  anger  with  indiller- 
ence,  and  tlieir  praises  with  contempt.  "VYhen  a  response  I'n  m 
Delphi  announced  to  the  Athenians  that  though  they  were 
themselves  unanimous,  there  was  one  man  who  dissented  frr  m 
them,  Phocion  stepped  forwards,  and  said  :  "  Do  not  trouble 
yourselves  to  seek  for  this  refractory  citizen ; — I  am  he,  and  1 
jike  nothing  that  you  do."  On  another  cccasion,  when  one  ol' 
his  speeches  was  received  with  general  applause,  he  Uimed  round 
to  his  friends,  and  inquired,  "  Have  I  said  anything  bad  ?"  Pho- 
cion's  whole  art  of  oratory  consisted  in  condensing  his  speeches 
into  the  smallest  possible  compass,  without  any  attention  to  the 
smoothness  of  his  periods,  or  the  grace  of  his  language.  Yet 
their  terse  and  liomely  vigour  Mas  often  heightened  by  a  sort  of 
dry  humour,  which  produced  more  eflect  than  th-e  most  studied 
efibrts  of  oratory.  "  What,  at  your  meditations,  Phocion  ?" 
inquired  a  friend,  who  perceived  him  wrapt  up  in  thought. — 
"  Yes,"  he  replied,  "  I  am  considering  Avhether  I  can  shorten 
what  I  have  to  say  to  the  Athenians."  His  known  probity  also 
gave  him  weight  with  the  assembly.  He  was  tlie  only  siatesman 
of  whom  Demosthenes  stood  in  awe  ;  who  was  accustomed  to 
say  Avhen  Phocion  rose,  "  Here  comes  the  pruner  of  my 
periods."  But  Phocion's  desponding  views,  and  his  mistrust  of 
the  Athenian  people,  made  him  an  ill  statesman  at  a  period 
which  demanded  the  most  active  patriotism.  He  doubtless 
injured  his  coimtry  by  contributing  to  check  the  more  enlarged 
and  patriotic  views  of  Demosthenes ;  and  though  his  owir  con- 
duct was  pure  and  disinterested,  lie  unintentionally  threw  his 
weight  on  the  cide  of  those  who,  like  Demades  and  others,  were 
actuated  by  the  basest  motives.  This  division  ol  opinion  ren- 
dered the  operations  of  the  Athenians  for  tlie  aid  of  the  Olpi- 


B.C.  347.  PHILIP  TAKES  OLYNTHUS.  611 

thians  languid  ami  desultory.  Town  after  town  of  the  confe- 
deracy fell  before  Philip  ;  and  in  b.c.  346,  or  early  in  347,  he  laid 
siege  to  Olynthus  itself.  The  city  was  vigorously  defended ;  but 
Philip  at  length  gained  admission  through  the  treacherj'  of  Las- 
thenes  and  Euthycrates,  two  of  the  leading  men,  when  he 
razed  it  to  the  ground  and  sold  the  inhabitants  into  slavery. 
The  whole  of  the  Chalcidian  peninsula  thus  became  a  Macedo- 
nian province.  Philip  celebrated  his  triumph  at  Dium,  a  town 
on  the  borders  of  Thessaly ;  where,  on  the  occasion  of  a  festival 
to  the  Muses,  instituted  by  Archelaus,  he  amused  the  people 
with  banquets,  games,  and  theatrical  entertainments. 

§  15.  The  prospects  of  Athens  now  became  alarming.  Her 
possessions  in  the  Chersonese  Avere  threatened,  as  well  as  the 
freedom  of  the  Greek  towns  upon  the  Hellespont.  At  this  junc- 
ture Demosthenes  endeavoured  to  persuade  the  Athenians  to 
organize  a  confederacy  among  the  Grecian  states  for  the  purpose 
of  arresting  a  p3wjr  which  seemed  to  threaten  the  liberty  of 
all ;  and  in  this  he  was  seconded  by  some  of  those  politicians 
who  usually  opposed  him.  But  though  steps  were  taken  towards 
this  object,  the  attempt  entirely  failed.  The  attention  of  the 
Athenians  was  next  directed  towards  a  reconciliation  with 
Thebes.  The  progress  of  the  sacred  war,  to  which  we  must  now 
briefly  revert,  seemed  favourable  to  such  a  project.  After  the 
death  of  Oiiomarchus,  his  brother  Phayllus  had  assumed  the 
command  of  the  Phocians  ;  and  as  the  sacred  treasure  was  still 
unexhausted  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  large  reinibrcements  of 
troops.  The  Spartans  sent  1000  men  ;  the  Acha3ans  2000  ;  the 
Athenians  5000  foot  and  400  horse  under  Nausicles.  With  these 
forces  Phayllus  undertook  a  successful  invasion  of  Boeotia  ;  and 
afterwirds  attacked  the  Epicnemidian  Locrians,  and  took  all 
their  towns  except  Narya?.  But  in  the  course  of  the  year  Phayllus 
died,  and  Avas  succeeded  in  the  conduct  of  the  w'ar  by  Mnaseas, 
guardian  of  Pxiala^cus,  the  youthful  son  of  Onomarchus.  Mnaseas, 
however,  was  soon  slain,  and  Phalajcus  himself  then  assumed  the 
command.  Uni  jr  him  the  war  was  continued  between  the  Pho- 
cians and  Thebans,  but  without  any  decisive  success  on  either  side. 
The  treasures  of  Delphi  were  nearly  exhausted,  and  on  the  other 
hand  the  war  was  becoming  every  year  more  and  more  burthen- 
some  to  the  Thebans.  It  was  at  this  juncture  that  the  Athe- 
nians, as  before  hinted,  were  contemplating  a  peace  with  Thebes ; 
nor  did  it  seem  improbable  that  one  might  be  concluded  not 
only  between  those  two  cities,  but  among  the  Grecian  states 
generally.  It  seems  to  have  been  this  aspect  of  affairs  that 
induced  Philip  to  make  several  indii'ect  overtures  to  the  Athe- 
nians in  the  summer  of  B.C.  347.     In  spite  of  subsidies  from 


CIS  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XLIL 

I)cl|)lii  llic  war  liad  been  vcrj' onerous  to  tyiciii,  and  they  received 
llicsc  JulvaMCH'S  with  joy,  yet  not  w  itlioiit  Huspieion,  a«  they  were 
quite  unahlu  to  divine  Pliilip's  motives  i'or  making  tliem.  On 
tiie  motion  of  I'hilocrates,  liowever,  it  was  deerecd  liiat  ten  am- 
hassadors  .should  be  de.'^patehea  to  i'hibp's  court.  Pliilorratcs 
himsell  wa.s  at  tiie  head  of  them,  and  amoufr  llie  re.st  were  the 
rival  orators,  Demostiieiies  and  yEschinei>,  and  the  actor  Aristo- 
demua.  A\c  have,  liowever,  no  jjarticulars  on  which  we  can  rely 
respecting  this  embas-sy.  All  that  we  can  gather  respecting  it  is 
from  the  personal  recriminations  ot"  Demo.sthenes  and  iEschines, 
and  we  can  only  inll-r  on  the  whole  that  it  was  a  miserable 
failure.  Philip  seems  to  have  bribed  some  of  the  ambassadors, 
and  to  have  cajoled  the  re.st  by  liis  hospitable  Ijanquets  and  his 
winning  and  condescending  manners.  Nothing  decisive  was  done 
respecting  Amphipolis  or  the  Phocians  ;  and  as  far  as  we  can 
learn  tlie  whole  fruits  of  the  emljassy  were  some  vague  promises 
on  the  part  of  Philip  to  respect  the  Athenian  j)ossessions  in 
Thrace.  Soon  after  the  return  of  Philocrates  and  his  colleagues, 
Autipater,  Parmenio,  and  iMirylochus,  three  of  Philip's  most  dis- 
tingui.shed  generals  and  statesmen,  came  on  a  mission  to  Athens, 
where  they  'ere  entertained  by  Demosthenes.  The  basis  of  a 
treaty  of  peace  and  alliance  seems  now  to  haA^e  been  arranged,  in 
which  Philip  dictated  his  own  terms.  Another  embas.sy,  con- 
sisting probably  of  the  former  ten,  was  appointed  to  procure  the 
ratification  of  this  treaty  by  Philip  ;  and  on  the  news  that  he 
was  invading  the  dominions  of  Cersobleptes,  they  were  directed 
to  hasten  their  departure,  and  to  seek  that  monarch  in  whatever 
quarter  he  might  be.  AYith  this  view  they  proceeded  to  the 
port  of  Oreus  in  Eubcea;  but  instead  of  following  the  advice  of 
Demosthenes,  and  embarking  for  the  Hellespont,  which  they 
might  have  reached  in  two  or  three  days,  thev  wasted  some  time 
at  that  place,  and  then  proceeded  bv  a  circuitous  route  to  Pella : 
hence  they  did  not  reach  that  city  till  upwards  of  three  weeks 
after  quitting  Athens.  Here  they  met  ambassadors  from  other 
states  concerned  in  the  progress  of  the  sacred  war,  as  Thebes, 
Phocis,  Sparta,  and  Thessaly  ;  but  Philip  Avas  still  in  Thrace,  and 
they  had  to  wait  a  month  for  his  return.  P^ven  when  he  arrived 
at  Pella,  he  delayed  the  final  ratification  of  the  treaty,  and  per- 
suaded the  ambassadors  to  accompany  him  on  his  march  to 
PhersB  in  Thessaly,  under  pretence  that  he  desired  their  media- 
tion between  the  Pharsalians  and  Halus ;  though  liis  real  motiA-e 
undoubtedly  was  to  gain  time  for  iuA^ading  Phocis.  He  at  length 
Bwore  to  the  treaty  in  Pherai ;  but  the  Phocians  were  expressly 
excluded  from  it. 

§  16.  Scarcely  liad  the  Athenian  ambassadors  returned  home 


B.C.  34{,.  END  OF  THE  SACRED  WAR.  513 

when  Philip  began  his  march  towards  Thermopylae.  Demosthenes, 
on  his  return,  protested  against  the  acts  of  his  colleagues,  and 
his  representations  had  such  an  etFect,  that  the  ambassadors 
were  not  honoured  with  the  usual  vote  of  thanks.  The  main 
charge  which  he  brought  against  his  colleagues,  and  against 
Machines  in  particular,  was  that  of  having  deluded  the  people 
with  false  hopes  respecting  Philip's  views  towards  Athens.  But 
the  opposite  party  had  possession  of  the  popular  ear.  JSTot  only 
was  nothing  done  fof  the  Phocians,  but  a  decree  was  even  passed 
to  convey  the  thanks  of  Athens  to  Philip,  and  to  declare  that 
unless  Delphi  Avas  delivered  up  by  the  Phocians  to  the  Amphic- 
tyons,  the  Athenians  would  help  to  entbrce  that  step.  The  am- 
bassadors were  again  directed  to  carry  this  decree  to  Philip  ;  but 
Demosthenes  was  so  disgusted  with  it  that  he  refused  to  go,  and 
.^schines  also  declined  on  the  plea  of  ill-health. 

The  Phocians  now  lay  at  the  mercy  of  Philip.  As  soon  as  the 
king  had  passed  the  straits  of  Thermopylae,  Phalajcus  secured 
his  own  satety  by  concluding  a  treaty  v/ith  Philip,  by  which  he 
was  permitted  to  retire  into  the  Peloponnesus  with  bOOO  mer- 
cenaries. When  Philip  entered  Phocis  all  its  towns  surrendered 
unconditionally  at  his  approach.  Philip  then  occupied  Delphi, 
where  he  assembled  the  Amphictyons  to  pronounce  sentence 
upon  those  who  had  been  concerned  in  the  sacrilege  committed 
there.  The  council  decreed  that  all  the  cities  of  Phocis,  except 
Abaj,  should  be  destroyed,  and  their  inhabitants  scattered  into 
villages  containing  not  more  than  fifty  houses  each  ;  and  that 
they  should  replace  by  yearly  payments  the  treasures  of  the 
temple  estimated  at  the  enormous  sum  of  10,000  talents,  or 
nearly  two  millions  and  a  half  sterling.  Sparta  was  deprived 
of  her  share  in  the  Amphictyonic  privileges ;  the  two  votes  in 
the  Council  possessed  by  the  Phocians  were  transferred  to  the 
kings  of  Macedonia  ;  and  Philip  was  to  share  with  the  Thebans 
and  Thessalians  the  honour  of  presiding  at  the  Pythian  games. 
These  were  no  slight  privileges  gained  by  Philip.  A  seat  in  the 
Amphictyonic  council  recognized  him  at  once  as  a  Grecian 
power,  and  would  affbrd  him  occasion  to  interfere  in  the  aH'airs 
of  Greece.  Thebes  recovered  the  places  Avhich  she  had  lost  in 
BoBotia.  Such  was  the  termination  of  the  Sacred  War  (b.c. 
346). 

2* 


|3F3*r^5S-.*i^      -  -"i.: ,  ■  'i^riUp^ft^S/i^rtbrJ.- 


-^i^i^ 


The  Plain  of  Cheronea 


CHAPTER  XLIII. 


FROM  THE  END  OF  THE  SACRED  WAR  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  PHILIP. 


g  1.  Results  of  the  Sacred  War.  §  2.  Macoilonian  emV)a3sy  to  Athens. 
Hccond  P/iilippic  §3.  Philip's  expedition  into  Thrace.  §4.  Third 
Philippic,  i'roirress  of  Philip.  Siege  of  Perinthus.  §  5.  Phocion's 
success  in  Euba-a.  §  G.  Declaration  of  war  between  Athens  and 
Macedon.  Phocion  compels  Philij)  to  evacuate  the  Chersonese.  §  7. 
Charge  of  sacrilege  aETainst  the  Ainphissians.  §  8.  Philip  appointed 
general  by  the  Amphictj'ons  to  conduct  the  war  against  Aniphissa. 
§  9.  He  seizes  Elatea.  League  between  Athens  and  Thebes.  §  10. 
Battle  of  Chjcronea.  §  11.  Philip's  extravagant  joy  for  his  victory. 
§  12.  Congress  at  Corinth.  Philip's  progress  through  the  Peloponne- 
sus. §  13.  Philip's  Domestic  quarrels.  §  14.  Preparations  for  the 
Persian  ex[iedition.     §  15.  Assassination  of  Philip. 

4  1.  The  result  of  the  Sacred  \Yar  rendered  Macedon  the  lead- 
ing state  in  Greece.  Philip  at  once  acquired  by  it  iiiilitarv  plory, 
a  reputation  for  piety,  and  an  accession  of  power.  His  ambitious 
designs  were  now  too  plain  to  be  mistaken.  The  eyes  of  the 
blindest  among  the  Athenians  were  at  last  opened  :  the  pro- 
moters of  the  peace  which  had  bee.n  concluded  with  Philip 
incurred  the  hatred  and  suspicion  of  the  people :  whilst  on  the 
other  hand  Demosthenes  rose  higher  than  ever  in  jiublic  favour. 
They  showed  their  resentment  against  Philip  by  omitting  lo 
send  their  usual  deputation  to  the  Pythian  games  at  which  the 
Macedonian  monarch  presided. 


B.C.  344.  SECOND  PHILIPPIC.  516 

It  was  either  this  omission,  or  the  unwillingness  of  the  Athe- 
nians to  acknowledge  Philip  as  a  member  of  the  Amphictyonic 
league,  that  induced  him  to  send  an  embassy  to  Athens  for  the 
pui-pose  of  settling  a  point  which  neither  his  dignity  nor  his 
interest  would  permit  to  lie  m  abeyance.  It  was  generally  lelt 
that  the  question  was  one  of  peace  or  war.  Yet  the  Athenians 
were  so  enraged  against  Philip  that  those  who  were  for  main- 
taining.peace  with  him  could  hardly  obtain  a  hearing  in  the  as- 
sembly. On  this  occasion  we  have  the  remarkable  spectacle  of 
^schines  and  Demosthenes  speaking  on  the  same  side,  though 
from  widely  different  motives.  The  former  adhered  to  his  usual 
corrupt  policy  in  favour  of  Philip  ;  whilst  Demosthenes,  in  sup- 
porting him,  was  actuated  only  by  views  of  the  most  sagacious 
and  disinterested  policy.  These  he  detailed  and  enforced  in  his 
Oration  On  the  Peace,  in  which  he  persuaded  the  Athenians  not 
to  expose  themselves  at  that  time  to  the  risk  of  a  war  with  Philip, 
supported,  as  he  would  be,  by  the  greater  part  of  Greece. 

k  2.  Philip  had  now  succeeded  to  the  position  lately  occupied 
by  Thebes,  and  in  virtue  of  it  prepared  to  exercise  the  same  in- 
fluence which  that  state  had  previously  enjoyed  in  the  Pelopon- 
nesus. He  declai-ed  himself  the  protector  of  the  Messenians,  and 
the  friend  and  ally  of  the  Megalopolitans  and  Argives.  Demos- 
thenes was  sent  into  Peloponnesus  to  endeavour  to  counteract 
Philip's  proceedings  in  the  penitisula  ;  but  his  mission  led  to  no 
result.  During  his  stay  there,  he  had  openly  accused  Philip  of 
perfidy  ;  and  that  monarch  now  sent  an  embassy  to  Athens,  ac- 
companied by  envoys  from  Argos  and  Messene,  to  complain  of  so 
grievous  an  accusation.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  second 
P/iilippic  of  Demosthenes  was  delivered,  which  was  chiefly 
directed  against  the  orators  who  supported  Philip  (d.c.  344).  In 
the  following  year  a  prosecution  was  instituted  against  ^Eschines 
and  Philocrates  for  "  malversation  in  their  embassy "  to  the 
Macedonian  court.  The  latter,  conscious  of  his  guilt,  evaded 
the  trial  by  flight  ;  and  iEschines,  who  defended  himself  with 
great  skill,  was  acquitted  by  only  thirty  votes.* 

^  3.  Meanwhile,  in  B.C.  344,  Philip  overran  and  ravaged 
Illyi'ia  ;  and  subsequently  employed  himself  in  regulating  ihe 
alliiirs  of  Thessaly,  where  he  occupied  Pheraj  with  a  permanent 
Macedonian  garrison.  He  was  likewise  busied  with  preparations 
i'oY  the  still  vaster  projects  which  he  contemplated,  and  which 
embraced  an  attack  upon  the  Athenian  colonies,  as  well  as  upon 
the  Persian  empire.  For  this  purpose  he  had  organized  a  con- 
siderable naval  force  as  well  as  an  army  ;   and  in  the  spring  of 

*  See  the  speeches  of  Demosthenes  and  .^sehincs  ttcqI  ■KaQanQeaSdnc. 


510  HISTOUY  OF  GREECR  Chap.  XLIIL 

342  It.c.  he  set  out  on  an  oxpi-dilioii  ajraiiist  Thrace  Jlis  pro- 
gress soon  appeared  to  menace  the  Cliensoiiese  anil  the  Athenian 
])ossessions  iu  tliat  (piarter  ;  and  at  ]en<ith  the  Athenian  tr<x»j)8 
under  iJiopithes  came  into  actual  collision  witli  the  Macedonians; 
whilst  the  loriuer  were  engaged  in  dell.-nding  their  allies  from  the 
encroachnrents  of  the  (Jardians,  who  were  under  tlie  j)rotection 
of  Philip.  JJiopithes  likewise  invaded  that  pari  of  Thrace  which 
had  suhmitted  to  Philip,  and,  hesides  committing  Feveral  acts  of 
violence,  seized  a  Macedonian  envoy,  who  had  come  to  treat  for 
the  release  of  some  prisoners,  and  refused  to  dismiss  him  without 
a  considerahle  ransom. 

§  4.  Philip  despatched  a  letter  of  complaint  and  remonstrance 
to  the  Athenians  on  the  suhject  of  these  attacks,  which  gave 
occasion  to  the  speech  of  Demosthenes  On  tlie  Cli^rsoncse  (b.c. 
341),  in  which  he  directed  the  attention  of  the  people  from  the 
more  immediate  subject  of  the  character  and  proceedings  of  Dio- 
pithes  to  the  more  general  question  of  the  best  means  of  resist- 
ing Philip.  This  oration  was  soon  followed  by  the  Third 
Philippic,  a  still  more  vigorous  call  to  action.  Our  accounts  of 
Philip's  movements  at  this  time  are  scanty  and  uncertain. 
Diopilhes  was  retained  in  the  command  of  the  Athenian  troops  ; 
and  Philip  must  have  continued  gradually  to  push  his  conquests, 
since  in  this  year  (341)  we  lind  him  beginning  to  attack  the 
Greek  citie.5  north  of  the  Hellespont.  He  first  besieged  and 
captured  Selymbria  on  the  Propontis,  and  then  turned  his  arms 
against  Perinthus.  The  latler  city  was  not  only  strong  by  na- 
ture, being  seated  on  a  lofty  promontory  surrounded  on  two 
sides  by  the  sea,  but  also  well  Ibrtilied.  It  was  built  on  a  series 
of  terraces  rising  one  above  another  ;  so  that  when  Philip,  by 
means  of  the  improved  artillery  which  he  employed  on  this  oc- 
casion, had  succeeded  in  battering  down  the  outer  wall,  he  found 
himself  in  front  of  a  fresh  rampart,  formed  by  houses  standing 
on  higher  ground,  and  connected  together  by  a  wall  carried 
across  the  streets.  In  this  siege  Philip  was  assisted  by  his 
fleet,  which  had  previously  intercepted  and  captured  twenty 
Athenian  vessels  laden  with  corn.  But  all  his  ellbrts  to  capture 
Perinthus  proved  vuiavailing,  as  both  the  Bvzantines  and  the 
Persians — he  latter  probably  at  the  instigation  of  the  Athenians 
— continually  ibund  means  to  supply  it  with  arms  and  provi- 
eions.  Finding  his  progress  thus  checked,  Philip  left  half  of 
his  ai-my  to  prosecute  the  siege,  and  with  the  remainder  pro- 
ceeded to  the  attack  of  Byzantium  itself,  which  he  hoped  to 
find  unprepared. 

k  5.  Meanwhile,  the  arms  of  Athens,  under  the  conduct  of 
Phocion,  had  been  successful  in  Euboea,  whither  Demosthenes 


B.C.  341.  PHOCION'S  SUCCESS  IN  EUBCEA.  517 

had  roused  his  countryrncii  to  send  aa  expedition  in  the  autumn 
of  341  B.C.,  for  the  purpo.«o  of  counteracting  the  iniluence  of 
Macedou  in  that  quarter,  and  thus  erecthig  another  barrier 
against  the  encroachments  of  Phihp.  Oreus  and  Eretria,  two  of 
the  principal  cities  in  the  island,  were  in  the  hands  of  despots 
supported  by  Philip  ;  but  Callias  of  Clialcis  having  formed  a  plan 
to  reduce  all  Eubcea  under  his  own  dominion,  Demosthenes 
seized  the  opportunity  to  unite  the  Athenian  arms  with  his  ;  and 
Phocion,  with  the  assistance  of  Cailias,  e.vpelled  the  despots 
Clitarchus  and  Philistides  from  Eretria  and  Oreus.  For  his 
advice  on  this  occasion  the  Athenians  honoured  Demosthenes 
with  a  golden  crown.  The  same  Calhas,  or  perhaps  an  Athenian 
commander  of  that  name,  also  did  good  service  at  this  time  by 
a  naval  expedition  into  the  gulf  of  Pagasaj,  when  he  took  the 
towns  on  the  coast,  and  made  prize  of  a  considerable  quantity  of 
Macedonian  merchantmen. 

S^  G.  Although  Athens  and  Macedou  were  still  nominally  at 
peace,  it  is  evident  that  the  state  oi'  things  just  described  was 
incompatible  with  its  further  maintenance.  Philip  addressed  a 
long  letter,  or  rather  manifesto,  to  the  Athenians  (which  has 
come  down  to  us)  in  which  he  complained  of  the  acts  by 
which  they  had  violated  the  existing  treaty,  recapitulated  the 
legitimate  grounds  which  he  had  for  hostility,  and  concluded 
with  a  sort  of  declaration  of  war.  Demosthenes  was  not  behind 
hand  in  accepting  this  challenge.  He  excited  his  countrymen  to 
pass  a  decree  for  war,  to  take  down  the  column  on  which  the 
treaty  had  been  inscribed,  and  to  equip  a  fleet  for  the  imme- 
diate relief  of  Byzantium,  then  besieged  by  Philip.  The  expe- 
dition was  intrusted  to  Chares,  in  whose  hands  it  proved  a 
miserable  failure  ;  though  he  perfectly  succeeded  in  making 
both  himself  and  the  Athenian  name  odious  and  suspected 
among  the  allies,  by  his  oppressions  and  by  the  large  sums 
which  he  extorted  under  the  name  of  benevolences.  The 
orators  of  the  Macedonian  party  took  occasion  from  the  ill 
success  of  Chares  to  disgust  the  Athenians  with  the  war, 
who  began  to  repent  of  having  sent  any  succours  to  By- 
zantium. But  Phocion,  who  did  not  act  with  those  orators 
on  this  occasion,  stood  up  and  told  the  people — "  That  they 
should  not  be  angry  at  the  distrust  of  their  allies,  but  rather  at 
their  own  generals,  who  were  altogether  unworthy  of  coiilldence. 
It  is  they,  said  he,  who  cause  you  to  be  suspected  by  the  very 
people  who  cannot  be  saved  without  your  help."  The  Athenians 
were  so  struck  with  these  representations,  that  they  immediately 
superseded  Chares,  and  appointed  Phocion  in  his  place.  Phocion 
sailed  with  one   hundred  and  twenty  triremes  ;  and  his   higli 


MB  IIISTOKY  01'  OIIEKCE.  Cmap.  XLIIl. 

r('|)iit;iliiiii  lor  jjroliily  .'iiiil  ImiKiiir  c'luscd  liiin  to  ho  iwiirie- 
(liatcly  iuliiiitlfd  willi  his  iorc(!.s  witliiii  llic  walls  of  By/.aiitiurn. 
I'hilij)  was  now  i()rct'd  to  raise  the  sicfro  not  only  of  that  town, 
hut  of  PcrintliHS  also,  and  liiially  to  evacuate  the  Chersoiiesus 
altof^ether.  For  tliese  aecej)tahle  services  the  grateful  JJyzaw- 
tiaiis  erected  a  colossal  statue  in  honour  of  Athens. 

After  his  repulse  iroin  the  Uhersonesus,  J'hilij)  marched  to  the 
aid  of  Atheas,  king  fiitlie  Scythians,  who  had  invoked  his  assist- 
ance apainst  the  trihes  on  the  hanks  of  the  L)anuhe.  Beiorc  h<_ 
arrived,  however,  the  danfrer  had  ceased,  and  Atlieas  dismissed 
him  with  ar.  insultin<r  messafrc.  Hereupon  I'hilip  cross<.'d  the 
Danube,  defeated  the  Scythians,  and  returned  with  an  immense 
booty.  But  as  he  was  i)assing  tlirougli  the  country  of  the  Tri- 
balli  they  demanded  a  share  of  the  spoil;  anil  upon  being 
refused,  gave  battle  to  the  Macedonians,  in  which  Philip  was  so 
severely  wounded  that  he  was  reported  to  be  dead.  Probably 
Philip's  chief  object  in  undertaking  this  expedition  was  to  with- 
draw the  attention  of  the  Greeks  from  his  ambitious  projects, 
and  to  delude  them  into  the  belief  that  other  afiairs  were  now 
engaging  his  attention.  But  meanwhile  his  partizans  were  not 
idle,  and  events  soon  occurred  which  again  summoned  him  into 
the  heart  of  Greece. 

^  7.  In  the  spring  of  330  r..c.  yEschines  was  appointed  with 
three  others  to  represent  Athens  in  the  Amphictyonic  Council. 
In  this  assembly  the  deputies  of"  the  Locrians  of  Amphi.=sa, 
stimulated,  it  is  said,  by  the  Thebans,  charged  the  Athenians 
Vi'ith  saci"ilege  lor  having,  in  conmiemoration  of  their  victory 
over  the  Persians  and  Thebans,  dedicated  some  golden  shields  in 
a  chapel  at  Delphi  before  it  had  been  regularly  consecrated. 
The  Locrians  themselves,  however,  were,  it  seems,  amenable  to 
a  similar  charge,  for  having  cultivated  and  used  for  their  own 
benefit  the  veiy  land  which  had  been  the  subject  of  the  Sacred 
War  against  the  Phocians  ;  and  iEschines,  imtated  by  the  lan- 
guage of  the  deputies  from  Amphissa,  denounced  them  as  guilty 
of  sacrilege.  A  proclamation  was  in  consequence  issued  requir- 
ing all  the  Delphians,  as  well  as  the  members  of  the  Amphic- 
tyonic Council,  to  assemble  and  vindicate  the  honour  of  the 
god  ;  and  on  the  following  day  they  marched  do^^^l  to  Cirrha 
with  spades  and  pickaxes,  and  destroyed  some  buildings  Mhich 
the  Amphissiaiis  had  erected  tliere.  But  as  they  returned,  the 
Amphissians  lay  in  wait  for  them,  and  they  narrowly  escaped 
with  their  hves.  Hereupon,  the  Amphictyons  issued  a  decree, 
naming  a  certain  day  on  Mdiich  the  Coimcil  was  to  assemble 
at  Thermopylaj,  lor  the  purpose  of  bringing  the  Amphissians  to 
justice. 


B.C.  338.   PHILIP  GENERAL  OF  THE  AMPHICTYOXS.  519 

^  8,  TEschines  Avas  strongly  suspected  of  having  adopted  the 
conduct  which  he  pursued  on  this  occasion  in  order  to  play 
into  the  hands  of  Philip.  Demosthenes  procured  a  decree,  pre- 
venting any  Athenians  from  attending  the  council  at  Thermo- 
pylse  ;  and  the  Thebans,  who  were  friendly  to  the  Amphissians, 
also  absented  themselves.  But,  with  these  exceptions,  the 
meeting  was  attended  by  deputies  from  the  other  Grecian 
states  ;  war  was  declared  against  the  Amphissians  ;  and  Cotty- 
phus  was  appointed  to  lead  an  army  against  them.  Demosthenes 
asserts  that  this  expedition  failed ;  but  according  to  other 
accounts  it  was  successful,  and  a  fine  was  laid  upon  the  Am- 
phissians, which,  however,  they  refused  to  pay.  Accordingly,  at 
the  next  ordinary  meeting  of  the  Aniphictyons,  either  in  the 
autumn  of  339  or  spring  of  338,  Philip,  who  had  now  returned 
from  Thrace,  was  elected  their  general  ibr  the  purpose  of  carry- 
ing out  the  decree  against  Amphissa. 

^  9.  Early  in  338  Phihp  marched  southwards ;  but  instead  of 
proceeding  in  the  direction  of  Amphissa,  he  sudilenly  seized 
Elatea,  the  chief  towa  ni  the  eastern  part  of  Phocis,  and  began 
to  restore  its  fortifications ;  thus  showing  clearly  enough  that 
his  real  design  was  against  Bceotia  and  Attica.  Intelligence  of 
this  event  reached  Athens  at  night,  and  caused  extraordniary 
alarm.  The  market  was  cleared  of  the  retail  dealers,  who  com- 
monly occupied  it ;  their  wicker  booths  were  burned  ;  and  the 
whole  city  prepared  as  if  for  an  immediate  siege.  At  daybreak, 
on  the  i'ollowing  morning,  the  Five  Hundred  met  in  the  senate 
house,  and  the  people  as.sembled  in  the  Pnyx,  where  the  news  was 
formally  rjp3ated.  The  herald  then  gave  the  usual  invitation  to 
speak,  bat  nobody  was  inclined  to  come  forwards.  At  length 
Demos Llieues  ascended  the  bema,  and  calmed  the  fears  of  the 
people  by  pointing  out  that  Philip  Avas  evidently  not  acting  in 
concert  with  the  Thebans,  as  appeared  from  the  fact  of  his 
having  thought  it  necessary  to  secure  Elatea.  He  then  pressed 
upon  the  assembly  the  necessity  for  making  the  most  vigorous 
preparations  for  defence,  and  especially  recommended  them  to 
send  an  embasssy  to  Thebes,  in  order  to  persuade  the  Thebans 
to  unite  with  them  against  the  common  enemy.  This  advice 
was  adopted,  and  ten  envoys  were  appointed  to  proceed  to 
Thebes,  amongst  whom  was  Demosthenes  himself  A  counter- 
embassy  had  already  arrived  in  that  city  from  Macedonia  and 
Thessaly,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  the  Athenian 
envoys  at  length  succeeded  in  persuading  the  Thebans  to  .shut 
their  gates  against  Philip.  Athens  had  made  vigorous  prepara- 
Uons,  and  had  10,000  mercenaries  in  her  service.  Philip,  on  the 
other  hand,  was  at  the  head  of  30,000  men  ;  but  after  the  con 


520  HISTORY  OF  GREFX'H  Chap.  XUIL 

cliisinii  of  llic  alliance  between  Thelx's  and  Alliens  he  did  not 
deem  it  i)riident  to  march  directly  a<:ainst  the  latter  city,  and 
therefore  jjrocecded  toward  Am]»hissa,  as  if  in  prosecution  of 
tlie  avowed  ohjcct  of  the  war.  Me  sent  a  manifesto  to  his 
allies  in  I'elojKjnnesus  re(iuirinjr  llieir  assistance  in  what  lie  re- 
presented as  a  purely  religious  object ;  Inii  his  application  was 
coldly  received. 

§  10.  The  details  of  the  war  that  followed  arc  exceedinfrly  ob- 
scure. Philip  appears  to  have  again  opened  negotiations  with 
the  Thebaus,  which  failed  ;  and  we  then  fmd  the  combined 
Theban  and  Athenian  armies  marching  out  to  meet  the  Mace- 
donians. The  former  gained  some  advantage  in  two  engage- 
ments ;  but  the  decisive  battle  was  fought  on  the  7th  of  August, 
ill  the  plain  of  Chajronea  in  Bocotia,  near  the  frontier  of  Phocis. 
In  the  Macedonian  army  was  Philip's  son,  the  youthful  Alex- 
ander, who  was  intrusted  with  the  command  of  one  of  the  wings ; 
and  it  was  a  charge  made  by  liim  on  the  Theban  sacred  band, 
that  decided  the  fortune  of  the  day.  The  sacred  band  was  cut 
to  pieces,  without  flinching  from  the  ground  which  it  occupied, 
and  the  r(!mainder  of  the  combined  army  was  completely 
routed.  Demosthenes,  who  was  serving  as  a  foot-soldier  in  the 
Athenian  ranks,  has  been  absurdly  reproached  with  cowardice 
because  he  participated  in  the  general  flight.  An  interest- 
ing memorial  of  this  battle  still  remauis.  The  Thebans,  who 
fell  in  the  engagement,  were  buried  on  the  spot,  and  their 
sepulchre  was  surmounted  by  a  Hon  in  stone,  as  an  emblem 
of  their  courageous  spirit.  This  lion  was  still  seen  by  Pau- 
sanias,  when  he  visited  Chajronea  in  the  second  century  of 
the  Christian  era.  It  afterwards  disappeared,  though  the  site 
of  the  sepulchre  continued  to  be  marked  by  a  large  mound 
of  earth ;  but  a  few  years  ago  this  tumulus  was  excavated, 
and  a  colossal  lion  discovered,  deeply  embedded  in  its  in- 
terior. 

The  battle  of  Gils' ronea  cnished  the  liberties  of  Greece,  and 
made  it  in  reality  a  yjrovince  of  the  Macedonian  monarchy. 

To  Athens  herself  the  blow  was  almost  as  fatal  as  that  of 
yEgospotami.  Such  was  the  consternation  it  created  in  that 
city  that  many  of  the  wealthier  citizens  prepai'ed  lor  immediate 
flight ;  and  it  was  found  necessary  to  arrest  emigration  by  a 
decree  which  made  it  a  capital  ofit^nce.  Demosthenes  roused 
his  fellow-citizens  by  his  eneriry  and  eloquence  to  adopt  the 
most  vigorous  measures  for  defending  the  city,  and  contributed 
three  talents  out  of  his  own  private  fortune  towards  the  repair 
of  the  walls.  He  was  appointed  to  pronounce  the  funeral  ora- 
tion over  those  slain  at  Chseronea ;  a  proof  that  the  Athenians 


B.C.  338.  BATTLE  OF  CH^RONEA.  521 

did  not  consider  him  guilty  of  any  dereliction  of  duty  in  that  en- 
gagement ;  but  Lysicles,  the  Athenian  general,  was  brought  to 
trial,  and  condemned  to  death. 

Ml-  The  exultation  of  Philip  at  his  victory  knew  no  bounds. 
He  celebrated  his  triumph  with  drunken  orgies ;  and  reeling  from 
the  banquet  to  the  field  of  battle,  he  danced  over  the  dead,  at 
the  same  time  singing  and  beating  time  to  the  opening  words  of 
the  decree  of  Demosthenes,  which  happened  to  have  the  rhythm 
of  a  comic  Iambic  verse.*  It  is  said  that  the  orator  Demades 
put  an  end  to  this  ridiculous  and  unroyal  exhibition  by  remind- 
ing Philip,  "  That  though  fortune  had  placed  him  in  the  position 
of  Agamemnon,  he  preferred  playing  the  part  of  Thersites." 
But  when  Philip  had  returned  to  his  sober  senses,  the  manner 
in  which  he  use:!  his  victory  excited  miiversal  surprise.  He  dis- 
missed the  Athenian  prisoners  not  only  without  ransom,  but 
with  all  their  baggage,  and  some  of  them  he  even  provided  with 
new  apparel.  Hi  then  voluntarily  oli'ered  a  peace  on  terms  more 
advantageous  than  the  Athenians  themselves  would  have  ven- 
tured to  propose.  They  were,  indeed,  required  to  relinquish  a 
part  of  their  foreign  dependencies  ;  but  they  were  in  some  de- 
gree compensated  for  this  by  being  put  in  possession  of  Oropus, 
of  which  the  Thebans  were  now  deprived.  Philip,  indeed,  seems 
to  have  regarded  Athens  with  a  sort  of  love  and  respect,  as  the 
centre  of  art  and  refinement,  for  his  treatment  of  the  Thebans 
was  very  dilTerent,  and  marked  by  great  harshness  and  severity. 
They  were  compelled  to  recall  their  exiles,  in  Avhose  hands  the 
governm3nt  was  placed,  whilst  a  Macedonian  garrison  was  esta- 
blished in  the  Cadmea.  They  were  also  deprived  of  their 
sovereignty  over  the  Bjsotian  towns,  and  Platfca  and  Orcho- 
menus  were  restored,  and  again  filled  with  a  population  hostile 
to  Thebes. 

M2.  B:it  the  mildness  of  Philip's  conduct  towards  Athens, 
though  it  bare  the  appearance  of  magnanimity,  and  atibrded 
matter  for  triumph  to  the  orators  of  tbe  peace  party,  was,  after 
all,  perhaps  in  no  small  degree  the  result  of  policy.  It  was 
by  no  means  certain  that,  if  Philip  laid  siege  to  Athens,  he 
would  be  able  to  take  the  city  ;  at  all  events,  the  siege  would 
be  a  protracted  one  ;  the  exasperated  Thebans  lay  in  his  rear ; 
and  the  attempt  would  certainly  delay  the  more  brilliant  enter- 
prise which  he  had  long  meditated  against  Persia.  For  this  lat- 
ter purpose  he  now  convened  a  congress  of  the  Grecian  states  at 
Corinth,  though  its  ostensible  object  was  the  settlement  of  the 
afiairs  of  Greece.     Sparta  was  the  only  state  unrepresented  in 

*  l^rjfiocr&ivrii  Avuocdh'ov^  Ilaiavavc  Ta6'  elnev. 


622  HISTORY  OF  GHEECE.  Chai-.  XLIIL 

this  assembly.  Wiir  was  dfclared  a«rairist  Persia,  IMiilij)  was 
appointed  fjetioralissiiiio  of  the  expedition,  and  eaeh  state  was 
assessed  in  a  certain  eontinpent  otnieu  or  sliijis.  liut  belrire  he 
returned  to  the  north  ol"  (ireece,  lie  detcrrnined  to  chastise 
Sparta  ior  her  ill-disfjuiscd  hostility.  His  march  throujrh  iV-lo- 
ponncsus,  and  back  by  the  western  coast,  thouph  he  here  and 
there  met  with  resistance,  resembled  rather  a  royal  process 
than  an  expedition  into  a  hostile  country.  The  western  states 
north  of  the  isthmus  now  submitted  to  his  authority,  and  a  Ma- 
cedonian garrison  was  ])laced  in  Ambracia.  By/antiurn  also 
executed  a  treaty  with  riiilip,  which  was  virtually  an  act  of 
subjection.  Having  thus  established  his  authority  throughout 
Greece,  he  returned  to  Macedonia  in  the  autumn  of  u.c.  33b,  in 
order  to  prepare  for  his  Persian  expedition. 

^  13.  But  the  fortune  of  Philip,  which  had  triumphed  over  all 
his  foreign  enemies,  was  destined  to  be  aiTcsted  bv  the  feuds 
which  arose  in  the  bosom  of  his  own  family.  Soon  after  his 
return  to  Macedonia,  and  probably  in  the  spring  of  337,  he  cele- 
brated his  nuptials  with  Cleopatra,  the  beautiful  niece  of  Attains, 
one  of  his  generals.  He  had  already  several  v/ives,  for  he  had 
adopted  the  eastern  custom  of  polygamy  ;  but  it  was  Olympias. 
daughter  of  JSTeoptolemus,  king  of  Epirus,  by  whom  Philip  had 
become  the  father  of  Alexander,  who  regarded  her.self  as  his 
legitimate  queen  ;  a  violent  and  imperious  woman,  who  prided 
herself  on  the  ancient  nobility  of  her  family,  which  traced  it.« 
descent  from  Pyrrhus,  son  of  Achilles.  The  banquet  which  fol- 
lowed the  wedding  was  marked  by  an  extraordinary  scene. 
When  the  cup  had  freely  circulated,  and  wine  had  begun  to 
unlock  the  hearts  of  the  guests,  Attalus  uncautiously  disclosed 
the  ambitious  views  Avith  which  his  daughter's  marriage  had 
inspired  him,  by  calling  iipon  the  company  to  invoke  the  gods  to 
bless  the  union  they  were  celebrating  with  a  lcgitim<ite  heir  to 
the  throne.  Fired  at  this  expression,  which  seemed  to  convey  a 
reflection  on  his  birth,  the  young  prince  Alexander  hurled  his 
goblet  at  Attalus,  exclaiming,  '•  Am  I  then  called  a  ba.stard  ?'" 
Pliilip  at  these  words  started  from  his  couch,  and  seizing  his 
sword,  ruohed  towards  Alexander,  whom  he  would  probably  have 
slain,  had  not  his  foot  slipped  and  caused  him  to  fall.  Alexander 
rose  and  left  the  banqueting-hall  :  but  as  he  withdrew  levelled  a 
taunt  at  his  prostrate  parent.  "  Behold  the  man."  he  exclaimed, 
'■  who  was  about  to  pass  from  Eurojie  to  Asia,  but  who  has  been 
overthrown  in  going  from  one  couch  to  another  I"' 

Alexander  and  his  mother  Olympias  now  hastened  to  quit 
Macedonia.  The  latter  found  refuge  at  the  court  of  her  brother 
Alexander,  king  of  Epirus,  whilst  the  former  took  up  his  abodo 


B.C.  336.  ASSASSINATION  OF  THILIP.  523 

in  lUyria.  The  fugitives  appear  to  have  stirred  up  both  these 
countries  to  wage  war  against  Philip,  who  hoM'ever  at  length 
contrived  to  efiect  a  show  ot"  reconciliation.  Through  the  me- 
diation of  a  friend,  he  induced  Alexander  to  return  to  Pella  ;  and 
he  averted  the  hostihty  of  his  brother-in-law,  the  king  of  Epirus, 
by  offering  him  the  hand  of  his  daughter,  Cleopatra.  Olympias 
was  now  compelled  to  return  to  Philip's  court ;  but  both  she 
and  Alexander  harboured  an  implacable  resentment  against  him. 

§  14.  These  domestic  disturbances  delayed  Philip's  expedition 
during  the  year  337  ;  but  in  the  following  spring  he  appears  to 
have  sent  some  forces  into  Asia,  under  the  command  of  Attains, 
Parmenio,  and  Amyntas.  These  were  designed  to  engage  the 
Greek  cities  of  Asia  in  the  expedition,  and  to  support  the  dis- 
affected subjects  of  Persia.  But  before  quitting  Macedonia, 
Philip  determined  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  his  dominions  by 
celebrating  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  with  Alexander  of 
Epirus.  It  was  solemnized  at  Mga},  the  ancient  capital  of  Mace- 
donia, with  much  pomp,  includnig  banquets,  and  musical  and 
theatrical  entertainments.  Most  of  the  Greciiiii  towns  sent  their 
deputies  to  the  festival,  bringing  crowns  of  gold  ana  other 
presents  to  the  king.  But  a  terrible  catastrophe  was  impend- 
ing, v/hich  several  omens  are  said  to  have  predicted.  The  oracle 
oi'  Delphi,  when  consulted  by  Philip,  as  head  of  the  Amphic- 
tyons,  respecting  the  issue  of  his  eastern  expedition,  responded 
with  its  usual  happy  ambiguity — "  The  bull  is  crowned,  eveiy- 
thiug  is  ready,  and  the  sacrificer  is  at  hand."  And  the  player 
Neoptolemus,  who  had  been  engaged  to  recite  some  verses  during 
the  nuptial  banquet,  chose  an  ode  which  spoke  of  power,  pride, 
and  luxury,  and  of  the  rapid  and  stealthy  approach  of  death, 
which  terminates  in  a  moment  the  most  ambitious  expectations. 

^  15.  The  day  after  the  nuptials  was  dedicated  to  theatrical 
entertainments.  The  festival  was  opened  with  a  precession  of 
the  images  of  the  twelve  Olympian  deities,  with  which  was  asso- 
ciated that  of  Philp  himself  The  monarch  took  part  in  the 
procession,  dressed  in  white  robes,  and  crowned  with  a  chaplet. 
A  little  behind  him  walked  his  son  and  his  new  scn-in-law, 
whilst  his  body-guards  folloM'ed  at  some  distance,  in  order  that 
tlie  person  of  the  sovereign  might  be  seen  by  all  his  subjects. 
Whilst  thus  proceednig  through  the  city,  a  youth  suddenly 
rushed  out  of  the  crowd,  and  drawing  a  long  SAvord  which  he 
had  concealed  under  his  clothes,  plunged  it  into  Philips  side. 
who  fell  dead  upon  the  spot.  The  assassin  A\"as  pursued  by  some 
of  the  royal  guards,  and  having  stumbled  in  his  flight,  was  de- 
spatched before  he  could  reach  the  place  where  horses  had  been 
provided  for  his  escape.     His  name  was  Pausanias.     He  was  a 


521  IIISTOllV  UF  GliKKCK.  ciiai-.  XLIIL 

yoiitli  ol"  iiolilc  l)iilli,  and  we  fire  told  tliat  liis  iriotivc  (or  taking 
IMiilip'.s  lile  was  tliat  the  kinj^  had  ri-lu.-ed  to  jjnni.sh  an  outrage 
wliicli  Attains  Jiad  committed  against  liim.  IJotli  OlympiaK  and 
her  sou  Alexander  were  suspected  of  being  concerned  in  the 
murder.  01yirij)ias  is  said  to  have  prejiared  llie  liorses  for  the 
csca|)c  of  the  assassin  ;  and  it  is  certaui  that  she  manifested  an 
extravagant  satisfaction  at  Philip's  deatii.  The  susj)icion  that 
Olympias  was  ])rivy  to  her  liu.--hand's  assassination  is  consider- 
ably strengthened  by  the  unprobability  that  Pausanias,  without 
iucitenieut  from  some  other  (jiiartcr  should  have  avenged  liim- 
Gclf  on  Pliilip  rather  than  on  Attains,  the  actual  perpetrator  of 
the  injury  which  he  had  received.  With  regard  to  Alexander, 
however,  there  is  no  evidence  worth  u.  moment's  attention  to 
inculpate  him  ;  and  though  an  eminent  historian*  has  not 
scrupled  to  condemu  liim  as  a  })arricide,  yet  we  should  hesitate 
to  brand  him,  on  such  slender  suspicious,  with  a  crime  wliich 
seems  foreign  to  liis  character. 

Thus  fell  Philip  of  Macedon  in  tlie  twenty-fourth  year  of  his 
reign  and  forty-seventh  of  his  age  (n.c.  3oG).  When  we  reflect 
upon  his  achievements,  and  how,  partly  by  policy  and  partly  by 
arms,  he  converted  his  originally  poor  and  distracted  kingdom 
into  the  mistresij  of  Greece,  we  must  acknowledge  him  to  have 
been  an  extraordinary,  if  not  a  great  man,  in  the  better  sense  of 
that  term.  His  views  and  his  ambition  Mere  certainly  as  large 
as  those  of  his  sou  Alexander,  but  he  was  prevented  by  a  pre- 
matui'e  death  from  carrying  them  out ;  nor  would  Alexander 
himself  have  been  able  to  perform  his  great  achievements  Jiad 
not  Philip  handed  down  to  him  all  the  means  and  instruments 
which  they  lecpiired. 

*  Niebuhr. 


Bust  of  Demosthenes 


Battle  of  Issus.     From  a  Mosaic  at  Pompeii. 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 


ALEXANDER    THE    GREAT. 


§  1.  Education  of  Alexander.  §  2.  Rejoicings  at  Athens  for  Philip's 
death.  Movements  in  Greece.  §3.  Alexander  overawes  the  malcon- 
tents, and  is  appointed  generalissimo  for  the  Persian  war.  §  4.  Alex- 
ander subdues  the  Triballians,  Getre,  Tllyrians,  and  Taulantians. 
§  5.  Revolt  and  destruction  of  Thebes.  8  6.  Alexander  prepares  to 
invade  Persia.  Nature  of  tliat  empire.  §  Y.  Alexander  crosses  the 
Hellespont.  §  8.  Battle  of  the  Granicus.  §  9.  Alexander  overruns 
Asia  Minor.  The  Gordian  knot.  §  10.  March  through  Cilicia.  Bat- 
tle of  Issus.  Victory.  §11-  Conquest  of  Phoenicia.  Siege  of  T_yi-e. 
§  12.  Alexander  marches  into  Egypt.  Foundation  of  Alexandria. 
Oracle  of  Amnion.  §1.3.  Battle  of  Arbela.  §  14.  Alexander  takes 
possession  of  Babylon,  Susa,  and  Persepolis.  §  15.  March  to  Ecba- 
tana,  and  pursuit  of  Darius.  Death  of  Darius.  §  16.  March  through 
Ilyrcania,  Asia,  and  Drangiana.  Conspiracy  of  Philotas.  §  17. 
Alexander  crosses  the  Oxus.  Death  of  Bessus.  Reduction  of  Sog- 
diana.  Alexander  marries  Roxana.  §18.  Murder  of  Clitus.  §19. 
Plot  of  the  pages.  Alexander  invades  the  Penjab,  and  defeats  Porus. 
Marches  as  far  as  the  Hyphasis.  §  20.  Descent  of  the  Hj'daspes  and 
Indus.  §  21.  March  through  Gedrosia.  Voyage  of  Nearchus.  §  22. 
Arrival  at  Susa,  Intermarriages  of  the  Greeks  and  Persians.  Mutiny 
of  the  army.  §  23.  Death  of  Hepha»stion.  Alexander  takes  up  his 
residence  at  Babylon.     His  death.     §  24.  Character. 

^  1.  Notwithstanding  the  suspicions  of  Olympias  and  Alex- 
ander, it  does  not  appear  that  Philip  had  ever  really  entertained 
the  desinfn  of  depriving  Alexander  of  the  tlirone.  At  the  time 
of  his  father's  death  he  was  in  his  twentieth  year,  having  hcen 
bora  in  p,  c.  356      At  a  vciy  lender  age  he  displayed  a  spirit 


526  III8T0JIV  OK  GllEKCE.  Chap.  XLIV. 

wliicli  i'ii(l(;:irf!(l  liiiii  Id  liis  fiilhcr.  His  early  education  was  en- 
lnist(Ml  \(>  Lt'Duidas,  a  kiiisuiaii  of  hi.s  innthcr,  a  man  of  severe 
and  par.siinonioii.s  oliaracter,  wIkj  traiii(;(l  liiiii  willi  Spartan 
siinj)licily  and  lianliliood  ;  whilst  Lysiiuachun,  a  sort  of  under- 
govcnior,  early  insjiircd  the  younf:^  |)rince  willi  atnbitious  notions, 
by  toachiii<^  him  to  love  and  emulate  the  lieroes  of"  the  Iliad. 
According'  to  the  traditions  of  his  family,  the  blood  of  Achilles 
actually  ran  in  the  veins  of  Alexander  ;  and  Lysimachus  nour- 
ished tiio  feeling  which  that  eireurnslance  was  calculated  to 
awalani  hy  giving  iiim  the  name  of  that  hero,  whilst  he  called 
Philip  Peleus,  and  himself  Pha-nix.  But  the  most  striking  fea- 
ture in  Alexander's  education  was,  that  he  had  Aristotle  for 
his  teacher,  and  that  thus  the  greatest  conqueror  of  the  mate- 
rial world  received  the  instructions  of  hirn  who  has  exercised 
the  m  )3t  extensive  empire  over  the  human  intellect.  It  was 
probably  at  about  the  age  of  thirteen  that  he  first  received  the 
lessons  of  Aristotle,  and  they  can  hardly  have  continued  more 
than  three  years,  for  Alexander  soon  left  the  schools  for  the 
employmsnts  of  active  life.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  we  find  him 
regent  of  Macadonia  during  Philip's  absence  ;  and  at  eighteen 
we  have  se3u  him  filhng  a  prominent  military  post  at  the  battle 
of  Chseronea. 

^  2.  Oa  succ3ediug  to  the  throne,  Alexander  announced  his  in- 
tention of  prosecuting  his  father's  expedition  into  Asia ;  but  it 
was  first  necessary  ibr  him  to  settle  the  aliiiirs  of  Greece,  where 
the  news  of  Piiilip's  assassination,  and  the  accession  of  so  young 
a  prince,  had  excited  in  several  states  a  hope  of  shaking  off'  the 
Macedonian  yoke.  Athens  was  the  :«ntre  of  these  movements. 
Demosthenes,  who  was  informed  of  Philip's  death  by  a  special 
messenger,  resolved  to  avail  himself  of  the  superstition  of  his 
fellow  citizens  by  a  pious  fraud.  He  went  to  the  senate-house 
and  declared  to  the  Five  Hundred  that  Jove  aud  Athena  had 
forewarned  him  in  a  dream  of  some  great  blessing  that  A\as  in 
store  for  the  commonwealth.  Shortly  afterwards  public  couriers 
arrived  with  the  news  of  Philip's  death.  Demosthenes,  although 
in  mourning  for  the  recent  loss  of  an  only  daughter,  now  came 
abroad  dressed  in  white,  and  crowned  with  a  chaplet,  m  which 
attire  he  was  seen  sacrificing  at  one  o[  the  public  altars.  He 
also  moved  a  decree  that  Fliilip's  death  should  be  celebrated  by 
a  public  thanksgivii'"^.  and  that  religious  honours  should  be  paid 
to  the  memory  of  Puusanias.  Phocion  certainly  showed  a  more 
generous  spirit  in  disapproving  ot  these  proceedings.  "  itSothing,'' 
he  observed,  •'  betrays  a  more  dastardly  turn  of  mind  than  ex- 
pressions of  jo^  for  the  death  of  an  enemy.  And  truly  you  have 
fine  reason  to  rejoice,  when  the  army  yon  fought  with  at  Chae- 


B.C.  336.  ACCESSION  OF  ALEXANDER.  527 

ronea  is  only  reduced  by  one  man  I"  In  this  last  remaik,  indeed, 
he  depreciated  the  abilities  of  Philip,  as  much  as  Demosthenes 
was  inclined  to  underrate  the  abilities  ot"  Alexander.  During 
his  embassy  to  Pella,  the  Athenian  orator  had  conceived  a  mean 
opinion  of  the  youthful  prince,  whom  he  now  compared  to 
Homer's  Margites,  and  assured  the  Athenians  that  he  would 
3pend  all  his  time  in  either  prosecuting  his  studies,  or  inspect- 
ing the  entrails  of  victims.  At  the  same  time  Demosthenes 
made  vigorous  preparations  for  action.  He  was  already  in  cor- 
respondence with  the  Persian  court  for  the  purpose  of  thwarting 
Philip's  projected  expedition  into  Asia ;  and  he  now  despatched 
envoys  to  the  principal  Grecian  states  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
citing them  against  Macedon.  Sparta,  and  the  whole  Pelopon- 
nesus, with  the  exception  of  Megalopolis  and  Messenia,  seemed 
inclined  to  .shake  oil  their  compulsory  alliance.  Even  the  Thebans 
rose  against  the  dominant  oligarchy,  although  the  Cadmea  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  Macedonians. 

^  3.  But  the  activity  of  Alexander  disconcerted  all  these  move- 
m3nts.  He  retained  the  Thessalians  in  obedience  partly  by 
flattery,  partly  by  a  display  of  force,  and  having  marched  through 
their  territory,  he  assembled  the  Amphictyonic  Council  at  Ther- 
mopylae, who  conferred  upon  him  the  command  with  which  they 
had  invested  his  father  during  the  Sacred  War.  He  then  ad- 
vanced rapidly  upon  Thebes,  and  thus  prevented  the  meditated 
revolution.  The  Athenians  were  now  seized  with  alarm,  and 
sent  an  embassy  to  deprecate  the  wrath  of  Alexander,  and  to 
oiTer  to  him  the  same  honours  and  privilege.3  which  they  had 
before  conferred  upon  Philip.  Demosthenes  was  appointed  one 
of  the  envoys,  but  when  he  had  proceeded  as  far  as  the  confines 
of  Attica,  he  was  filled  with  apprehension  respecting  Alexander's 
intentions,  and  found  a  pretence  for  returning  home.  The  other 
ambassadors  were  graciously  received,  and  their  excuses  accepted. 
Alexander  then  convened  a  general  congress  at  Corinth,  which, 
as  on  the  former  occasion,  was  attended  by  all  the  Grecian  states 
except  Sparta.  Hei'e  he  was  appointed  generalissimo  for  the 
Persian  war  in  place  of  his  father.  Most  of  the  philosophers  and 
persons  of  note  near  Corinth  came  to  congratulate  him  on  this 
occasion ;  but  Diogenes  of  Sinope,  who  was  then  living  in  one  of 
the  suburbs  of  Corinth,  did  not  make  his  appearance.  Alex- 
ander therefore  resolved  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  eccentric  cynic, 
whom  he  found  basking  in  the  sun.  On  the  approach  of  Alex- 
ander with  a  numerous  retinue,  Diogenes  raised  himself  up  a 
little,  and  the  monarch  afi'ably  inquired  how  he  could  serve  him  ? 
"  By  standing  out  of  my  sunshine,"'  replied  the  churlLsh  philo- 
sopher.    Alexander  was  struck  with  surprise  at  a  behaviour  to 


528  IIISTOllV  OF  GUlCKCfv  Ciiai-.  XLIV. 

wliicli  he  was  so  lilllu  accustoinod  ;  hut  wliil.sl  his  courtiers  ■were 
richcuhii<^  tlie  manners  ol'the  cynic,  he  turned  to  tlieni  and  taid, 
"  Were  1  not  Alexander,  1  should  like  lo  he  Diogenes." 

i  4.  The  result  of"  the  Congress  might  be  considered  a  Bettle- 
ment  of  the  aliiiirs  of  Greece.  Alexander  could  ver)'  well  aflord 
to  dt;.spise  Sparta's  obsolete  pretensions  to  the  supremacy  of 
Cxreece,  and  did  not  deem  it  worlh  while  to  undertake  an  expe- 
dition tor  the  purpose  of  bringing  her  to  reason.  He  then  re- 
turned to  Macedonia,  in  the  hojie  of  being  able  to  begin  his 
Persian  expedition  in  the  s])ring  of  i;.c.  335  ;  but  reports  of  dis- 
turbances among  the  Thracians  and  Tribalians  diverted  his 
attention  to  that  quarter.  He  thcreibre  cros.scd  Mount  Ha-mus 
(the  Balkan)  and  marched  into  the  tcrriton,'  of  the  Triballians, 
defeated  their  forces,  and  pursued  them  to  the  JJanube,  Mhere 
they  fortified  themselves  in  an  i.sland.  Leaving  them  in  that 
position,  Alexander  crossed  the  river  by  means  of  a  fleet  which 
he  had  caused  to  be  sent  from  Byzantium,  and  proceeded  to 
attack  the  Getae.  The  barbarians  fled  at  his  approach,  and 
Alexander,  who  had  acquired  a  large  booty,  regained  the  banks 
of  the  Danube,  where  he  received  the  submissions  of  the  Danu- 
bian  tribes,  and  admitted  them  into  the  Macedonian  alliance. 
Thence  he  marched  against  the  Illyriaus  and  Taulantians,  who 
were  meditating  an  attack  upon  his  kingdom,  and  speedily  re- 
duced them  to  obedience. 

^  5.  During  Alexander's  absence  on  these  expeditions,  no 
tidings  were  heard  of  him  for  a  considerable  time,  and  a  report 
of  his  death  Avas  industriouslv  spread  in  Soutliern  Greece.  The 
Thebans  rose  and  besieged  the  Maccdt  uian  garrison  in  the 
Cadmea,  at  the  same  time  inviting  other  states  to  declare  their 
independence.  Demosthenes  was  active  in  aiding  the  move- 
ment. He  persuaded  the  Athenians  to  furnish  the  Thebans 
Avith  subsidies,  and  to  assure  them  of  their  support  and  alhance. 
But  the  rapidity  of  Alexander  again  crushed  the  insurrection  in 
the  bud.  Before  the  Thebans  discovered  that  the  report  of  his 
death  was  false,  he  had  already  arriA-ed  at  Onchestus  in  Boeotia. 
Alexander  was  willing  to  afibrd  them  an  opportunity  lor  repent- 
ance, and  marched  slowly  to  the  foot  of  the  Cadmea.  But  the 
leaders  of  tlie  insurrection,  believing  themselves  irretrievably 
"jompromised,  replied  with  taunts  to  Alexanders  proposals  for 
peace,  and  excited  the  people  to  the  most  desperate  resistance. 
.4.n  engagement  was  prematurely  brought  on  by  one  of  the  ge- 
nerals of  Alexander,  in  which  some  of  the  Macedonian  troops 
were  pxit  to  the  rout ;  but  Alexander  coming  up  AA-ith  the  phalanx, 
whilst  the  Thebans  were  in  the  disorder  of  pursuit,  drove  them 
back  in  turn  and  entered  the  gates  tilong  with  them,  when  a 


B.C.  335.  ALEXANDER  DESTROYS  THEBES.  529 

fearful  massaere  ensued,  committed  principally  by  the  Thracians 
in  Alexander's  service.  Six  thousand  Thebans  are  said  to  have 
been  slain,  and  thirty  thousand  were  made  prisoners.  The  doom 
of  the  conquered  city  was  referred  to  the  allies,  who  decreed  her 
destruction.  The  grounds  of  the  verdict  bear  the  impress  of  a 
tyrannical  hypocrisy.  They  rested  on  the  conduct  of  the  The- 
bajrs  during  the  Persian  war,  on  their  treatment  of  Platsa,  and 
on  their  enmity  to  Athens.  The  inhabitants  were  sold  as  slaves, 
and  all  the  houses,  except  that  of  Pindar,  were  levelled  with  the 
ground.  The  Cadmea  was  preserved  to  be  occupied  by  a  Ma 
cedonian  garrison.  Thebes  seems  to  have  been  thus  harshly 
treated  as  an  example  to  the  rest  of  Gi'eece,  for  towards  the 
other  states,  which  were  now  eager  to  make  their  excuses  and 
submission,  Alexander  showed  much  forbearance  and  lenity. 
The  conduct  of  the  Athenians  exhibits  them  deeply  sunk  in  de- 
gradation. When  they  heard  of  the  chastisement  inflicted  upon 
Thebes,  they  immediately  voted,  on  the  motion  of  Demosthenes, 
that  ambassadors  should  be  sent  to  congratulate  Alexander  on 
his  sale  return  from  his  northern  expeditions,  and  on  his  recent 
success.  Alexander  in  reply  wrote  a  letter,  demanding  that 
eight  or  ten  of  the  leading  Athenian  orators  should  be  delivered 
up  to  him.  At  the  head  of  the  list  was  Demosthenes.  In  this 
dilemma,  Phocion,  who  did  not  wish  to  speak  upon  such  a 
question,  was  loudly  called  upon  by  the  people  for  his  opinion  ; 
when  he  rose  and  said  that  the  persons  whom  Alexander  de- 
inanded  had  brought  the  state  into  such  a  miserable  plight  that 
they  deserved  to  be  surrendered,  and  that  for  his  own  part  he 
should  be  very  happy  to  die  for  the  commonwealth.  At  the 
same  time  he  advised  them  to  try  the  eflect  of  intercession  with 
Alexander ;  and  it  was  at  last  only  by  his  own  personal  applica- 
tion to  that  monarch,  with  whom  he  was  a  great  favourite,  that 
the  orators  were  spared.  According  to  another  account,  how- 
ever, the  WTath  of  Alexander  was  appeased  by  the  orator  Dc- 
mades,  who  received  from  the  Athenians  a  reward  of  five 
talents  for  his  services.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Alexander  is 
said  to  have  sent  a  present  of  100  talents  to  Phocion.  But 
Phocion  asked  the  persons  who  brought  the  money — "  Wi\y  he 
should  be  selected  for  such  a  bounty?"  "Because,"  they  re- 
plied, "  Alexander  considers  you  the  only  just  and  honest  man." 
"  Then,"  said  Phocion,  "  let  him  sufl'er  me  to  be  what  I  seem, 
and  to  retain  that  character."  And  when  the  envoys  went  to 
his  house  and  beheld  the  frugality  with  which  he  lived,  they 
perceived  that  the  man  who  refused  such  a  gift  was  wealthier 
than  he  who  offered  it. 

JG.  Having  thus  put  the  affairs  of  Greece  on  a  satisfactory 
2  A 


530  IIISTOllY  OF  C.UKVAVl  Chap.  XLIV. 

I'outiiip,  Alexander  iiiai(-lnj(l  for  llit^  Ilcllesjjont  in  llic  spriiif^  of 
B.C.  'S.H,  leaviiif?  AnlipattT  repent  of  Maeedonia  in  liis  absence, 
with  a  force  of  12,UUU  loot  and  lOOU  lior>-c.  Alexander's  own 
army  consisted  of  only  abont  :}(),()00  foot  and  <0000  horse.  Of 
the  infantry  about  12,0(J0  were  Macedonian.^,  and  lhe.«e  cornposcd 
the  pith  of  the  celebrated  Macedonian  jdialanx.  liuch  was  llic 
force  with  which  lie  pn»posed  to  attack  the  immense  bnl  ill- 
cemented  enij)irc  of  Persia,  which,  like  the  empires  of  Turkey  (t 
Austria  in  modern  times,  eon^isted  of  various  nations  and  races 
with  diflerent  rclifrions  and  manners,  and  speakinfr  diflerent  lan- 
guages; the  only  bond  oi  union  beijig  the  dominant  military 
power  of  the  ruling  nation,  which  itself  formed  only  a  small 
numerical  portion  of  the  empire.  The  remote  provinces,  like 
those  of  Asia  Minor,  were  administered  by  satraps  and  military 
governors  Avho  enjoyed  an  almost  independent  authority,  fre- 
quently transmitting  their  provinces,  like  hereditary'  fiels,  to 
their  heirs,  and  sometimes,  as  we  have  already  seen  in  the 
course  of  this  history,  defying  their  sovereign  or  their  brothei 
satraps  in  open  war.  The  expedition  of  Cyrus,  and  the  subse- 
quent retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand  Greeks,  had  shown  how  easy 
it  was  for  a  handful  of  resolute  and  well-disciplined  men  to 
penetrate  into  the  very  heart  of  an  empire  thus  weakened  by 
disunion,  and  composed  for  the  most  part  of  an  unwarlike  popu- 
lation, and  we  are  not  therefore  surprised  at  the  confidence  with 
which  Alexander  set  out  upon  his  expedition.  Beiore  he  de- 
parted he  distributed  most  of  the  crown  property  among  his 
friends,  and  when  Perdiccas  asked  him  what  he  had  reserved 
for  himself  he  replied,  "  My  hopes." 

s^  7.  A  march  of  sixteen  days  brought  Alexander  to  Sestcs, 
where  a  large  fleet  and  a  number  of  transports  had  been  collected 
for  the  embarkation  of  his  army.  Alexander  steered  with  his 
own  hand  the  vessel  in  which  he  sailed  towards  the  Aery  spot 
where  the  Acha^ans  were  said  to  have  landed  when  proceeding 
to  the  Trojan  war.  When  half  the  passage  had  been  completed, 
he  propitiated  Poseidon  and  the  Kereids  with  the  sacrifice  of  a 
bull  and  with  libations  from  a  golden  goblet ;  and  as  his  trireme 
neared  the  shore,  he  hurled  his  spear  towards  the  land,  by  way 
of  claiming  possession  of  A?ia.  He  was,  as  we  have  said,  a  great 
admirer  of  Homer,  a  copy  of"  whose  Avorks  he  always  carried  with 
him ;  and  on  landing  on  the  Asiatic  coast  he  made  it  liis  first 
business  to  visit  the  plain  of  Troy.  A  temple  of  Athena  still 
existed  there,  and  the  ver}'  altar  was  pointed  out  to  him  at  which 
Neoptolemus  was  said  to  have  slain  Priam.  Alexander  then 
proceeded  to  Sigeum,  where  he  crowned  with  a  garland  the  pillar 
said  to  mark  the  tumulu.-^  (if  hi.-  mythical  ancestor  Acliilles,  and 


3.C.  334.  BATTLE  OF  THE  GRANICUS.  531 

according  to  custom,  ran  round  it  naked  with  his  fiiends,  whilst 
Hepha?stion  paid  similar  honours  to  the  tomb  ot"Pa1roclus. 

^  8.  Alexander  then  rejoined  his  army  at  Arisbe,  near  Abydos, 
and  marched  northwards  along  the  coast  of  the  Propontis.  The 
satraps  of  Lydia  and  Ionia,  together  with  other  Persian  generals, 
were  encamped  near  Zelea,  a  town  on  the  Granicus,  M'ith  a  force 
of  20,000  Greek  mercenaries,  and  about  an  equal  number  of 
native  cavalry,  with  which  they  prepared  to  dispute  the  passage 
of  the  river.  A  Rhodian,  named  Memnon,  had  the  chief  com- 
mand. The  veteran  general  Parmenio  advised  Alexander  to 
delay  the  attack  till  the  following  morning  ;  to  which  he  replied,, 
that  it  would  be  a  bad  omen  at  the  beginning  of  his  expedition, 
if,  after  passing  the  Hellespont,  he  should  be  stopped  by  a  paltry 
stream.  He  then  directed  his  cavalr}'  to  cross  the  river,  and 
followed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  phalanx.  The  passage,  how- 
ever, was  by  no  means  easy.  The  stream  was  in  many  parts  so 
deep  as  to  be  hardly  fordable,  and  the  opposite  bank  was  steep 
and  rugged.  The  cavalry  had  great  difhculty  in  maintaining 
their  ground  till  Alexander  came  up  to  their  relief  He  imme- 
diately charged  into  the  thickest  of  the  fray,  and  exposed  himself 
so  much,  that  his  life  was  often  in  imminent  danger,  and  on  one 
occasion  was  only  saved  by  the  interposition  of  his  friend  Clitus. 
Having  routed  the  Persians,  Alexander  next  attacked  the  Greek 
mercenaries,  2000  of  whom  were  made  prisoners,  and  the  rest 
nearly  all  cut  to  pieces.  In  this  engagement  Alexander  killed 
two  Persian  officers  with  his  own  hand.  After  the  battle  he 
visited  the  wounded,  and  granted  immunity  from  all  taxation  to 
the  families  of  the  slain.  He  also  sent  300  suits  of  Persian 
armour  to  Athens,  to  be  dedicated  to  Athena  in  the  Acropolis ; 
a  proceeding  by  which  he  hoped,  perhaps,  further  to  identify  his 
cause  as  the  common  cause  of  Hellas  against  the  barbarians,  as 
well  as  to  conciliate  the  Athenians,  from  whose  genius  he  wished 
to  receive  an  adequate  memorial  of  his  exploits. 

^  9.  Alexander  now  marched  southwards  towards  Sardis,  which 
surrendered  before  he  came  within  sight  of  its  walls.  Having  left 
a  garrison  in  that  city  he  an-ived  after  a  four  days'  march  before 
Ephesus,  which  likewise  capitulated  on  his  approach .  Magnesia, 
Tralles,  and  Miletus  next  fell  into  his  hands,  the  last  after  a 
short  siege.  Halicarnassus  made  more  resistance.  It  was  de- 
fended by  Ephialtes,  an  Athenian  exile,  supported  by  Memnon, 
whose  head-quarters  were  now^  in  the  island  of  Cos.  It  was 
obliged  to  be  regularly  approached  ;  but  at  length  Memnon, 
finding  it  no  longer  tenable,  set  fire  1o  it  in  the  night,  and 
crossed  over  to  Cos.  Alexander  caused  it  to  be  razed  to  the 
ground,  and  leaving  a  small  force  to  reduce  the  garrison,  wliicb 


r)32  IllS'lOJiV  OF  (iRKKCK.  Ciiaf-.  XLIV. 

had  taken  il-Iii^'o  in  llu-  ciladfls  and  fori;-,  jiursued  his  march 
alonf,'  tliu  sunlhein  coast  oi' Asia  Minor,  willi  the  view  of  seizing 
tho.so  towns  which  iiii^4it  allbrd  shelter  to  a  Persian  fleet.  The 
winter  was  now  ai»i)roacliiii<.',  and  Alexander  sent  a  considerahle 
part  of  liis  unny  under  Parnienio  into  winter-quarters  at  Sardia. 
He  also  sent  hack  to  Macedoina  such  oliicers  and  soldiers  as  liad 
been  recently  married,  on  condition  that  they  should  reluni  in 
the  sprinjr  with  what  reinforcements  they  coidd  raise  ;  and  with 
the  same  view  he  despatched  an  officer  to  recruit  in  tVic  Pelopon- 
nesus. Meanwhile  lie  himself  with  a  chosen  body  proceeded 
aloufr  the  coasts  of  Lycia  and  Pampliylia,  havin<.'  instructed  Par- 
menio  to  re-join  liim  in  Piiry<.'ia  in  the  sprin«r,  with  the  main 
body.  After  he  had  cro.«sed  the  Xanthus,  most  of  the  Lycian 
towns  tendered  their  submission,  and  Phaselis  presented  liirn 
with  a  <rolden  crown.  On  the  borders  of  Lycia  and  Pamjjliylia, 
Mount  Climax,  a  branch  of  the  Taurus  range,  runs  abruply  into 
the  sea,  leaving  only  a  narrow  passage  at  its  foot,  wliich  is  fre- 
quently overflowed.  This  was  the  case  at  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander's approach.  He  therefore  sent  his  main  body  by  a  long 
and  difficult  road  across  the  mountains  to  Perge  ;  but  he  himself, 
who  loved  danger  for  its  own  sake,  proceeded  with  a  chosen 
band  along  the  shore,  wading  through  water  that  was  breast- 
high  for  nearly  a  whole  day.  From  Perge  he  advanced  against 
As})iMulus  and  Side,  which  he  reduced  ;  and  then  forcing  his  way 
northwards  llirongh  the  barbarous  tribes  which  inhabited  the 
mountains  of  Pisidia,  he  encamped  in  tlie  neiglibourhcod  of  Gor- 
dium  in  Phrygia.  Here  he  was  rejoined  by  Parmenio  and  by 
tlie  new  levies  from  Greece.  Gordium  liad  been  the  capital  of 
the  early  Phrygian  kings,  and  in  it  was  preserved  with  super- 
stitious veneration  the  chariot  or  waggon  in  which  tlie  celebrated 
Midas,  the  son  of  Gordius,  together  with  his  parents,  liad  entered 
the  town,  and  in  conformity  with  an  oracle  had  been  elevated  to 
the  monarchy.  An  ancient  prophecy  promised  the  sovereignty 
of  Asia  to  him  who  should  untie  the  knot  of  bark  which  fastened 
the  yoke  of  the  waggon  to  the  pole.  Alexander  repaired  to  the 
Acropolis,  where  the  waggon  was  preserved,  to  attempt  this  ad- 
venture. Whether  he  undid  the  knot  by  drawing  out  a  peg,  or 
cut  it  through  with  his  sword,  is  a  matter  of  doubt ;  but  that  he 
had  fulfilled  the  prediction  was  placed  beyond  dispute  that  very 
night  by  a  great  storm  of  thunder  and  lightning. 

^  10.  In  tlie  spring  of  333,  Alexander  pursued  his  marcli  east- 
wards, and  on  arriving  at  Ancyra  received  the  submission  of  the 
Paphlagonians.  He  then  advanced  thi-ough  Cappadocia  without 
resistance  ;  and  forcing  liis  Avay  through  the  passes  of  Mount 
TaurusCthe  Pijlcc  Cilicice),  hedescended  into  the  plainsof  Cilicia 


C.C.  833.  BATTLE  OF  ISSUS.  533 

Hence  he  pushed  on  rapidly  to  Tarsus,  which  he  found  abandoned 
by  the  enemy.  Whilst  still  heateti  with  the  march,  Alexander 
plunged  into  the  clear  but  cold  stream  of  the  Cyduus,  which  runs 
by  the  town.  The  result  was  a  fever,  which  soon  became  so 
violent  as  to  threaten  his  life.  An  Acarnanian  physician,  named 
Philip,  who  accompanied  him,  prescribed  a  remedy  ;  but  at  the 
same  time  Alexander  received  a  letter  informing  him  that  Philip 
had  been  bribed  by  Darius,  the  Persian  king,  to  poison  him.  He 
had,  however,  too  much  confidence  in  the  trusty  Philip  to  believe 
the  accusation,  and  handed  him  the  letter  whilst  he  drank  the 
draught.  Either  the  medicine,  or  Alexander's  youthful  consti- 
tution, at  length  triumphed  over  the  disorder.  After  remaining 
some  time  at  Tarsus,  he  continued  his  march  along  the  coast  to 
Mallus,  where  he  first  received  certain  tidings  of  the  great  Persian 
army,  commanded  by  Darius  in  person.  It  is  said  to  have  con- 
sisted of  600,000  fighting  men,  besides  all  that  train  of  attendants 
which  usually  accompanied  the  march  of  a  Persian  monarch. 
This  immense  force  was  encamped  on  the  plains  of  Scchi,  where 
Amyntas,  a  Greek  renegade,  advised  Darius  to  await  the  approach 
of  Alexander.  But  Darius,  impatient  oi  delay,  and  lull  of  vain- 
glorious confidence  in  the  number  of  his  forces,  rejected  this 
advice,  and  resolved  to  cross  the  mountains  in  quest  of  his  foe. 
Alexander  had  meantime  passed  through  Issus  ;  had  secured  the 
whole  country  from  that  place  to  the  maritime  pass  called  the 
Gates  of  Syria  and  Cilicia,  and  had  pushed  forwards  to  Myrian- 
drus,  where  he  was  detained  by  a  great  storm  of  wind  and  rain. 
Meanwhile  Darius  had  crossed  Mount  Amanus,  more  to  the 
north,  at  a  pass  called  the  Amanic  Gates,  and  had  thus  got  into 
Alexander's  rear  ;  who  heard  with  joy  that  the  Persians  were 
moving  along  the  coast  to  overtake  him.  By  this  movement, 
however,  Issus  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Persians.  Alex- 
ander now  retraced  his  steps  to  meet  Darius,  whom  he  found 
encamped  on  the  right  bank  of  the  little  river  Pinarus.  The 
Persian  monarch  could  hardly  have  been  caught  in  a  more  un- 
favourable position,  since  the  narrow  and  rugged  plain  between 
Mount  Amanus  and  the  sea  afibrded  no  scope  for  the  evolutions 
of  large  bodies,  and  thus  entirely  deprived  him  of  the  advantage 
of  his  numerical  superiority.  Alexander  recccupied  the  pass^ 
between  Syria  and  Cilicia  at  midnight,  and  at  day-break  began 
to  descend  into  the  plain  of  the  Pinarus,  ordering  his  troops  tc 
deploy  into  line  as  the  ground  expanded,  and  thus  to  arrive  in 
battle  array  before  the  Persians.  Darius  had  thrown  30,000 
cavalry  and  20,000  iniantry  across  the  river,  to  check  the  advance 
of  the  Macedonians  ;  whilst  on  the  right  bank  were  drawn  up  his 
choicest  Persian  troops  to  the  number  of  00,000,  together  Mith 


MM  IIISTOUY  OF  GREECK.  CiiAr.  XLrV. 

!l(),()(li)  ( Jrci'k  mcrccii.'iiifs,  wlio  [i»rriif(l  tin;  rviitrc,  and  on  wliorii 
III'  ihii'lly  n-licd.  TIk-hc,  it  appeurt*,  were  all  that  tin;  breadth 
(it  till-  plain  all(t\vcd  to  be  drawn  up  in  line.  The  rcinaindiT  o/ 
the  vast  host  "wcii!  posted  in  separate  bodies  in  the  laiiher  j)artH 
of  the  ])laiii,  ami  were  unable  lo  lake  any  share  iu  the  combat. 
Darius  took  liis  station  m  tlie  centre  of  the  line  in  a  ina^iiificent 
state  chariot.  The  banks  of  the  Pinariis  were  in  many  part': 
steep,  and  where  they  were  level  Darius  hail  eaiifced  them  ti>  be 
iutrcnchcd.  As  Alexander  advanced,  the  Persian  cavalry  which 
had  been  thrown  across  the  river  were  recalled  ;  but  the  20,000 
infantry  had  been  driven  into  the  mountains,  where  Alexander 
held  Ihem  in  check  with  a  small  body  ofhor.se.  The  left  wing 
oltlie  Macedonians,  under  the  command  of  Parrnenio,  was  ordered 
to  kc'cp  near  the  sea,  to  prevent  being  outflanked.  The  right 
wing  was  led  by  Alexander  in  person,  who  at  first  advanced 
slowly  ;  but  when  he  came  within  sliot  of  the  Persian  arrows  he 
gave  the  order  to  charge,  rushed  impetuously  into  the  water, 
and  was  soon  engaged  in  close  combat  with  the  Persians.  The 
latter  were  immediately  routed  ;  but  the  impetuosity  of  the 
charge  had  disarranged  the  compact  order  of  the  Macedonian 
phalanx,  and  the  Greek  mercenaries  took  advantage  of  this  cir- 
cumstancoto  attack  them.  This  manceuvre,  however,  was  de- 
feated by  Alexander,  who,  after  routing  the  Persians,  wheeled 
and  took  the  Greeks  iu  flank.  But  what  chiefly  decided  the 
fortune  of  the  day  was  the  timidity  of  Darius  himself,  who,  en 
beholding  the  defeat  of  his  left  wing,  immediately  took  to  flight. 
His  example  was  followed  by  his  whole  army  ;  and  even  the 
Persian  cavalry,  which  had  crossed  the  river,  and  was  engaging 
the  Macedonian  left  Avith  great  bravery,  was  compelled  to  follow 
the  example.  One  hundred  thousand  Persians  are  said  to  have 
been  left  upon  the  field.  On  reaching  the  hills  Darius  threw 
aside  his  royal  robes,  his  bow  and  shield,  and  mounting  a  fleet 
courser,  was  soon  out  of  reach  of  pinsuit.  Tlie  IV'rsian  camp 
became  the  spoil  of  the  Macedonians  ;  but  the  tent  of  Darius,  to- 
gether with  his  chariot,  robes  and  arms,  was  reserved  for  Alexander 
himself  It  was  now  that  the  Macedonian  king  first  had  ocular 
proof  of  the  nature  of  Eastern  royalty.  One  compartment  of  tne 
tent  of  Darius  had  been  fitted  up  as  a  bath,  which  steamed  with 
the  richest  odours  ;  whilst  another  presented  a  magnificent  pavi- 
lion, containing  a  table  richly  spread  for  the  banquet  of  Darius 
But  from  an  adjoining  tent  issued  the  wail  of  female  voices, 
where  Sisygambis  the  mother,  and  Statira  the  wife  of  Darius, 
were  lamenting  the  supposed  death  of  the  Persian  monarch. 
Alexander  sent  to  assure  them  of  his  safety,  and  ordered  them 
to  be  treated  with  the  most  delicate  and  respectful  attention. 


B.C.  333.  SIEGE  OF  TYRE.  536 

^11.  Such  was  the  memorable  battle  of  Issus,  fought  in  No- 
vember, B.C.  333.  A  large  treasure  which  Parmenio  was  .sent 
forward  with  a  detachment  to  seize,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Macedonians  at  Damascus.  Another  favourable  result  of  the 
victon,^  was  that  it  suppressed  some  attempts  at  revolt  iiom  the 
Macedonian  power,  wliicli,  with  the  support  of  Persia,  had  been 
manifested  in  Greece.  But,  in  order  to  put  a  complete  stop  to 
all  such  intrigues,  which  cliieHy  depended  on  the  assistance  of 
a  Persian  fleet,  Alexander  resolved  to  seize  Phauicia  and  EgA'pt, 
and  thus  to  strike  at  the  root  of  the  Persian  maritime  power. 

Meanwhile,  Darius,  attended  by  a  body  of  only  4000  fugi- 
tives, had  crossed  the  Euphrates  at  Thapsacus.  Before  he  had 
set  out  fiom  Babylon,  the  whole  Ibrces  of  the  empire  had  been 
summoned ;  but  he  had  not  thought  it  worth  while  to  wait  for 
what  he  deemed  a  mei'ely  useless  encumbrance  ;  and  the  more 
distant  levies,  which  comprised  seme  of  the  best  troops  of  the 
empire,  were  still  hastening  towards  Babylon.  In  a  short  time, 
therefore,  he  would  be  at  the  head  of  a  still  more  numerous 
host  than  that  which  had  fought  at  Issus ;  yet  he  thought  it 
safer  to  open  negotiations  with  Alexander  than  to  trust  to  lhe 
chance  of  arms.  With  this  view  he  sent  a  letter  to  Alexander, 
who  was  now  at  Marathus  in  Phosnicia,  proposing  to  beccme 
his  friend  and  ally ;  but  Alexander  rejected  all  his  overtures, 
and  told  him  that  he  must  in  future  be  addressed  not  in  the 
language  of  an  equal,  but  of  a  sovereign. 

As  Alexander  advanced  southwards,  all  the  towns  of  Phoenicia 
hastened  to  open  their  gates  ;  the  inhabitants  oi'  Sidon  even 
hailed  him  as  their  deliverer.  Tyre,  also,  sent  to  tender  her 
submission ;  but  coupled  with  reservations  by  no  means  accept- 
able to  a  youthful  conqueror  m  the  full  tide  of  success.  Alex- 
ander aflected  to  receive  their  otier,  which  was  accompanied 
with  a  present  of  a  golden  crown  and  provisions  for  his  army,  as 
an  unconditional  surrender,  and  told  them  that  he  would  visit 
their  city  and  ofic'r  sacrifices  to  Melcart,  a  Tyrian  deity.  Mho  was 
considered  as  identical  with  the  Grecian  Hercules.  This  brought 
the  matter  to  an  issue.  The  Tyrians  now  informed  him  that 
they  could  not  admit  any  foreigners  within  their  walls,  and  that 
if  he  wished  to  sacrifice  to  Melcart,  he  would  find  another  and 
more  ancient  shrine  in  Old  Tyre,  on  lhe  mainland.  Alexander 
indignantly  dismissed  the  Tyrian  ambassadors,  and  announced 
his  intention  of  laying  siege  to  their  city.  Tbe  Tyrians  probably 
deemed  it  impregnable.  It  was  by  nature  a  place  of  great 
strength,  and  had  been  rendered  still  stronger  by  art.  The 
island  on  which  it  stood  was  half  a  mile  distant  from  the  main- 
land ;  and  though  the  channel  was  shallow  near  the  coast,  it 


536  IIISTORV   OF  (JKKKC'K.  Ciup.  XLIV. 

(iiicpi'iiL'd  to  three  latliDiiis  near  the  i.-laiid.  The  shored  of  the 
island  were  rocky  and  jjrecipitous,  and  llie  walls  hjsc  troin  ihc 
cHlis  to  the  lieight  ol  loU  icet  in  solid  inas<jnry.  The  city  was 
abundantly  suj)j)lied  with  fresh  water ;  was  well  furnished  with 
arms  and  provisions ;  jwssessed  an  intelligent  and  warlike  popu 
lation  ;  and  tJiough  the  greater  part  ol'  the  fleet  was  absent  in 
the  Persian  service,  it  had  in  its  two  harbours  a  competent  num- 
ber of  vessels  of  war.  As  Alexander  possessed  no  ships,  the 
only  method  by  which  he  could  appnjach  the  town  waa  by  con- 
structing a  causeway,  the  materials  for  which  were  collected 
from  the  forests  of  Libanus  and  the  ruins  ol  Old  Tyre.  Through 
the  shallow  part  of  the  water  the  work  proceeded  rapidly ;  but 
as  it  approached  the  town  the  dilliculties  increased,  both  from 
the  greater  depth  of  the  water,  and  from  tlie  workmen  being 
exposed  to  missiles  from  tlie  town  and  from  the  Tyrian  galleys. 
To  obviate  the  latter  inconvenience,  Alexander  caused  two 
wooden  towars,  covered  with  hides,  to  be  built  at  the  head  of 
the  mjle,  which  would  serve  both  to  protect  the  workmen,  and 
to  k(i^p  assailants  at  a  distance  by  the  missiles  hurled  from 
engiujs  at  the  top  of  the  towers.  The  Tyrians,  however,  con- 
trived to  burn  these  towers  by  seizing  the  opportnnitv  of  a 
favourable  breeze  to  drive  against  them  a  vessel  tilled  with  dry 
wood,  besmsared  with  pitch,  and  other  combustible  materials. 
Tne  Macedonians  b^ing  thus  driven  from  the  mole,  the  Tvrians 
cam.^  otfin  boats,  and  destroyed  such  parts  of  it  as  the  t'lames 
had  spared.  Bat  Alexander  was  so  far  from  being  discouraged 
by  this  mishap,  that  he  began  the  work  again  on  a  larger  scale. 
He  also  procured  ships  from  Sidon  and  other  places  in  order  to 
protect  it,  and  in  a  little  tima  had  collected  a  lleet  of  250  sail, 
which  he  exercis3d  in  nautical  raananivres ;  and  thus  forced  the 
Tyrian  galleys,  wliich  had  previously  molested  the  progress  cf 
the  work,  to  keep  within  their  harbour.  After  overcoming  many 
difficulties  the  mole  was  at  length  pushed  to  the  foot  of  the 
walls,  which  were  now  assailed  with  engines  of  a  novel  descrip- 
tion. The  besieged  on  their  side  resorted  to  many  ingenious 
methods  of  defence,  among  which  was  the  discharging  of  heated 
sand  on  the  besiegers,  which,  penetrating  beneath  the  annour, 
occasioned  great  torment.  But  it  now  began  to  grow  evident 
that  the  city  must  fall ;  and  as  soon  as  Alexander  had  eliected 
a  practicable  breach,  he  ordered  a  general  assault  both  by  land 
and  sea.  The  breach  was  stormed  under  the  immediate  in- 
spection of  Alexander  himself;  and  though  the  Tyrians  made  a 
desperate  resistance,  they  were  at  length  overpowered,  when  the 
city  became  one  wide  scene  of  indiscriminate  carnage  and  plun- 
der.    The  siege  had  lasted  seven  months,  and  the  Macedonians 


B.C.  332.  FOUNDATION"  OF  ALEXANDRIA.  5S1 

were  so  exasperated  by  the  difficulties  and  dangers  they  had 
undergone  that  they  granted  no  quarter.  Eight  thousand  of  the 
citizens  are  said  to  have  been  massacred  ;  and  the  remainder, 
with  the  exception  of  the  king  and  some  of  the  principal  men, 
who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  temple  of  Melcart,  were  sold  into 
slavery  to  the  number  of  30,000.  Tyre  was  taken  in  the  nx)nth 
of  July,  in  332. 

Whilst  Alexander  was  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Tyre,  Darius 
made  him  further  and  more  advantageous  proposals.  He  now 
offered  10,000  talents  as  the  ransom  of  his  family,  together  with 
all  the  provinces  west  of  the  Euphrates,  and  his  daughter  Barsine 
in  marriage,  as  the  conditions  of  a  peace.  When  these  ofiers  were 
submitted  to  the  Council,  Parmenio  was  not  umiaturally  struck 
with  their  magnificence,  and  observed,  that  were  he  Alexander 
he  would  except  them.  "  And  so  would  I,"  replied  the  king, 
"  were  I  Parmenio."  Had  Alexander's  views  been  bounded  by 
the  political  advantage  of  Macedonia,  he  would  doubtless  have 
adopted  the  advice  of  his  veteran  general.  But  his  ambition 
was  wholly  of  a  personal  nature.  He  felt  more  pleasure  in 
acquiring  than  in  possessing  ;  and  as  his  prospects  expanded 
with  his  progress,  he  was  unwilling  to  accept  what  he  considered 
as  only  an  instalment  of  the  vast  empire  which  he  was  destined 
to  attain.  Darius,  therefore,  prepared  himself  for  a  desperate 
resistance. 

M2.  After  the  fall  of  Tyre,  Alexander  marched  with  his  army 
towards  Egypt,  whilst  his  fleet  proceeded  along  the  coast.  Gaza, 
a  strong  fortress  on  the  sea-shore,  obstinately  held  out,  and  de- 
layed his  progress  three  or  four  months.  According  to  a  tradi- 
tion preserved  in  Josephus,  it  was  at  this  time  that  Alexander 
visited  Jerusalem,  and,  struck  with  its  pious  priests  and  holy 
rites,  endowed  the  city  with  extraordinary  privileges,  and  the 
priesthood  with  ample  gifts ;  but  this  stoiy  does  not  appear 
ni  any  other  ancient  author.  After  the  capture  of  Gaza,  Alex- 
ander met  his  fleet  at  Pelusium,  and  ordered  it  to  sail  up  the 
Nile  as  far  as  Memphis,  whither  he  himself  marched  with  his 
army  across  the  desert.  Alexander  conciliated  the  affection  of 
the  Egyptians  by  the  respect  with  which  he  treated  their  na- 
tional superstitions,  whilst  the  Persians  by  an  opposite  line  of 
conduct  had  incurred  their  deadliest  hatred.  Alexander  then 
sailed  down  the  western  branch  of  the  Nile,  and  at  its  mouth 
traced  the  plan  of  the  new  city  of  Alexandria,  which  for  many 
centuries  continued  to  be  not  only  the  grand  emporium  of 
Europe,  Africa,  and  India,  but  also  the  principal  centre  of  in- 
tellectual life.  Being  now  on  the  confines  of  Libya,  Alexander 
resolved  to  visit  the  celebrated  oracle  of  Jove  Ammon,  which 

2a* 


nS8  liIST(JllV  OF  (;RKKCM  (Jiiai-.  XLIV 

fay  ill  the  bosom  ol'  llic  Libyan  vvildcniuss,  and  which  was 
rojiorted  to  liavc  been  consulted  by  \m  two  lieroic  ancestors, 
Hercules  and  Perseus.  As  lie  marched  towards  the  Oasis  in 
which  it  was  situated,  he  was  met  by  envoys  iVorn  Cyrenc, 
bringin<(  with  thern  magnificent  presents,  amongst  which  were 
live  cliariots  and  three  hundred  war-horses.  After  marching 
along  the  coast  for  about  two  hundred  miles,  Alexander  struck  to 
the  south-east  into  the  desert ;  when  a  five  days'  journey  over 
palbless  .sands  and  under  a  scorching  sun  brought  him  to  the 
well-watered  and  richly-wooded  valley,  containing  the  renowned 
and  ancient  temple  of  Ammon.  The  conqueror  was  received  by 
the  priests  with  all  the  honours  ol"  sacred  pomp.  He  consulted 
the  oracle  in  secret,  and  is  said  never  to  have  disclosed  the  an- 
swer w'hich  he  received  ;  tliough  that  it  was  an  answer  that 
contented  him  appeared  from  the  magnificence  of  the  ofierings 
which  he  made  to  the  god.  Some  say  that  Ammon  saluted  him 
as  the  son  of  Jove. 

^  13.  Alexander  returned  lo  Phu'iiieia  in  the  spring  of  331.  He 
then  directed  his  march  through  JSamaria,  and  arrived  at  Thap- 
sacus  on  the  Euphrates  about  the  end  of"  August.  After  crossing 
the  river,  he  struck  to  the  north-east  through  a  fertile  and  well 
supplied  country.  On  his  march  he  was  told  that  Darius  was 
posted  with  an  immense  force  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Tigris  ; 
but  on  arriving  at  tliat  river,  he  fcuiul  nobody  to  dispute  his 
passage.  He  then  proceeded  southwards  along  its  banks, 
and  after  lour  days'  march  fell  in  with  a  few  squadrons  ol 
the  enemy's  cavalrj'.  From  some  of  these  who  were  made 
prisoners  Alexander  learned  that  Darius  was  encamped  with 
his  host  on  one  of  the  extensive  plains  between  the  Tigris 
and  the  mountains  of  Kurdistan,  near  a  village  called  (jau^a- 
mela  (the  Camel's  House).  The  town  of  Arbela,  after  which  the 
battle  that  ensued  is  commonly  named,  lay  at  about  twenty  miles 
distance,  and  there  Darius  had  deposited  his  baggage  and  trea- 
sure. That  monarch  had  been  easily  persuaded  that  his  Ibrmer 
defeat  was  owing  solely  to  the  nature  of  the  ground  ;  and,  there- 
fore, he  now^  selected  a  wide  plain  for  an  engagement,  where 
there  was  abundant  room  for  his  midtitudinous  infantry,  and 
for  the  evolutions  of  his  horsemen  and  charioteers.  Alexander, 
after  giving  his  army  a  few  days'  rest,  set  out  to  meet  the  enemy 
soon  after  midnight,  in  order  that  he  might  come  up  with  therr 
about  daybreak.  On  ascending  some  sand-hills  the  whole  array  of 
the  Persians  suddenly  burst  ujiou  the  view  of  the  Macedonians,  at 
the  distance  of  three  or  four  miles.  Darius,  as  usual,  occupied 
the  centre,  surrounded  by  his  body-guard  and  chosen  troops 
In  fiout  of  the   royal   position  were   rangeil   the   war- chariots 


B.C.  331.  BATTLE  OF  ARBELA.  539 

and  elephants,  and  on  either  side  the  Greek  mercenaries,  to  the 
number,  it  is  said,  of  50,000.  Alexander  spent  the  first  day  in 
surveying  the  ground  and  preparing  lor  the  attack ;  he  also  ad- 
dressed his  troops,  pointing  out  to  them  that  the  prize  of  victory 
would  not  be  a  mere  province,  but  the  dominion  of  all  Asia. 
Yet  so  great  was  the  tranquillity  with  wliich  he  contemplated 
the  result,  that  at  daybreak  on  the  following  morning,  when  the 
otficers  came  to  receive  his  final  instructions,  they  found  him  in 
a  deep  slumber.  His  army,  which  consisted  only  of  40,000 
foot  and  7000  horse,  was  drawn  up  in  the  order  which  he 
usually  observed,  namely,  with  the  phalanx  in  the  centre  in  six 
divisions,  and  the  Macedonian  cavaliy  on  the  right,  where  Alex- 
ander himself  took  his  station.  And  as  there  was  great  danger 
of  being  out-flauked,  he  formed  a  second  line  in  the  rear,  com- 
posed of  som3  divisions  of  the  phalanx  and  a  number  of  light 
troops  and  cavalry,  which  were  to  act  in  any  quarter  threatened 
by  the  enemy.  The  Persians,  fearfid  of  being  surprised,  had 
stood  under  arms  the  whole  night,  so  that  the  morning  found 
them  exhausted  and  dispirited.  Some  of  them,  however,  fought 
with  considerable  bravery  ;  but  when  Alexander  had  succeeded 
in  breaking  their  line  by  an  impetuous  charge,  Darius  mounted 
a  fleet  horse  and  took  to  flight,  as  at  Issus,  though  the  fortune  of 
the  day  was  yet  far  from  having  been  decided.  At  length,  how- 
ever, the  route  became  general.  Whilst  daylight  lasted,  Alexander 
pursued  the  flying  enemy  as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  Lycus,  or 
Greater  Zab,  where  thousands  of  the  Persians  perished  in  the 
attempt  to  pass  the  river.  After  resting  his  men  a  few  hours, 
Alexander  continued  the  pursuit  at  midnight  in  the  hope  of 
overtaking  Darius  at  Arbela.  The  Persian  monarch,  however, 
had  continued  his  flight  without  stopping  ;  but  the  whole  of  the 
royal  baggage  and  treasure  was  captured  at  Arbela. 

§  14.  Finding  any  further  pursuit  of  Darius  hopeless,  Alex- 
ander now  directed  his  march  towards  Babylon.  At  a  little 
distance  from  the  city  the  greater  part  of  the  population  came 
out  to  meet  him,  headed  by  their  priests  and  magistrates,  ten- 
dering their  submission,  and  bearing  with  them  magnificent 
presents.  Alexander  then  made  his  triumphant  entry  into 
Babylon,  riding  in  a  chariot  at  the  head  of  his  army.  Tiie  streets 
were  strewed  with  flowers,  incense  smoked  on  either  hand  on 
silver  altars,  and  the  priests  celebrated  his  entry  with  hymns. 
Nor  was  this  the  mere  display  of  a  coin])uls<)ry  obedience.  Under 
the  Persian  sway  the  Chalda'an  religion  bad  been  oppressed  and 
persecuted  ;  the  temple  of  Belus  had  been  destroyed  and  still 
lay  in  ruin-  ;  and  both  priests  and  people  consequently  rejoiced 
at  the  downfall  of  a  dynasty  from  which  they  had  suffered  so 


640  lllSTOItY  OF  f;ili:i:(JR  Chai-.  XLIV. 

miu;li  wroii^.  Alexiiiidcr,  wIioku  unlartrctl  views  on  the  subject 
ot"  |)()j)ular  rclif^ioii  liad  probably  been  derived  from  Aristotle, 
observed  here  the  same  pohtic  conduct  which  he  had  adopted 
in  Efiypt  He  caused  the  mined  templejj  to  be  restored,  and 
proposed  to  oiler  personally,  but  under  the  direction  of  the 
priests,  a  sacrilice  to  Belus.  He  then  made  arranpernents  for 
the  safety  and  frovernment  of  the  city.  He  appointed  Maza;us, 
the  Persian  oliicer  who  had  been  left  in  char<(e  of  it,  satrap  of 
Babylon;  but  he  occupied  the  citadel  with  a  jiarrison  of  1000 
Macedonians  and  other  Greeks,  whilst  the  collection  of  the 
revenues  was  also  intrusted  to  a  Greek  named  Asclej)i(xlorus. 
Alexander  contemplated  makiui^  Babylon  the  capital  of  his  future 
empire.  His  army  was  rewarded  with  a  larjre  donative  from  the 
Persian  treasury  ;  and  after  being  allowed  to  indulpe  for  srtrne 
tiniJ  in  the  luxury  of  Babylon,  was  again  put  in  motion,  towards 
the  middle  of  November,  for  Susa.  It  was  there  that  the  Per- 
sian treasures  were  chiefly  accumulated,  and  Alexander  liad  de- 
spatched Piiiloxenus  to  take  possession  of  the  city  immediately 
after  the  battle  of  Arbela.  It  was  surrendered  without  a  blow 
by  the  satrap  Abulites.  The  treasure  found  there  amounted  to 
40,000  talents  in  gold  and  silver  bullion,  and  9000  in  gold 
Darics.  But  among  all  these  riches  the  interest  of  the  Greeks 
must  have  bean  excited  in  a  lively  maimer  by  the  discover)'  of 
the  spoils  carried  oiF  from  Greece  by  Xerxes.  Among  them  were 
the  bronze  statues  of  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton,  which  Alex- 
ander now  sent  back  to  Athens,  and  which  were  long  afterwards 
preserved  in  the  Ceramlcus. 

At  Susa  Alexander  received  reinforcements  of  about  15,000 
men  from  Greece.  Amyntas,  who  conducted  them,  brought 
tidings  of  disturbances  in  Greece,  fomented  by  i^parta  ;  and  to 
assist  in  quelling  them,  Alexander  transmitted  a  considerable 
sum  to  the  regent  Antipater.  He  then  directed  his  march 
south-eastwards  towards  Persepolis.  His  road  lay  through  the 
mountainous  territory  of  the  Uxians,  who  refused  him  a  passage 
unless  he  paid  the  usual  tribute  which  they  were  in  the  habit 
of  extorting  even  from  the  Persian  kings.  But  Alexander  routed 
them  with  great  slaughter.  The  ditiicult  mountain  defile  called 
the  "  Persian  Gates,"  forming  the  entrance  into  Persis,  still  re- 
mained to  be  passed,  which  was  defended  bv  Ariobarzanes,  the 
satrap  of  that  district,  with  40.000  foot  and  700  horse.  Ario- 
barzanes had  also  built  a  wall  across  the  pass  :  but  Alexander 
turned  the  position  by  ascending  the  heights  with  part  of  his 
army,  whilst  the  remainder  stormed  and  carried  the  wall ;  and 
the  Persians  were  nearly  all  cut  to  pieces.  He  then  advanced 
rapidly  to    Persepolis,  whose  magnificent  ruins  still   attest  its 


B.C.  330.  PURSUIT  OF  DARIUS.  541 

ancient  splendour.  It  was  the  real  capital  of  the  Persian  kings, 
though  they  generally  resided  at  Susa  during  the  winter,  and  at 
Ecbatana  in  summer.  The  treasure  found  there  exceeded  that 
both  of  Babylon  and  Susa,  and  is  said  to  have  amounted  to 
120,000  talents,  or  nearly  30,000,000/.  sterling.  It  was  here  that 
Alexander  is  related  to  have  committed  an  act  of  senseless 
folly,  by  firing  with  his  own  hand  the  ancient  and  magnificent 
palace  of  the  Persian  kings  ;  of  which  the  most  cliaritable  ver- 
sion is  that  he  committed  the  act  when  heated  with  wine  at  the 
instigation  of  Thais,  an  Athenian  courtezan.  By  some  writers, 
however,  the  story  is  altogether  disbelieved,  and  the  real  de- 
struction of  Persepolis  referred  to  the  Mahommedan  epoch. 
Whilst  at  Persepolis,  Alexander  visited  the  tomb  of  Cynis,  the 
founder  of  the  Persian  monarchy,  which  was  situated  at  a  little 
distance,  at  a  city  called  Pasargadaj. 

^15.   Thus  in  between  three  and  four  years  after  crcssing  the 
Hellespont,  Alexander  had   established  lhm.self  on  the  Persian 
throne.      But  Dai-ius  was  not  yet  in  his  power.      After  the  battle 
of  Arbela,  that  monarch  had  fled  to  Ecbatana,  the  ancient  capital 
of  Media,  where  he  seemed  disposed  to  watch  the  turn  of  events, 
and   whence,  if  he   should   be  again  threatened,  he  meditated 
flying  farther  north  across  the  Oxus.      It  was  not  till  about  lour 
months  after  the  battle  of  Arbela,  and  consequently  early  in  330, 
that  Alexander    quitted    Persepolis   to  resume  the   pursuit   of 
Darius.      Oa  approaching  Ecbatana,  he  learned  that  the  Persian 
monarch  had  already  fled  with  the  little  army  which  stiU  ad- 
hered to  him.      0.1  arriving  at  that  place,  Alexander  permitted 
the  troops  of  the  allies  to  return  home  if  they  wished,  as  the 
main  object  of  the  expedition  had  been  accomplished  ;  but  many 
volunteered  to  remain  with  him,  and  the  rest  were  dismissed 
with   a  handsome    share   of  booty,    in   addition   to  their    pay. 
The  treasures  which  had  been  conveyed  from  Persepolis  were 
lodged  in  the  citadel  of  Ecbatana,  under  the  guard  of  6000  Ma- 
cedonians, besides  cavalry   and  light  troops.     Alexander,  with 
his  main  body,  then  pursued  Darius  through  Media  by  forced 
marches,  and  reached  Rhagse,  a  distance  of  three  hundred  miles 
from  Ecbatana,  in  eleven  days.      Such  was  the  rapidity  of  the 
march  that  many  men  and  horses  died  of  fatigue.     At  Rhagae 
he  heard  that  Darius  had  already  passed  the  defile  called  the 
"  Caspian  Gates,"  leading  into  the  Bactrian  province  ;  and,  as 
that  pass  was  fifty  miles  distant,  urgent  pursuit  was  evidently 
aseless.      He   therefore  allowed  his  troops  five  days'  rest,  and 
then  resumed  his  march.      Soon  after   passing  the   Gates  he 
learned  that  Darius  had  been  seized  and  loaded  with  chains  by 
his  own  satrap  Bessus,  who  en*.ertaiiied  the  design  of  establish- 


642  IIISTOIIV  01'  GJlKECl-1  Chai-.  XLIV. 

iii{^  liiiiiKcIl"  ill  Briftria  as  an  in{l(;pfii(lciit.  W)Vf;n'ifrii.  TliJK  intel- 
liifL'iice  stimulated  Ak-xamier  to  iiiaki;  still  liirtluT  haste  with 
j)art  of  his  cavalry  and  a  chosen  h(jdy  oi'  lijot.  On  the  fourth 
day  he  succeeded  in  overtaking  the  fugitives  with  liis  cavalry, 
haviuf^  been  obliged  to  leave  the  infantry  behind,  with  direc- 
tions to  follow  more  at  leisure.  The  enemy,  who  did  not  know 
his  real  stren<jtli,  were  stnjck  with  consternation  at  his  appear- 
ance, and  lied  precij)itately.  liessus  and  his  adhorents  now 
endeavoured  to  ])ersuade  JJarius  to  fly  with  them,  and  jtrovided 
a  licet  horse  lor  that  jtnrpose.  J5ut  tiie  Persian  monarch,  who 
had  already  experienced  the  penerosily  of  Alexander,  in  the 
treatment  of  his  captive  family,  preferred  to  fall  into  his  hands, 
wliercuj)()u  the  conspirators  mortally  wounded  him  in  the 
chariot  in  which  they  kept  liira  confined,  and  then  took  to 
flight.  Darius  cxjnred  betbre  Alexander  could  come  up,  who 
threw  his  own  cloak  over  the  body.  He  then  ordered  him  to  be 
magnilicently  buried  in  the  tomb  of  his  ancestors,  and  provided 
for  the  fitting  education  of  his  children. 

^  16.  Alexander  next  invaded  Hyrcauia,  a  province  of  the 
Persian  empire,  on  the  southern  shores  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  and 
took  possession  of  Zadracarta,  the  chief  town  in  the  country. 
From  thence  he  undertook  an  expedition  against  the  Mardians, 
a  warlike  tribe  in  the  western  part  of  Hyrcauia,  who,  thinking 
themselves  secure  amidst  their  forests  and  mountains,  had  re- 
fused to  make  their  submission.  After  chastising  the  ^Mardians, 
Alexander  quitted  Zadracarta,  and  pursued  his  march  eastwards 
through  tlie  ])rovince  of  Aria.  Near  Artacoana,  the  ca})ital  of 
Aria,  he  founded  a  city  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Arius.  called 
after  him  (Alexandria  Ariorum),  and  which,  under  the  name  of 
Herat,  is  still  one  of  the  chief  cities  in  central  Asia.  Hence  he 
proceeded  southwards  to  Prophthasia,  the  capital  of  Drangiana, 
where  his  stay  was  signalized  by  a  supposed  conspiracy  against 
his  life,  Ibrmed  by  Philotas,  the  son  of  Parmenio.  Alexander 
liad  long  entertained  suspicions  of  Philotas.  AVhilst  still  in  Egypt 
he  had  discovei'cd  that  Philotas  had  spoken  disparagingly  of  his 
exploits,  and  had  boasted  that,  without  the  aid  of  his  father  and 
himself,  Alexander  would  never  have  been  able  to  acliieve  his 
conquests.  He  had  also  ridiculed  the  oracle  respecting  Alex- 
ander's supernatural  birth,  and  had  more  recently  opposed  the 
inclination  which  that  mouarcli  now  began  to  display  to  assume 
all  the  pomp  and  state  of  a  Persian  king.  But  the  immediate 
subject  of  accusation  against  him  was  that  he  had  not  revealed 
a  conspiracy  Avhich  was  reported  to  be  forming  against  Alex- 
ander's life,  and  which  lie  had  deemed  too  contemptible  to  notice 
He  was  cousequentlv  suspected  of  being  implicated   in  it ;   and 


V.C.  329.  DEATH  OF  BESSUS.  543 

on  being  put  to  the  torture  he  not  only  confessed  his  own 
guilt  in  his  agonies,  but  also  implicated  his  t'atlier.  Philotas  was 
executed,  and  an  order  was  sent  to  Ecbatana,  where  Parmenio 
then  was,  directing  that  veteran  general  to  be  put  to  death.  A 
letter,  purporting  to  be  I'roni  his  son,  was  handed  to  him  ;  and 
whilst  the  old  man  was  engaged  in  reading  it,  Polydamas,  his 
intimate  friend,  together  with  some  others  of  Alexander's  prin- 
cipal othcers,  fell  upon  and  slew  him.  His  head  was  carried  to 
Alexander.  Hephaistion,  who  had  been  active  in  exciting  the 
king's  suspicion  against  Philotas,  was  rewarded  with  a  share  of 
the  command  vacated  by  his  death  ;  but  the  horse-guards  were 
now  divided  into  two  regiments,  one  of  which  was  given  to  Hc- 
phcBstion  and  the  other  to  Clitus. 

^  17.  Late  in  the  year  330,  Alexander  directed  his  march 
southwards,  to  the  banks  of  the  Etymandrus  (the  Hclmund), 
where  he  remained  sixty  days.  Hence  he  penetrated  into  Ara- 
chosia,  and  founded  there  another  Alexandria,  which  is  sup- 
posed to  be  the  modern  city  of  Camlakar.  He  then  crossed 
the  lofty  mountains  of  Paropamisus,  called  Caucasus  by  the 
Greeks  (now  Hind'>>  Kon/t,),  which  were  covered  with  deep  snow, 
and  so  barren  that  they  did  not  even  aliijrd  firewood  for  his 
army.  At  the  foot  of  one  of  the  passes  of  these  mountains 
Alexander  founded  another  city  called  Alexandria  and  Caucasum, 
situated  probably  about  fifty  miles  north-west  of  Cabul. 

Alexander  now  entered  Bactria  ;  but  Bessus  did  not  wait  his 
approach,  and  fled  across  the  Oxus  into  Sogdiana.  Early  in  the 
summer  of  329,  Alexander  followed  him  across  the  Oxus  ;  and 
shortly  afterwards  Bessus  was  betrayed  by  two  of  his  own  officers 
into  the  hands  of  Alexander.  Bessus  was  carried  to  Zariaspa,  the 
capital  of  Bactria,  where  he  was  brought  before  a  Persian  court, 
and  put  to  death  in  a  cruel  and  barbarous  manner. 

Alexander  next  took  possession  of  Maracanda  (now  Samar- 
ccDi'l),  the  capital  of  Sogdiana,  fi'om  whence  he  advanced  to  the 
river  .Taxartes  {Sir),  which  he  designed  to  make  the  boundary  of 
his  empire  against  the  Scythians.  On  the  banks  of  that  river  he 
founded  the  city  of  Alexandria  Eschatc  (the  last  or  farfkest), 
probably  the  modern  Khojc?id.  After  crossing  the  river  and 
defeating  the  S,^ythians,  who  menaced  him  on  the  opposite 
bank,  he  returned  into  winter-quarters  at  Zarias])a. 

Sogdiana,  however,  was  not  yet  subdued,  and  accordingly  in 
the  following  year  328  Alexander  again  crossed  the  Oxus.  He 
divided  his  army  into  five  bodies,  ordering  them  to  scour  the 
country  in  difierent  directions.  With  the  troops  \nider  his  o^v^ii 
command  he  marched  against  the  fortress  called  the  Sogdian  liock, 
seated  on  an  isolated  hill,  so  precipitous  as  to  be  deemed  inac- 


614  IIISTOUY  OF  fJREECE.  Chap.  XLIV. 

cc'psiblc,  and  so  well  siipplii'd  Avitli  provisions  as  to  defy  a 
blocUadc.  TIk;  smiiiiion.s  lo  surrender  was  '^rcatcd  with  derision 
by  tlic  couiinandcr,  wlio  iniiuin-d  wlic-tlior  th'.'  MaredcHiiaii::  had 
^vinf,'s  ?  But  a  small  liody  of'Mafcdoiiian.s  liavinj^  succeeded  in 
Bc-aling  soino  lieijrlit.s  which  overliunir  the  fortress,  the  parris<^m 
became  so  alarmed  that  they  immediately  surrendered.  To  tliis 
place  a  Bactrian  named  Oxyartes,  an  adherent  of"  Bessus,  had 
Tjent  his  daughters  for  safety.  One  of  them,  named  Iloxana,  was 
of  surpassing  beauty,  and  Alexamler  made  her  the  j)artner  of  his 
throne. 

MB.  Alexander  now  returned  to  Maracanda,  where  he  was 
joined  by  the  other  divisions  of  his  army,  and  while  remaining 
at  this  place  he  appointed  his  friend  Clitus  satrap  of  Bactria. 
On  the  eve  of  the  parting  of  the  two  friends,  Alexander  cele- 
brated a  festival  in  honour  cf  the  Dioscuri,  though  the  day  was 
sacred  to  Dionysus.  The  banquet  Avas  attended  by  several 
parasites  and  literary  flatterers,  who  magnified  the  praises  of 
Alexander  with  extravagant  and  nauseous  Hattery.  Clitus,  whom 
wiuc  had  released  from  all  prudent  reserve,  sternly  rebuked  their 
fulsome  adulation  ;  and,  as  the  conversation  turned  on  the  com- 
parative merits  of  the  exjiloits  of  Alexander  and  his  father  Philip, 
he  did  not  hesitate  to  prefer  the  exploits  of  the  latter.  He  re- 
minded Alexander  of  his  former  sen'ices,  and,  stretching  forth  his 
hand,  exclaimed,  "  It  was  this  hand,  Alexander,  Avhich  saved  your 
life  at  the  battle  of  the  Granicus  I"  The  king,  who  was  also 
flushed  with  wine,  was  so  enraged  by  these  remarks,  that  he  rushed 
at  Clitus  with  the  intention  cf  killing  him  on  the  spot,  but  he 
was  held  back  by  his  friends,  whilst  Clitus  was  at  the  same  time 
hurried  out  of  the  room.  Alexander,  however,  Avas  no  sooner 
released  than,  snatching  a  spear,  he  sprang  to  the  door,  and 
meeting  Clitus,  who  was  returning  in  equal  fury  to  brave  his 
anger,  ran  him  through  the  body.  But  when  the  deed  was  done, 
he  was  seized  with  repentance  and  remorse.  He  flung  him.self 
on  his  couch  and  remained  for  three  whole  days  in  an  agony  of 
grief,  refusing  all  sustenance,  and  calling  on  the  names  of  Clitus 
and  of  his  sister  Lanicc,  who  had  been  his  nurse.  It  Avas  not 
till  his  bodily  strength  began  to  fail  through  protracted  absti- 
nence that  he  at  last  became  more  composed,  and  consented  to 
listen  to  the  consolations  of  his  friends,  and  the  Avords  of  the 
soothsayers  ;  Avho  ascribed  the  murder  of  Clitus  to  a  temporary 
frenzy  Avith  aaIiIcIi  Dionysus  had  A-isited  him  as  a  punishment 
for  neglecting  the  celebration  oi"his  festival. 

^  19.  After  reducing  the  rest  of  the  fortresses  of  Sogdiana, 
Alexander  returned  into  Bactria  in  327,  and  began  to  prepare 
for  his  projected  expedition  mto  India.     "Wliikt  he  was  thus 


B-C.  327.  INVASIOjS-  of  ES'DIA.  545 

employed,  a  plot  was  formed  against  his  life  by  the  royal  pages, 
incited  by  Hermolaus,  one  of  their  number,  who  had  been 
punished  M'ith  stripes  for  anticipating  the  iving  during  a  hunting 
party  in  slaying  a  wild  boar.  Hermolaus  and  his  associates, 
among  whom  was  Callisthenes,  a  pupil  of  Aristotle,  were  first 
tortured,  and  then  put  to  death.  It  seems  certain  that  a  con- 
spiracy existed  ;  but  no  less  certain  that  the  growing  pride  and 
haughtiness  of  Alexander  were  gradually  alienating  from  him 
the  hearts  of  his  followers. 

Alexander  did  not  leave  Bactria  till  late  in  the  spring.  He 
crossed  the  Indus  by  a  bridge  of  boats  near  Taxila,  the  present 
Attack,  where  the  river  is  about  1000  feet  broad,  and  very  deep. 
He  is  said  to  have  entered  India  at  the  head  of  120,000  foot 
and  15,000  horse,  the  greater  part  of  Avhom  must  necessarily 
have  been  Asiatics.  He  now  found  himself  in  the  district  at 
present  called  the  Pcnj-ah  (or  the  Five  Rivers).  Taxiles,  the 
sovereign  of  the  district,  at  once  surrendered  Taxila,  his  capi- 
tal, and  joined  the  Macedonian  force  with  5000  men.  Hence 
Alexander  proceeded  with  little  resistance  to  the  river  Hydaspes 
(^Bcliut  or  Jelum).  On  the  opposite  bank,  Porus,*  a  powerful 
Indian  king,  prepared  to  di.sputc  his  progress  with  a  numei'ous 
and  well-appointed  force.  Alexander,  however,  by  a  skilful  stra- 
tagem conveyed  his  army  safely  across  the  river.  An  obstinate 
battle  then  ensued.  In  the  army  of  Porus  were  many  elej)hants, 
the  sight  and  smell  of  which  frightened  the  horses  of  Alex- 
auders  cavalrJ^  But  these  unwieldy  animals  ultimately  proved 
as  dangerous  to  the  Indians  as  to  the  Greeks ;  for  when  driven 
into  a  narrow  space  they  became  unmanageable,  and  created 
great  confusion  in  the  ranks  of  Porus.  By  a  few  vigorous 
charges  the  Indians  were  completely  routed,  with  the  loss  of 
12,000  slain  and  9000  prisoners.  Among  the  latter  was  Porus 
himself,  who  was  conducted  into  the  presence  of  Alexander. 
The  courage  which  he  had  displayed  in  the  battle  had  excited 
the  admiration  of  the  Macedonian  king.  Mounted  on  an  enor- 
mous elephant,  he  retreated  leisurely  when  the  day  was  lost,  and 
long  rejected  every  summons  to  surrender  ;  till  at  length,  over- 
come by  thirst  and  fatigue,  he  permitted  himself  to  be  taken. 
Even  in  this  situation  Porus  still  retained  his  majestic  bearing, 
the  effect  of  which  ^^■as  increased  by  the  extraordinary  height 
of  his  stature.  On  Alexander's  inquiring  how  he  wished  to  be 
treated,  he  replied,  "  Like  a  king."  "  And  have  you  no  other 
request?"  asked  Alexander.  "No."  answered  Poms;  "every- 
thing is  comprehended  in  the  word  king."      Struck  by  his  mag- 

*  Porus  is  probablj-  a  corruption  of  the  Sanscrit  word,  "Pauruslia," 
■which  signifies  a  "liero." 


646  IIISTOIIV  01'  GUKKCM  Ciiai-.  XLIV. 

nuiiiiiiily,  Ak'xamicr  not  only  restored  him  to  his  dominiuiis,  but 
also  considerably  enlarged  thciri ;  H'ekinj^  by  these  means  to  re- 
tain him  as  an  obedient  and  I'aithiul  vassal. 

Alexander  rested  a  inuntli  on  the  banks  of  the  Hydaspes, 
where  lie  celebrated  liis  victory  by  games  and  sacrificep,  and 
founded  two  towns,  one  of  which  he  named  Isica*a,  and  the  other 
Biicepliala,  in  honor  of  his  friiHant  cliarfrer  Bucephalus,  which 
is  said  to  have  died  here.  He  then  overran  the  whole  of  ihc 
IVnj-ab,  as  far  as  the  llypha.-^is  {(iliarra),  its  goutheni  boundary 
The  only  resolute  resistance  he  exjierienced  was  frrm  the  war- 
like tribe  of  the  Catlia-i,  whose  capital,  k^aiifrala,  was  probably 
the  modern  Lahore.  They  were  tiibdued,  and  their  territoiy 
divided  amonj^st  the  olher  Indian  tribes.  Upon  reaching  the 
Hyj)liasis,  the  army,  worn  out  by  liiligiies  and  dangers,  positively 
relused  to  proceed  any  farther  ;  although  Alexander  passionately 
desired  to  attack  a  monarch  still  more  powerful  than  Torus, 
whose  dominions,  he  heard,  lay  beyond  the  river.  All  his 
attempts  to  induce  his  soldiers  to  proceed  jiroving  ineflectual, 
he  prepared  to  submit  witli  a  good  grace  to  an  alternative 
which  he  perceived  to  be  unavoidable.  Pretending  that  the 
sacrifices  were  unfavourable  for  the  passage  of  the  Hyphasis,  he 
gave  the  order  for  retreat ;  having  first  erected  on  its  banks  12 
colossal  altars  to  mark  the  boruidary  of  his  conquests  in  that 
direction. 

k  20.  When  Alexander  again  arrived  at  his  newly  founded 
cities  of  Nicffia  and  Bucephala  on  the  Hydaspes,  he  divided  his 
army  into  three  detachments.  Two  of  these,  under  the  ccm- 
mand  of  Hephfestiou  and  Craterus,  were  ordered  to  descend  the 
Hydaspes  on  its  opposite  banks  ;  whilst  he  himself,  at  the  head 
cf  f^OOO  men,  embarked  on  board  a  fleet  of  about  2000  vessels, 
which  he  had  ordered  to  be  prepared  with  the  view  cf  sailing 
down  the  Indus  to  its  mouth.  The  ignorance  which  prevailed 
among  the  Macedonians  respecting  the  geography  of  the  region 
to  be  traversed,  may  be  estimated  from  the  circumstance  that 
Alexander  at  first  considered  the  Indus  to  be  a  branch  of  the 
Nile. 

The  army  began  to  move  in  November  327.  Tl:e  navigation 
lasted  several  months,  but  was  accomplished  \\  ithcut  any  serious 
opposition,  except  from  the  tribe  of  the  Malli.  who  are  conjec- 
tured to  have  occupied  the  site  of  the  present  Mooltaii.  At  the 
storming  of  their  town  the  life  of  Alexander  was  exposed  to 
imminent  danger.  He  was  the  first  to  scale  the  walls  of  the 
citadel,  and  was  followed  by  four  otiicers ;  but  before  a  fifth  man 
could  mount,  the  ladder  broke,  and  Alexander  was  left  exposed 
ou  the  wall  to  the  missiles  cf  the  enemy.     From  this  situation 


B.C.  326.  RETURN  TO  PERSIA.  547 

there  Avere  only  two  methods  of  escape ;  either  by  leaping  down 
among  liis  own  army,  or  into  the  citadel  among  the  enemy. 
Alexander  chose  the  latter  ;  and  alighting  on  his  feet,  placed 
his  hack  to  the  wall,  where  he  succeeded  in  keeping  the  enemy 
at  bay,  and  slew  two  of  their  chiefs  who  had  ventured  within  reach 
of  his  sword.  But  an  arrow  which  pierced  his  corslet  brought 
him  to  the  gi-ound,  fainting  with  loss  of  blood.  Two  of  his  ibl- 
lowers  who  had  jumped  down  after  him,  now  slccd  over  and 
defended  him  ;  till  at  length  more  soldiers  having  scaled  the 
walls,  and  opened  one  of  the  gates,  sufficient  numbers  poured  in 
not  only  to  rescue  their  monarch,  but  to  capture  the  citadel ; 
when  every  living  being  within  the  place  was  put  to  the  sword. 
Alexanders  life  was  long  in  great  danger,  but  when  he  w'as  suffi- 
ciently recovered  he  was  again  placed  in  his  vessel,  and  dropped 
down  the  Hydraotes  [Rai'c)  to  its  confluence  with  the  Acesines. 
Here  his  army  was  encamped  ;  and  the  soldiers  testified  by  .shouts 
and  tears  their  joy  at  again  beholding  their  ccmmander.  Hence 
Alexander  pursued  his  course  to  the  point  where  tlie  lour  rivers, 
now  united  into  one  stream,  the  Acesines,  [Cl/aiad).  join  the 
Indus.  At  their  confluence  he  ordered  dockyards  to  be  con- 
structed, and  another  Alexandria  to  be  built.  Hence  he  pursued 
his  voyage  to  the  Indian  Ocean,  all  the  towns  on  either  bank  of 
the  river  submitting  at  his  approach.  When  he  arrived  at  the 
moulh  of  the  Indus,  he  explored  its  estuaries,  and  acccmpanied 
by  a  few  horsemen  skirted  liie  margin  of  the  Delta  next  the  sea. 
Nearchus  with  the  fleet  wj-s  directed  to  explore  the  Indian 
Ocean,  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  the  mouths  of  the  Tigris  and  Eu- 
phrates, with  the  view  of  establishing  a  maritime  ccnimunication 
between  India  and  Persia.  We  have  hitherto  beheld  Alexander 
only  as  a  conqueror  ;  but  these  cares  exhibit  him  in  the  more 
pleasing  light  of  a  geographical  discoverer,  and  of  a  sovereign 
solicitous  for  the  substantial  benefit  of  his  subjects. 

§  21.  From  this  point  Alexander  proceeded  with  his  army,  in 
the  autumn  of  32G,  through  the  burning  deserts  of  Gedrosia 
towards  Persepolis  ;  marching  himseli"  on  foot,  and  sharing  the 
privations  and  fatigues  of  the  meanest  foldier.  In  these  regions 
the  very  atmosphere  seems  to  be  composed  of  a  fine  dust,  which, 
on  the  slightest  M'ind,  penetrates  into  the  moulh  and  nose, 
whilst  the  soil  afibrds  no  firm  footing  to  the  traveller.  The 
march  tlirough  this  inhospitable  region  lasted  GO  days,  during 
which  immbei's  of  the  soldiers  perished  from  fatigue  or  disease. 
At  length  they  emerged  into  the  fertile  province  of  Carmania. 
Whilst  in  this  country,  Alexander  was  rejoined  by  Nearchus, 
who  had  arrived  with  his  fleet  at  Harmozia  (Ornwz) ;  but  who 
subsequently  prosecuted  his  voyage  to  the  head  of  the  Persian 


548  IILSTORY  OF  GREKCR  (iiai-.  XLIV, 

fiiilf.  Tlie  iTifiin  body  of  Uie  army  iiinlcr  Hcplurstioii  was  directed 
to  niarclj  aloiif.' tlur  slioros  of  IIk- (jult  :  whilst  Al«"Xaiider  hiiriHC'lf, 
willi  liirf  horsr-jxiiards  and  li!.'lit  iiilaiitry,  took  a  shorter  route 
llinmtrh  Pasar^adjn  and  Pcrscjjolis.  Diiriiij.' his  stay  in  the  latter 
city,  he  reincihed  th<!  disorders  wliieh  had  been  eoirnnitted  Hincc 
he  lelt  it,  and  ex(;ented  Humniar}'  jnstiee  on  the  delinquent 
satraj)S  who  had  oppressed  the  j)rovinees  of  Per^is.  It  was  thua 
that  he  caused  his  empire  to  lie  resj)eeted  as  inneh  by  the  equity 
of  his  administration,  as  by  tJie  irresistible  force  of  his  anns. 

^  22.  From  Persejwlis  Alexander  pursued  his  marcli  to  f>usa 
(B.C.  32'5),  w^iere  the  soldiers  were  allowed  to  repose  from  their 
fatigues,  and  were  anuised  with  a  series  of  brilliant  lestivities. 
It  was  here  that  he  adopted  various  measures  with  the  view  of 
consolidating  his  empire.  One  of  the  mo.st  important  was  to 
Ibrm  the  (.xreeks  and  Persiaus  into  one  people  by  means  of  iu- 
termarriages.  He  himself  celebrated  his  nuptials  with  Statira, 
the  eldest  daughter  of  Darius,  and  bestowed  the  hand  ol"  her 
sister,  Drypetis,  ou  Hephajstion.  Other  marriages  were  made 
between  Alexander's  olficers  and  Asiatic  women  to  the  number, 
it  is  said,  of  about  a  hundred  ;  whilst  no  fewer  than  10,000  of 
the  common  soldiers  followed  their  example  and  took  native 
wives.  As  another  means  of  amalgamating  the  Europeans  and 
Asiatic.?,  he  caused  numbers  of  the  latter  to  be  admitted  into 
the  army,  a^id  to  be  armeil  and  trained  in  the  ^lacedonian  fashion. 
But  these  innovations  were  regarded  with  a  jealous  eye  by  most 
of  the  Macedonian  veterans ;  and  this  feeling  was  increased  by 
the  conduct  of  Alexander  himself,  who  assumed  eveiy  day  more 
aitd  more  of  the  state  and  manners  of  an  eastern  despot.  At 
first,  indeed,  the  growing  discontent  was  repressed  by  the 
large  bounties  distributed  among  the  soldiers,  and  by  the  dis- 
charge of  all  their  debts.  But  at  length  their  long  stifled  dis- 
satisfaction broke  out  into  open  mutiny  and  rebellion  at  a 
review  which  took  place  at  Opis  on  the  Tigi'is.  Alexander  here 
proposed  to  dismiss  such  Macedonians  as  were  wounded  or 
otherwise  disabled ;  but  though  they  had  clamoured  lor  their 
discharge  whilst  ou  the  other  side  of  the  Indus,  they  now  re- 
garded this  proposal  as  an  insult,  and  called  out  '*  That  the  king 
had  better  dismiss  them  all — his  father  Ammon  would  fight  his 
battles."  But  the  mutiny  was  quelled  by  the  decisive  conduct 
of  Alexander.  He  immediately  ordered  thirteen  of  the  ring- 
leaders to  be  seized  and  executed,  and  then  addressing  the 
remainder,  pointed  out  to  them  how,  by  his  own  and  his  father's 
exertions,  they  had  been  raised  from  the  condition  of  scattered 
herdsnaen  to  be  the  masters  of  Greece  and  the  lords  of  Asia : 
and  that  whilst  he  had  abandoned  to  them  the  richest  and  most 


B.C.  324.  ALEXANDER  ENTERS  BABYLON.  649 

valuable  fruits  of  his  conquests,  he  had  reserved  nothing  but  the 
diadem  for  himself,  as  the  mark  of  his  superior  labours  and  more 
imminent  perils.  He  then  secluded  himself  for  two  whole  days, 
during  which  his  Macedonian  guard  was  exchanged  for  a  Persian 
one,  whiLst  nobles  of  the  same  nation  were  appointed  to  the 
most  confidential  posts  about  his  person.  Overcome  by  these 
marks  of  alienation  on  the  part  of  their  sovereign,  the  Macedo- 
nians now  supplicated  with  tears  to  be  restored  to  favour.  A 
solemn  reconciliation  was  elFected,  and  10,000  veterans  were  dis- 
missed to  their  homes  under  the  conduct  of  Craterus.  That 
general  was  also  appointed  to  the  government  of  Macedonia  in 
place  of  Autipater,  who  was  ordered  to  repair  to  Asia  with 
tresh  reinforcements. 

^  23.  Soon  after  these  occurrences,  Alexander  proceeded  to 
Ecbatana,  where  during  the  autumn  he  eolemnized  the  festival 
of  Dionysus  M'ith  extraordinary  splendour.  The  best  actors  and 
musicians  in  Greece,  to  the  number  it  is  said  of  3000,  were 
assembled  for  the  occasion  ;  whalst  the  natives  flocked  from  all 
quarters  to  the  Median  capital,  to  witness  what  was  to  them  a 
novel  spectacle.  But  Alexander's  enjoyment  was  suddeidy  con- 
verted into  bitterness  by  the  death  of  his  friend  Hepheestion, 
who  was  carried  off  by  a  fever.  This  event  threw  Alexander 
into  a  deep  melancholy,  from  which  he  never  entirely  recovered. 
The  memory  of  Hepha'stion  was  honoured  by  extravagant  marks 
of  public  mourning,  and  his  body  was  conveyed  io  Babylon,  to 
be  there  interred  with  the  utmost  magnificence.  His  name  was 
still  retamed  as  commander  of  a  division  of  the  cavalry  ;  and  the 
officer  who  actually  discharged  the  duties  of  the  post  was  only 
regarded  as  his  lieutenant. 

Alexander  entered  Babylon  in  the  spring  of  324,  notwithstand- 
ing the  warnings  of  the  priests  of  Belus,  who  predicted  soine 
serious  evil  to  him  if  he  entered  the  city  at  that  time.  Babylon 
was  now  to  witness  the  consummation  of  his  triumjihs  and  ol 
his  life.  As  in  the  last  scene  of  some  Avell-ordered  drama,  all 
the  results  and  tokens  of  his  great  achievements  seemed  to  be 
collected  there  to  do  honour  to  his  final  exit.  Ambassadors 
from  all  parts  of  Greece,  from  Libya,  Italy,  and  probably  from 
still  more  distant  regions,  were  waiting  to  salute  him,  and  to  do 
homage  to  him  as  the  conqueror  of  Asia  ;  the  fleet  under  Ne- 
archus  had  arrived  after  its  long  and  enterprising  voyage,  and 
had  been  augmented  by  other  vessels  constructed  in  Dianiicia, 
and  thence  brought  overland  to  Thapsacus,  and  down  the  river 
to  Babylon  ;  whilst  for  the  reception  of  this  navy%  which  seemed 
to  turn  the  inland  capital  of  his  empire  into  a  port,  a  magnificent 
harbour  was  in  process  of  construction.     A  more  melancholy, 


C50  HISTORY  OF  GREECR  Ciiai-.  XLIV. 

and  it  may  bo  arldod,  a  more  uselcsH,  moiiiirnoril  of"  Iuh  frrealnesn 
was  the  i'uiiural  ])ilo  now  ri.siti<(  for  IIcplia;.stioii,  wliirli  wa«  foti- 
Htructod  with  Kutdi  iiiiparallflt^d  s])li"iidour,  that  it  is  said  to 
liave  cost  10,000  tal(;iits.  Th<;  mind  of"  Alcxaiidi^r  was  stiff  fx;cu- 
pied  with  ])faiis  of  coiKjiK'st  aiuf  arid)iliou;  his  next  desifrn  was 
tho  sufjjugation  of  Arafjia;  wfiicfi,  fiowcver,  was  to  be  onfy  the 
stepping  stone  to  tlio  concpiest  of  the  whofc  known  world.  He 
dcspatcfied  tliree  cxpecfitions  to  survey  tbc  coast  of  Arabia  ; 
ordered  a  ffcet  to  be  built  to  explore  the  Caspian  sea ;  and  en- 
gaged himself  in  surveying  the  course  of  the  Euphrates,  and  in 
devising  improvements  of  its  navigation.  The  period  for  com- 
mencing the  Arabian  campaign  had  already  arrived  ;  solemn 
sacrifices  were  offered  up  for  its  success,  and  grand  lianquets 
were  given  previous  to  departure.  At  these  carousals  Alexander 
dranlt  deep  ;  and  at  the  termination  of  the  one  given  by  his 
favourite,  Medius,  he  was  seized  with  unequivocal  symptoms  of 
fever.  For  som ;  days,  however,  he  neglected  the  disorder,  and 
continued  to  occupy  himself  with  the  necessarj'  preparations  for 
the  march.  But  in  eleven  days  the  malady  ha(l  gained  a  fatal 
strength,  and  terminated  his  life  on  the  28tli  of  June,  u.c.  323,  at 
the  earfy  age  of  32.  Whilst  he  lay  speechless  on  his  deathbed  his 
favourite  troops  were  admitted  to  see  him  ;  but  he  could  ofler  them 
no  other  token  of  recognition  than  by  stretching  out  his  hand. 

^  2-1.  Few  of  the  great  characters  of  history  have  been  so 
difTerently  judged  as  Alexander.  Of  the  magnitude  of  his  ex- 
ploits, indeed,  and  of  the  justice  with  which,  according  to  the 
usual  sentiments  of  mankind,  they  confer  upon  him  the  title  of 
"  Grreat,"  there  can  be  but  one  opinion  :  it  is  his  motives  for 
undertaking  them  that  have  been  called  in  question.  An  emi- 
nent writer*  brands  him  as  an '"  adventiu'er ;"  an  epithet  wliieli, 
to  a  certain  extent,  must  be  allowed  to  be  true,  but  which  is  not 
more  true  of  liim  than  of  most  other  conqueroi's  on  a  large 
scale.  His  military  renown,  however,  consists  more  in  the  seem- 
ingly extravagant  boldness  of  his  enterprises,  than  in  the  real 
power  of  the  foes  whom  he  overcame.  The  resistance  he  met 
with  was  not  greater  than  that  which  a  European  army  expe- 
rience.? in  the  present  day  from  one  composed  of"  Asiatics  ;  and 
the  empire  of  the  East  was  decided  by  the  two  battles  of  Issus 
and  Arbela.  His  chief  difficulties  were  the  geographical  diffi- 
culties of  distance,  climate,  and  the  nature  of  the  ground  tra- 
versed. But  this  is  no  proof  that  he  was  incompetent  to  meet 
a  foe  more  worthy  of  his  military  skill ;  and  his  proceedings  in 
Ixreece  before  his  departure  show  the  reverse. 

*  NieDulir. 


B.C.  323. 


DEATH  OF  ALEXANDEK. 


55i 


His  motives,  it  must  be  allowed,  seem  rather  to  have  sprung 
from  the  love  of  personal  glorj'  and  the  excitement  of  conquest, 
than  from  any  wish  to  beneht  his  subjects.  The  attention  which 
he  occasionally  devoted  to  commerce,  to  the  foundation  of  new 
cities,  and  to  other  matters  of  a  similar  kind,  form  rather  episodes 
in  his  history,  than  the  real  objects  at  which  his  aims  were 
directed ;  and  it  was  not  by  his  own  prudence,  but  through  the 
weariness  of  his  army,  that  his  career  of  conquest  was  at  length 
arrested,  which  he  wished  to  prosecute  before  he  had  consoli- 
dated what  he  had  already  won.  Yet  on  the  whole  his  achieve- 
ments, though  they  undoubtedly  occasioned  great  partial  misery, 
must  be  regarded  as  beneficial  to  the  human  race  ;  the  families 
of  which,  if  it  were  not  for  some  such  movements,  would  stag- 
nate in  solitaiy  listlessness  and  poverty.  By  the  conquests  of 
Alexander  the  two  continents  were  put  into  closer  communica- 
tion with  one  another  ;  and  both,  but  particularly  Asia,  were 
the  gainers.  The  language,  the  arts,  and  the  literature  of 
Gi-eece,  were  introduced  into  the  Etist ;  and  after  the  death  of 
Alexander  Greek  kingdoms  were  formed  in  the  western  parts  of 
Asia,  which  continued  to  exist  for  many  generations. 


Apolio  Citliarcedus.     From  the  collection  in  the  Vaticav 


The  Group  of  Niobe.     From  the  collection  al  Florence. 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

FROM  TlIE  DEATH   OF  ALEX_,\NDER   THE   GREAT  TO  THE  BATTLE  OF 

IPSUS. 


§  1.  Division  of  the  provinces  after  Alexander's  death.  §  2.  Retro- 
spective view  of  Grecian  affairs.  Revolt  of  Agis.  Demosthenes  de 
Corona.  §3.  Arrival  of  llarpalus  at  Athens.  Accusation  and  e.xile 
of  Demosthenes.  §  4.  Tlie  Lainian  w;ir.  Defeat  of  Antipater,  and 
siege  of  Lamia.  §  5.  Defeat  and  death  of  Leonnatus.  Battle  of 
Crannon.  End  of  the  Lamian  war.  §  6.  Death  of  Demosthenes. 
Ambitious  projects  of  Perdiccas.  His  invasion  of  Egvj>t,  and  death. 
§  7.  Fresh  division  of  the  provinces  at  Triparadisus.  Death  of  Anti- 
pater. Polvsperchon  becomes  regent,  and  conciliates  the  Grecian 
states.  Death  of  Piiocion.  §  8.  War  between  Polvsperchon  and 
Cassander.  Ill  success  of  Polysperehon.  Cassander  becomes  master 
of  Macedonia,  and  puts  Olympias  to  death.  §  9.  Coalition  against 
Antigonus.  Peace  concluded  in  u.c.  311.  Murder  of  Roxana  and  her 
son.  §  10.  Renewal  of  the  war  against  Antigonus.  Demetrius  Poll- 
orcetes  expels  the  Macedonians  from  Athen.s.  ^11.  Demetrius  Poli- 
orcetes  at  Cyprus.  Battle  of  Salainis.  Attempt  on  Egypt.  Siege 
of  Rhodes.     ^  12.  Battle  of  Ipsus,  and  death  of  Antigonus. 

^  1 .  The  unexpected  death  of  Alexander  threatened  to  involve 
both  his  extensive  dominions  and  liis  army  in  inextricable  con- 
fusion. On  the  day  after  his  death  a  military  coinicil  assembled 
to  decide  on  the  course  to  he  pursued.  Alexander  on  liis  death- 
bed is  said  to  have  given  liis  signet-ring  to  Perdiccas,  but  he  had 
left  no  legitimate  heir  to  his  throne,  tliougli  his  wife  Roxana 
was  pregnant.      Tu  tlie  discussions  which  ensued  in  the  council. 


B.C.  S2S.  PARTITION  OF  THE  EMPIRE.  558 

Perdiccas  assumed  a  leading  part ;  and  after  much  debate,  and 
a  quarrel  between  the  cavalry  and  infantry,  which  at  first  threat- 
ened the  most  serious  consequences,  an  arrangement  was  at  length 
efiected  on  the  following  basis  :  That  Philip  Arrhida?us,  a  young 
man  of  weak  intellect,  the  half-brother  ol' Alexander  (being  the 
son  of  Philip  by  a  Thessalian  woman  named  Philinna),  should 
be  declared  king,  rescrvnig  however  to  the  child  of  Roxana,  if  a 
son  should  be  born,  a  share  in  the  sovereignty ;  that  the  govern- 
ment of  Macedonia  and  Greece  should  be  divided  between  An- 
tipater  and  Craterus  :  that  Ptolemy,  who  was  reputed  to  be 
connected  with  the  royal  family,  should  preside  over  Egypt  and 
the  adjacent  countries  :  that  Antigonus  should  have  Phrygia 
Proper,  Lycia,  and  Pamphylia  :  that  the  Hellespontine  Phrygia 
should  be  assigned  to  Leonnatus  :  that  Eumenes  should  have  iho 
satrapy  of  Paphlagonia  and  Cappadocia,  which  countries,  how- 
ever, still  remained  to  be  subdued  :  and  that  Thrace  should  be 
committed  to  Lysimachus.  Perdiccas  reserved  for  himself  the 
chiliarchy,  or  command  of  the  horse-guards,  the  post  before  held 
by  HephjEstion,  in  virtue  of  which  he  became  the  guardian  of 
Philip  Arrhidaius,  the  nominal  sovereign.  It  was  not  for  seme 
time  after  these  arrangements  had  been  completed  that  the  last 
rites  were  paid  to  Alexander's  remains.  They  were  convejed 
to  Alexandria,  and  deposited  in  a  cemetery  which  afterwards 
became  the  burial-place  of  the  Ptolemies.  Nothing  could  exceed 
the  magnificence  of  the  funeral  car,  which  was  adorned  with 
ornaments  of  massive  gold,  and  so  heavy,  that  it  was  more  than 
a  year  in  being  conveyed  from  Babylon  to  Syria,  though  drawn 
by  84  mules.  In  due  time  Roxana  was  delivered  of  a  son,  to 
whom  the  name  of  Alexander  was  given,  and  who  was  declared 
the  partner  of  Arrhidaius  in  the  empire.  Roxana  had  previously 
inveigled  Statira  and  her  sister  Drypetis  to  Babylon,  where  she 
caused  them  to  be  secretly  assassinated. 

§  2.  It  is  now  necessary  to  take  a  brief  retrospective  glance  at 
the  afTairs  of  Greece.  Three  years  after  Alexander  had  quitted 
Europe,  the  Spartans  made  a  vigorous  efibrt  to  throw  off'  the 
Macedonian  yoke.  They  were  joined  by  most  of  the  Peloponne- 
sian  stales,  but  the  Athenians  kept  aloof.  In  B.C.  331,  the  Spar- 
tans took  up  arms  under  the  command  of  their  king,  Agis ;  but 
though  they  met  with  some  success  at  first,  they  were  finally 
defeated  with  great  slaughter  by  Antipater,  near  Megalopolis. 
Agis  fell  in  the  battle,  and  the  chains  of  Greece  were  riveted 
more  firmly  than  ever.  This  victory,  and  the  successes  of  Alex- 
ander in  the  East,  encouraged  the  Macedonian  party  in  Athens 
to  take  active  measures  against  Demosthenes ;  and  ^schines 
trumped  up  an  old  charge  against  him  which  had  lain  dormant 

2  B 


654  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Ciiai>.  XLV. 

for  .several  years.  Soon  after  the  battle  of  Cha;roii»a,  Ct<;si|)lioii 
had  |)roj)oiie(l  that  iJernoHtheiie.s  .should  he  presented  with  a. 
golden  crown  in  the  theatre  during  the  great  Dirjiiysiac  fe.stival, 
on  account  of  the  services  he  ha<l  conti;rred  upon  hi.s  C(juntry. 
For  j)roposing  tliis  decree  ylYsehincs  indicted  Ctesij)hon  ;  hut 
though  the  latter  was  the  n<«ninal  defendant,  it  was  JJeinos- 
thcues  who  was  really  put  ujion  his  trial.  The  ca.se  was  de- 
cided m  330  B.C.,  and  has  been  iiuiiiortalized  by  the  memorable 
and  still  extant  speeches  of  jE.schines  "Against  Ctesiphon,"  and 
of  Demosthenes  "  On  the  Crown."  JEschines,  who  did  not  ob- 
tain a  fifth  part  of  the  votes,  and  consequently  bcparne  hirn.self 
liable  to  a  penalty,  was  so  chagrined  at  his  defeat  that  he  retired 
to  Rhodes. 

^  3.  In  ji.c.  325,  Harpalus  arrived  in  Athens.  Harpalus  was 
a  great  favourite  with  Alexander,  as  he  had  embraced  his  side 
during  his  quarrel  with  his  father,  Philip.  When  Alexander, 
after  the  conquest  of  Persia  and  Media,  determined  to  push  on 
into  the  interior  of  Asia,  in  ])ursuit  of  Darius,  he  left  Harpalus 
at  Ecbataua,  with  6000  Macedonian  troops,  in  charge  of  the  royal 
treasures.  From  thence  he  removed  to  Babylon,  and  aj)pears  to 
have  held  the  important  satrapy  of  that  province  as  well  as  the 
administration  of  the  treasury.  It  was  here  that,  during  the 
absence  of  Alexander  in  India,  he  gave  himself  up  to  the  most 
extravagant  luxury  and  profusion,  squandering  the  treasures  en- 
trusted to  him,  at  the  same  time  that  he  alienated  the  people 
subject  to  his  rule,  by  his  lustful  excesses  and  extortions.  He 
had  probably  thought  that  Alexander  would  never  return  frcm 
the  remote  regions  of  the  East  into  which  he  had  penetrated ; 
»jut  when  he  at  length  learnt  that  the  king  was  on  his  march 
back  to  Susa,  and  had  visited  with  unsparing  rigour  those  of  his 
officers  who  had  been  guilty  of  any  excesses  during  his  absence, 
he  at  once  saw  that  his  onlv  resource  Avas  in  flight.  Collecting 
together  all  the  treasures  which  he  could,  and  assembling  a 
body  of  6000  mercenaries,  he  hastened  to  the  coast  of  Asia,  and 
from  thence  crossed  over  to  Attica.  He  seems  to  have  reckoned 
on  a  favourable  reception  at  Athens,  as  during  the  time  of  his 
prosperity  he  had  made  the  city  a  large  present  of  corn,  in  re- 
turn for  which  he  had  received  the  right  of  citizenship.  At 
first,  however,  the  Athenians  refused  to  receive  him  :  but  bribes 
administered  to  some  of  the  principal  orators  induced  them  to 
alter  their  determination.  Such  a  step  was  tantamount  to  an 
act  of  hostility  against  Macedonia  itself;  and  accordingly  Anti- 
pater  called  upon  the  Athenians  to  deliver  up  Harpalus,  and  to 
bring  to  trial  those  who  had  accepted  his  bribes.  The  Athe- 
nians did  not  venture  to  disobey  these  demands.     Harpalus  was 


B.C.  32o.  LAMIAN  WAR.  565 

put  into  confiiiemeiit,  but  succeeded  in  makinnj  his  escape  from 
prison.  Demosthenes  was  among  the  orators  who  were  brought 
to  trial  lor  corruption.  He  was  declared  to  be  guilty,  and  was  con- 
demned to  pay  a  fine  of  50  talents.  Not  being  able  to  raise  that 
•■sum,  he  was  thrown  into  prison  ;  but  he  contrived  to  make  his 
escape,  and  went  into  exile.  There  are,  however,  good  grounds 
for  doubting  his  guilt  ;  and  it  is  more  probable  that  he  fell  a 
victim  to  the  implacable  hatred  of  the  Macedonian  party.  Upon 
quitting  Athens  Demosthenes  resided  chiefly  at  iEgina  or  Trazen, 
in  sight  of  his  native  land,  and  whenever  he  looked  towards  her 
shores  it  was  observed  that  he  shed  tears. 

^  4.  When  the  news  of  Alexander's  death  reached  Athens,  the 
anti-Macedonian  party,  which,  since  the  exile  of  Demosthenes, 
was  led  by  Hyperides,  carried  all  before  it.  The  people  in  a 
decree  declared  their  determination  to  support  the  liberty  of 
Greece  ;  a  fleet  of  240  triremes  was  ordered  to  be  equipped  ;  all 
citizens  under  40  years  of  age  Avere  commanded  to  enrol  them- 
selves for  service  ;  and  Leosthcnes  was  directed  to  levy  an  army 
of  mercenaries.  Envoys  were  despatched  to  all  the  Grecian 
states  to  announce  the  determination  of  Athens,  and  to  exhort 
them  to  struggle  with  her  for  their  independence.  This  call 
was  responded  to  in  the  Peloponnesus  only  by  the  smaller  states, 
whilst  Sparta,  Arcadia,  and  Achaia  kept  aloof.  In  northern 
Greece  the  confederacy  was  joined  by  most  of  the  states  except 
the  Boeotians  ;  and  Leosthenes  was  appointed  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  allied  forces. 

Phocion,  as  usual,  was  opposed  to  this  war,  thinking  the  forces 
of  Athens  wholly  inadequate  to  sustain  it.  Leosthenes  scolied 
at  him,  and  asked  him  "  What  he  had  ever  done  for  his  country, 
during  the  long  time  that  he  was  general  ?"  "  Do  you  reckon  it 
nothing,"  answered  Phocion,  "  that  the  Athenians  are  buried  iu 
the  sepulchres  of  their  forefathers  ?"  And  when  Leosthenes 
continued  his  pompous  harangues,  Phocion  said  :  "  Young  man, 
your  speeches  resemble  cypress-trees,  which  are  indeed  large  and 
lofty,  but  produce  no  fruit."  "  Tell  us,  then,"  hiterrupted  Hy- 
perides, "  what  will  be  the  proper  time  for  the  Athenians  to 
make  war  ?"  Phocion  answered  :  "  Not  till  young  men  keep  with- 
in the  bounds  of  decorum,  the  rich  contribute  willi  liberality,  and 
the  orators  desist  from  robbing  the  people.  ' 

The  allied  army  assembled  in  the  neighbonrliood  of  Thermo- 
pylae. Antipater  now  advanced  from  the  north,  and  oflered 
battle  in  the  vale  of  the  Spercheus  ;  but  being  deserted  by  his 
Tliessalian  cavalry,  who  went  over  to  liis  opponents  during  the 
heat  of  the  engagement,  he  was  obliged  to  retreat,  and  tlircAV 
himself  into  Lamia,  a  strong  fortress  on  the  Malian  gulf     Leos- 


6.-50  IIISTOUY  OF  GliEECl-l  Chap.  XLV. 

theiies,  desirous  to  finish  tho  war  at  a  blow,  prefiscd  the  sicpe 
with  i\\c  ultiiost  vigour  ;  but  his  assauMs  were  repulsed,  and  be 
was  compelled  to  resort  to  the  slower  method  ol'  a  blockiirle. 
From  this  town  the  contest  between  Antipater  and  tlie  allied 
Greeks  has  been  called  tlie  Larnian  War. 

^  5.  The  novelty  of  a  victory  over  the  Macedonian  arms  was 
received  with  boinidless  exultation  at  Athens,  and  this  feeling  was 
raised  to  a  still  higher  pitch  by  the  arrival  oi'  an  embassy  firm 
Antipater  to  sue  for  peace.  IMiocion  was  bantered  unmercifully. 
He  was  asked  whether  he  woidd  not  like  to  have  done  such  great 
things  as  Leo.sthenes  ?  "Certainly,"  said  he;  "but  I  sliould  not 
have  advised  the  attempting  of  them."  And  when  messenger 
after  messenger  announced  the  successes  of  the  Athenian  arms, 
he  exclaimed  sarcastily,  "  When  shall  we  have  done  conquer- 
ing ?"  The  Athenians  were  so  elated  with  their  good  fortune 
that  they  would  listen  to  no  terms  but  the  miconditional  surren' 
der  of  Antipater.  Meantime  Demosthenes,  thougli  still  an  exile, 
exerted  himself  in  various  parts  of  the  Peloponnesus  in  counter- 
acting the  envoys  of  Antipater,  and  in  endeavouring  to  gain 
adherents  to  the  cause  of  Athens  and  the  allies.  The  Athenians 
in  return  invited  Demosthenes  back  to  his  native  ccuntry,  and  a 
ship  was  sent  to  convey  him  to  Piraeus,  where  he  was  received 
with  extraordinary  honours. 

Meanwhile  Leounatus,  governor  of  the  Hellespontine  Phr}-gia, 
had  appeared  on  the  theatre  of  war  with  an  army  of  20,000  loot 
and  2500  horse.  Leosthenes  had  been  slain  at  Lamia  in  a  sally 
of  the  besieged  ;  and  Antiphilus,  on  whom  the  command  of  the 
allied  army  devolved,  hastened  to  offer  battle  to  Leonnatus 
before  he  could  arrive  at  Lamia.  The  hostile  armies  met  in  one 
of  the  plains  of  Thessaly,  where  Leonnatus  was  killed  and 
his  troops  defeated.  Antipater,  as  soon  as  the  blcckade  of 
Lamia  was  raised,  had  pursued  Antiphilus,  and  on  the  day 
after  the  battle  he  eflected  a  junction  with  the  teaten  aimv  of 
Leonnatus. 

Shortly  afterAvards,  Antipater  was  still  further  reinforced  by 
the  arrival  of  Craterus  with  a  considerable  force  from  Asia  ; 
and  being  now  at  the  head  of  an  army  which  outnumbered  the 
forces  of  the  allies,  he  marched  against  them,  and  gained  a 
decisive  victory  over  them  near  Crannon  in  Thessaly,  on  tlie 
7th  of  August,  B.C.  322.  The  allies  were  now  compelled  to 
sue  for  peace  ;  but  Antipater  refused  to  treat  with  them  except 
as  separate  states,  foreseeing  that  by  this  means  many  would 
be  detached  from  the  confederacy.  The  result  answered  his 
expectations.  One  by  one,  the  various  states  submitted,  till  at 
length  all  had  laid  down  their  arms.     Athens,  the  original  insti- 


B.C.  322.  DEATH  OF  DEMOSTHENES.  557 

gator  of  the  insurrection,  now  lay  at  the  mercy  of  the  conqueror. 
As  Antipater  advanced,  Phocion  used  all  the  influence  which  he 
possessed  with  the  Macedonians  in  favor  of  his  countrjmen ; 
but  he  could  obtain  no  other  terms  than  an  unconditional  sur- 
render. On  a  second  mission,  Phocion  received  the  final  demands 
of  Antipater ;  which  were,  that  the  Athenians  should  deliver  up  a 
certain  luimber  of  their  orators,  among  whom  were  Demosthenes 
and  Hyperides ;  that  their  political  franchise  should  be  limited 
by  a  property  qualification ;  that  they  should  receive  a  Macedo- 
nian garrison  in  Munychia,  and  that  they  should  defray  the  ex- 
pensco  of  the  war.      Such  was  the  result  of  the  Lamian  war. 

§  6.  After  the  return  of  the  envoys  bringing  the  ultimatum  of 
Antipater,  the  sycophant  Demades  procured  a  decree  for  the 
death  of  the  denounced  orators.  Demosthenes,  and  the  other 
persons  compromised,  made  their  escape  from  Athens  before 
the  Macedonian  gan-ison  arrived.  vEgina  was  their  first  place 
of  refuge,  but  they  soon  parted  m  different  directions.  Hyperi- 
des fled  to  the  temple  of  Demeter  at  Hermione  in  Peloponnesus, 
whilst  Demosthenes  took  refuge  in  that  of  Poseidon  in  the  isle 
of  Calaurea,  near  Trcezen.  But  the  satellites  of  Antipater, 
under  the  guidance  of  a  Thurlan  named  Archias,  who  had  for- 
merly been  an  actor,  tore  them  from  their  sanctuaries.  Hj'pe- 
rides  was  carried  to  Athens,  and  it  is  said  that  Antipater  took 
the  brutal  and  cowardly  revenge  of  ordermg  his  tongue  to  be 
cut  out,  and  liis  remains  to  be  thrown  to  the  dogs.  Demosthenes 
contrived  at  least  to  escape  the  insults  of  the  tyrannical  con- 
queror. Archias  at  first  endeavoured  to  entice  him  from  his 
sanctuary  by  the  blandest  promises.  But  Demosthenes,  fore- 
warned, it  is  said,  by  a  dream,  fixing  his  eyes  intently  on  him, 
exclaimed  :  "  Your  acting,  Archias,  never  touched  me  formerly, 
nor  do  your  promises  now."  And  when  Archias  began  to 
employ  threats  :  "  Good,"  said  Demosthenes,  "  now  you  speak 
as  from  the  Macedonian  tripod  ;  before  you  were  only  playing  a 
part.  But  wait  awhile,  and  let  me  WTite  my  last  directions  to 
my  family."  So  taking  his  writing  materials,  he  put  the  reed 
into  his  mouth,  and  bit  it  for  some  time,  as  was  his  custom  when 
composing ;  after  which  he  covered  his  head  with  his  garment 
and  reclined  against  a  pillar.  The  guards  who  accompanied 
Archias,  imaginhig  this  to  be  a  mere  trick,  laughed  and  called 
him  coward,  whilst  Archias  began  to  renew  his  false  persuasions. 
Demosthenes  feeling  the  poison  work — for  such  it  was  that  he 
had  concealed  in  the  reed — now  bade  him  lead  on.  "  You  may 
now,"  said  he,  "  enact  the  pai-t  of  Croon,  and  cast  me  out  un- 
buried  ;  but  at  least,  0  gracious  Poseidon,  I  have  not  polluted 
thy  temple  by  my  death,  which  Antipater  and  his  Macedonians 


f.r,8  HISTORY  OF  GREECR  Chap.  XLV. 

Avoiild  not  have  scnipind  at."  But -whilst  ho  wa.s  (riidfavouring 
1(1  walk  out,  he  fell  down  hy  tlio  altar  and  cxjiin-rl. 

^  7.  Tlie  course  of  cvonts  )iow  carries  us  hack  1o  ihe  East. 
I'ordieca.s  ])ossesscd  more  power  than  any  of  Alexander's  pene- 
rals,  and  was  re^rarded  as  llu;  re<rent  (.1  the  empire.  He  had 
the  custody  of  the  infant  Alexander,  the  sou  of  Alexander  the 
(xreat,  and  the  weak  Philij)  Arrliida-us  was  a  j)uppet  in  liis  liands. 
Perdiccas  liad  at  lir.st  courted  the  alliance  ot  Antipatcr,  and  had 
even  married  his  daujjhter  Niea-a.  But  when  Olympias  oflercd 
him  the  hand  of  her  daughter  Cleopatra,  if  he  would  agsist  her 
against  Antipater,  Perdiccas  resolved  to  divorce  Niceea  at  the 
first  convenient  opportunity,  and  espouse  Cleopatra  in  her  stead, 
believing  that  such  an  alliance  with  the  royal  lamily  would  pave 
his  way  to  the  Macedonian  throne,  to  wliich  he  was  now  aspir- 
ing. His  designs,  however,  were  not  imknowTi  to  Antigonus  and 
Ptolemy ;  and  when  he  attempted  to  bring  Antigonus  to  trial 
lor  some  ofience  in  the  government  cf  his  satrapy,  that  general 
made  his  escape  to  Macedonia,  where  he  revealed  to  Antipatcr 
the  full  extent  of  the  ambitious  schemes  of  Perdiccas,  and  thus 
at  once  induced  Antipater  and  Cvaterus  to  unite  in  a  league 
with  him  and  Ptolemy,  and  openly  declare  Avar  against  the  re- 
gent. Thus  assailed  on  all  sides,  Perdiccas  resohed  to  direct 
his  arms  in  the  first  instance  against  Ptolemy.  In  the  sprirgcf 
B.C.  321  he  accordingly  set  out  on  his  march  against  Egypt,  at 
the  head  of  a  formidable  army,  and  accompanied  Ly  Philip  Ar- 
rhidseus,  and  Eoxana  and  her  infant  son.  He  advanced  withcut 
opposition  as  far  as  Pelusium,  but  he  found  the  tanks  of  the  Kile 
strongly  fortified  and  guarded  by  Ptolemy,  and  was  repulsed  in 
repeated  attempts  to  ibrce  the  passage  of  the  river ;  in  the  last 
of  which,  near  Memphis,  he  lost  great  numbers  of  men,  by  the 
depth  and  rapidity  of  the  current.  Perdiccas  had  never  been 
popular  with  the  soldier}',  and  these  disasters  completely  alien- 
ated their  atiections.  A  conspiracy  was  Ibrmed  against  him. 
and  some  of  his  chief  otKcers  murdered  him  in  his  tent. 

^  8.  The  death  of  Perdiccas  was  ibllowed  by  a  fresh  distribu- 
tion of  the  provinces  ot  the  empire.  At  a  meeting  of  the  gen- 
erals held  at  Triparadisus  in  Syria,  towards  the  end  of  the  year 
321  B.C.,  Antipater  was  declared  regent,  retaining  the  govern- 
ment of  Macedonia  and  Greece  ;  Ptolemy  was  continued  in  the 
government  ol'  Egypt ;  Seleucus  received  the  satrapy  of  Baby- 
lon ;  whilst  Antigonus  not  only  retained  his  old  province,  but 
was  rewarded  with  that  of  Susiana. 

Antipater  did  not  long  survive  these  events.  He  died  in  the 
year  318,  at  the  advanced  age  of  80,  leaA'ing  Polysperchon,  one 
of  Alexander's  oldest  generals  regent ;  much  to  the  surprise  and 


B.C.  321.  TREATY  OF  TRIPARADISUS.  659 

mortification  of  his  son  Cassander,  who  received  only  the  second- 
ary dignity  of  Chiliarch,  or  commander  of  the  cavalry.  Cas- 
sander was  now  bent  on  obtaining  the  regency  ;  but  seeing  no 
hope  of  success  in  Macedonia,  he  went  over  to  Asia  to  soUcit  the 
assistance  of  Antigonus. 

Polysperchon,  on  his  side,  sought  to  concihate  the  friendship 
of  the  Grecian  states,  by  proclaiming  them  all  free  and  inde- 
pendent, and  by  abolishing  the  oligarchies  which  had  been  set 
up  by  Antipater.  In  order  to  enforce  these  measiu-es,  Poly- 
sperchon prepared  to  march  into  Greece,  whilst  his  son  Alex- 
ander was  despatched  beforehand  with  an  army  towards  Athens, 
to  comjiel  the  Macedonian  garrison  under  the  conuuand  of  Nica- 
nor  to  evacuate  Munychia.  Nicanor,  however,  refused  to  move 
without  orders  from  Cassander,  whose  general  he  declared 
himself  to  be.  Phocion  was  suspected  of  intriguing  in  favour  of 
Nicanor,  and  being  accused  of  treason,  fled  to  Alexander,  now^ 
encamped  before  the  Avails  of  Athens.  Alexander  sent  Phocion 
and  the  friends  who  accompanied  him  to  his  father,  who  was 
then  in  Phocis  ;  and  at  the  same  time  an  Athenian  embassy 
arrived  in  Polysperchon's  camp  to  accuse  Phocion.  A  sort  of 
mock  trial  ensued,  the  result  of  which  was  that  Phocion  was 
sent  back  to  Athens  in  chains,  to  be  tried  by  the  Athenian 
people.  The  theatre,  whore  his  trial  was  to  take  place,  was  soon 
full  to  overflowing.  Phocion  was  assailed  on  every  side  by  the 
clamours  of  his  enemies,  which  prevented  his  defence  from  being 
heard,  and  he  was  condemned  to  death  by  a  show  of  hands. 
To  the  last  Phocion  maintained  his  calm  and  dignified,  but 
somewhat  contemptuous  bearing.  When  some  wretched  man 
spat  upon  him  as  he  passed  to  the  prison,  "  Will  no  one,"  said 
he,  "check  this  fellow's  indecency?"  To  one  who  asked  him 
whether  he  had  any  message  to  leave  for  his  son  Phocus,  he  an- 
swered, "  Only  that  he  bear  no  grudge  against  the  Athenians." 
And  when  the  hemlock  which  had  been  prepared  was  found  iu- 
surticient  for  all  the  condemned,  and  the  jailer  would  not  furnish 
more  unless  he  was  paid  for  it,  "  Give  the  man  his  money,"  said 
Phocion  to  one  of  his  friends,  "  since  at  Athens  one  cannot  even 
die  for  nothing."  He  died  in  B.C.  317,  at  the  age  of  85.  The 
Athenians  afterwards  repented  of  their  conduct  towards  Phocion. 
His  bones,  which  had  been  cast  out  on  the  frontiers  of  Megara, 
v/ere  subsequently  bi'ought  back  to  Athens,  and  a  bronze  statue 
was  erected  to  his  memory. 

^  9.  Whilst  Alexander  was  negotiating  with  Nicanor  about 
the  surrender  of  Munychia,  Cassander  arrived  in  the  Pirams  with 
a  considerable  army,  with  which  Antigonus  had  supplied  liim  ; 
and  though  Polysperchon  himself  soon  came  up  with  a  largo 


rjf.O  IIISTOUV  (;F  (;IU':KCE.  Ciiap.  XLV. 

force,  he  limiid  the  I'urtihcalion.s  of  Piru'U.s  too  strong  fc^r  him 
Leaving,  therei'ore,  his  son  to  blockade  the  city,  I'olysperchon 
advanced  with  the  greater  part  of  lii.s  anny  into  the  JVlopon- 
iicsus.  Here  he  laid  siege  to  Megahjpolis  ;  hut  that  town  was 
defended  with  such  extraordinary  elibrts  that  Polysperchori 
was  compelled  to  withdraw.  His  ill  success,  as  well  as  the 
destruction  of  liis  fleet  by  the  fleet  of  Cassander,  produced 
an  unfavourable  turn  in  the  disposition  of  the  Greek  states 
towards  Polyspcrchon,  and  Athens  in  particular  abandoned  his 
alliance  lor  that  of  Cassander,  who  established  an  oligarchical 
government  in  tlie  city  luider  the  presidency  of  Demetrius  of 
Phalerus. 

At  the  same  time  Eurydice,  the  active  and  intriguing  wife  of 
Philip  Arrliida;us,  conceived  the  project  of  throwing  oil' the  yoke 
of  the  regent,  and  concluded  an  alliance  with  Cassander,  while 
she  herself  assembled  an  army  with  which  she  obtained  for  a 
time  the  complete  possession  of  Macedonia.  But  in  the  spring 
of  317  Polyspcrchon,  having  united  his  forces  with  those  of 
JEacides,  king  of  E})irus,  invaded  Macedonia,  accompanied  by 
Olympias.  Eurydice  met  them  with  equal  daring  ;  but  when 
the  mother  of  Alexander  appeared  on  the  field,  surrounded  by  a 
train  in  bacchanalian  style,  the  Macedonians  at  once  declared  in 
her  favour,  and  Eurydice,  abandoned  by  her  own  troops,  fled  to 
Amphipolis,  where  she  soon  fell  into  the  hands  of  Olympias,  who 
put  both  her  and  her  husband  to  death,  with  circumstances  of 
the  greatest  crvielty.  She  next  wreaked  her  vengeance  on  the 
family  of  Antipater,  and  on  the  adherents  of  Cassander.  These 
events  determined  Cassander  to  proceed  with  all  haste  into  Ma- 
cedonia. At  his  approach  Olympias  threw  herself  into  Pydna, 
together  with  Koxana  and  her  son.  Cassander  forthwith  laid 
siege  to  this  place  ;  and  after  a  blockade  of  some  months  it  sur- 
rendered in  the  spring  of  316.  Olympias  had  stipulated  that 
her  life  should  be  spared,  but  Cassander  soon  afterwards  caused 
her  to  be  murdered.  After  the  fall  of  Pydna  all  Macedonia  sub- 
mitted to  Cassander  ;  who,  after  shutting  up  Roxana  and  lier 
son  in  the  citadel  of  Amphipolis,  married  Thessalonica,  a  half- 
sister  of  Alexander  the  Great,  with  the  view  of  strengthenuig  his 
pretensions  to  the  throne. 

Shortly  afterwards  Cassander  marched  into  Greece,  and  be^an 
the  restoration  of  Thebes  (k.c.  315),  in  the  twentieth  year  alter 
its  destruction  by  Alexander,  a  measure  higlily  popular  with  the 
Greeks. 

^  10.  A  new  war  now  broke  out  in  the  east.  Antigonus  h'.d 
become  the  most  powerful  of  Alexander's  successors.  He  had 
ooiiquered  Eumenes,  who  had  long  defied  his  arms,  and  he  now 


B.C.  315.  COALITION  AGAINST  ANTIGONUS.  561 

began  to  dispose  of  the  provinces  as  he  thought  fit.  His  increas- 
ing power  and  ambitious  projects  led  to  a  general  coalition 
against  him,  consisting  of  Ptolemy,  Seleucus,  Cassander,  and 
Lysimachus,  the  governor  of  Thrace.  The  war  began  in  the  yeai 
315,  and  was  carried  on  with  great  vehemence  and  alternate 
success  in  Syria,  Phoenicia,  Asia  Minor,  and  Greece.  After  four 
years  all  parties  became  exhausted  with  the  struggle,  and  peace 
was  accordingly  concluded  in  311,  on  condition  that  the  Greek 
cities  should  be  free,  that  Cassander  should  retain  his  authority 
in  Europe  till  Alexander  came  of  age,  that  Ptolemy  and  Lysi- 
machus should  keep  possession  of  Thrace  and  Egypt  respective- 
ly, and  that  Antigonus  should  have  the  govenmient  of  all  Asia. 
The  name  of  Seleucus  does  not  occur  in  the  treaty. 

This  hollow  peace,  which  had  been  merely  patched  up  for  the 
convenience  of  the  parties  concerned,  was  not  of  long  duration. 
It  seems  to  have  been  the  immediate  cause  of  another  of  those 
crimes  which  disgrace  the  history  of  Alexander's  successors. 
Alexander,  who  had  now  attained  the  age  of  sixteen,  was  still 
shut  up  with  his  motlier  Roxana  in  Amphipolis  ;  and  his  parti- 
sans, with  injudicious  zeal,  loudly  expressed  their  wish  that  he 
should  be  released  and  placed  upon  the  throne.  In  order  to 
avert  this  event  Cassander  contrived  the  secret  murder  both  of 
the  mother  and  the  son. 

§11.  This  abominable  act,  however,  does  not  appear  to  have 
caused  a  breach  of  the  peace.  Ptolemy  was  the  first  to  break 
it  (b.c.  310),  under  the  pretext  that  Antigonus,  by  keeping,  his 
garrisons  in  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia  and  the  islands,  liOj^'not 
respected  that  article  of  the  treaty  which  guaranteed  Grecian 
freedom.  After  the  war  had  lasted  three  years,  Antigonus 
resolved  to  make  a  vigorous  elTort  to  -vATrest  Greece  from  the 
hands  of  Cassander  and  Ptolemy,  who  held  all  the  principal 
towns  in  it.  Accordingly,  in  the  summer  of  307  b.c.  he  de- 
spatched his  son  Demetrius  from  Ephesus  to  Athens,  with  a  fleet 
of  250  sail,  and  5000  talents  in  money.  Demetrius,  who  after- 
wards obtained  the  surname  of  "  Poliorcetes,"  or  "  Besieger  of 
Cities,"  was  a  young  man  of  ardent  temperament  aiid  great 
abilities.  Upon  arriving  at  the  Pira3us,  he  immediately  pro- 
claimed the  object  of  his  expedition  to  be  the  liberation  of 
Athens  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Macedonian  garrison.  Sup- 
ported by  the  Macedonians,  Demetrius  the  Phalereau  had  now 
ruled  Athens  for  a  period  of  more  than  ten  years.  Of  mean 
birth,  Demetrius  the  Phalerean  owed  his  elevation  entirely  to 
his  talents  and  perseverance.  His  skill  as  an  orator  raised  him 
to  distinction  among  his  countrymen  ;  and  his  politics,  which 
led  him  to  embrace  the  party  of  Phocion,  recommended  him  to 

2  B* 


662  HISTORY  OF  GREECR  Chai-.  XLV. 

Cassjuulcr  and  IIk;  Maffdoniajis.  He  cultivated  inaiiy  IfranchcH 
oi"  literature,  and  \va8  at  once  an  historian,  a  jiliildwiplifr,  ariJ 
a  poet;  but  none  ol'liis  works  have  corne  down  to  us.  During 
the  first  j)criod  of  his  administration  he  appears  to  liave  [roverned 
wisely  and  equitably,  to  have  irn|iroved  the  Athenian  laws,  and 
to  have  adorned  the  city  with  useful  buildings.*  But  in  spite  ol' 
his  pretensions  to  philoi^ojthy,  the  ])ossession  of  inicontrollcd  pow- 
er soon  altered  his  character  for  the  worse,  and  he  became  re- 
markable for  luxury,  ostentation,  and  sensuality.  Hence  he  grad- 
ually lost  the  j)opularily  which  he  had  once  enjoyed,  and  which 
had  prompted  the  Athenians  to  raise  to  him  no  liver  than  3G0 
bron/.e  statues,  most  of  them  equestrian.  The  Athenians  heard 
with  pleasure  the  ])Voclamations  of  the  son  of  Antigonus  ;  his 
namesake,  the  Phalerean,  was  obliged  to  surrender  the  city  to 
him,  and  to  close  his  political  career  by  retiring  to  Thebes.  The 
Macedonian  garrison  in  Munychia  offered  a  slight  resistance, 
which  was  soon  overcome.  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  then  formal- 
ly announced  to  the  Athenian  assembly  the  restoration  of  their 
ancient  constitution,  and  promised  them  a  large  donative  of  com 
and  ship-timber.  This  munificence  was  repaid  by  tlie  Athenians 
with  the  basest  and  most  abject  flattery.  Both  Demetrius  and 
his  father  were  deified,  and  two  new  tribes,  those  of  Antigonias 
and  Demetrius,  were  added  to  the  existing  ten  wliich  derived 
their  names  from  the  ancient  heroes  of  Attica. 

^  12.  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  did  not,  liowever,  remain  long  at 
Athens.  Early  in  306  b.c.  he  was  recalled  by  his  father,  and, 
saihng  to  Cyprus,  undertook  the  siege  of  h^alamis.  Ptolemy  has- 
tened to  its  relief  with  140  vessels  and  10,000  troops.  The  bat- 
tle that  ensued  Avas  one  of  the  most  memorable  in  the  annals  of 
ancient  naval  Avarlhre,  more  particularly  en  account  of  the  vast 
size  of  the  vessels  engaged.  Ptolemy  was  ccmpletely  defeated  : 
and  so  important  was  the  victory  deemed  by  Antigt  nus,  that  on 
the  strength  of  it  he  assumed  the  title  of  king,  A\hich  lie  also 
conferred  upon  his  son.  This  example  was  followed  by  Ptokmy, 
Seleucus,  and  Lysimachus. 

Encouraged  by  their  success  at  Cyprus,  Antigonus  and  Deme- 
trius made  an  attempt  upon  Eg}pt,  which,  however,  proved  a 
disastrous  failure.  By  way  of  revenge,  Demetrius  undertook  au 
expedition  a-jahist  Rhodes,  which  had  refused  its  aid  in  the 
attack  upon  Ptolemy.  It  was  from  the  memorable  siege  of 
Rhodes  that   Demetrius  obtained   his    name    of  '•  Polioi-cetes." 

*  A  census -w hi cli  Demetrius  took  of  the  population  of  Attica,  proba- 
bfy  in  309  b.c,  the  year  of  his  archonsliip,  gave  21,000  freemen,  10,000 
luetics,  or  resident  aliens,  and  tlie  amazing  number  of  400,000  slaves. 
The  wives  and  families  of  the  free  DODulation  must  of  course  he  added. 


B.C.  301.  BATTLE  OF  IPSU3.  563 

After  in  vain  attempting  to  take  the  town  from  the  sea-side,  by- 
means  of  floating  batteries,  from  whicli  stones  of  enormous 
weight  were  hurled  from  engines  with  incredible  force  against 
the  walls,  he  determined  to  alter  his  plan  and  invest  it  on  the 
land-side.  With  the  assistance  of  Epimachus,  an  Athenian  en- 
gineer, he  constructed  a  machine  which,  in  anticipation  of  its 
effect,  was  called  Helepuhs,  or  "  thecity  taker."  This  was  a  square 
v/oodsn  tower,  150  feet  high,  and  divided  into  nine  stories,  filled 
.vith  arm^d  men,  Avho  discharged  missiles  through  apertures  in 
che  sides.  When  armed  and  prepared  for  attack,  it  required  the 
strength  of  2300  men  to  set  this  enormous  machine  in  motion. 
But  though  this  formidable  engine  was  assisted  by  the  operation 
of  two  battering-rams,  each  150  feet  long  and  propelled  by  the 
labour  of  1000  men,  the  Rhodians  were  so  active  in  repairing 
th3  breaches  made  in  their  walls,  that  after  a  year  spent  in  the 
vain  attempt  to  take  the  town,  Demetrius  was  forced  to  retire 
and  grant  the  Rhodians  peace. 

§  13.  Whilst  Demetrius  was  thus  employed,  Cassander  had 
mide  great  progress  in  reducing  Greece.  He  had  taken  Corinth, 
and  was  besieging  Athens,  when  Demetrius  entered  the  Euripus. 
Ca5;auder  immediately  raised  the  siege,  and  was  subsequently 
defeated  in  an  action  near  Thermopylaj.  When  Demetrius  en- 
tered Athens,  he  was  received  as  beibre  with  the  most  extrava- 
gant flatteries.  He  remained  two  or  three  years  in  Greece,  during 
which  his  superiority  over  Cassander  was  decided,  though  no 
great  battle  was  fought. 

In  the  spring  of  301  b.c.  he  was  recalled  by  his  father  Anti- 
gonus,  who  stood  in  need  of  his  assistance  against  Lysimachus 
and  Seleucus.  In  the  course  of  the  same  year  the  struggle  be- 
tween Antigonus  and  his  rivals  was  brought  to  a  close  by  the 
battle  of  Ipsus  in  Phrygia,  in  which  Antigonus  was  killed,  and 
his  army  completely  defeated.  Antigonus  had  attained  the  age 
of  81  at  the  time  of  his  death.  Demetrius  retreated  with  the 
remnant  of  the  army  to  Ephesus,  whence  he  sailed  to  Cyprus, 
and  afterwards  proposed  to  go  to  Athens  ;  but  the  Athenians, 
alienated  by  his  lil-tbrtune  at  Ipsus,  refused  to  receive  him.  Sc- 
leucus  and  Lysimachus  shared  between  them  the  possessions  of 
Antigonus.  Lysimachus  seems  to  have  Imd  the  greater  part  of 
Asia  Minor,  whilst  the  whole  country  from  the  coast  of  Syria  to 
the  Euphrates,  as  well  as  a  part  of  Phrygia  and  Cappadocia,  fell 
to  the  share  of  Seleucus.  The  latter  Ibunded  on  llie  Orontcs 
a  new  capital  of  his  empire,  whicli  he  named  after  his  father 
Antioch.  Tile  fall  of  Antigonus  secured  Cassander  in  tlie  jjos- 
session  of  Greece,  though  it  does  not  appear  that  any  formal 
treaty  was  entered  into  i'or  that  purpose . 


Group  of  Dircc.    From  the  Museum  at  Naples. 


CHAPTER  XLYI. 

FROM    THE    BATTLE    OF    irSUS    TO    THE    CONQUEST  OF    GREECE   BY 
THE   ROMANS. 


§  1.  Proceedings  of  Demetrius  Poliorcetes.  He  captures  Athens.  §2. 
Obtains  tlie  Macedonian  crown.  His  flight  and  death.  §.3.  Lysimachus 
reigns  over  Macedonia.  He  is  defeated  and  slain  bv  Seleucus.  §  4.  Se- 
leucus  assassinated  by  Ptolemy  Ceraunus.  Invasion  of  the  Celts,  and 
death  of  Ptolemy  Ceraunus.  §  5.  AntigonusGonatas  ascends  the  Mace- 
donian throne.  Death  of  Pyrrhus  of  Epirus.  Chremonidean  ^svar.  §6. 
The  Achsean  League.  §  7.  State  of  Sparta.  Reforms  of  Agis  and  CI eo- 
menes.  The  Cleomenic  vr&v.  §  8.  The  JEtolian  League.  §  9.  The 
Social  War.  §10.  WarbetweenPhilipandthcRomans.  §11.  Philopce- 
men.  §  12.  Second  war  between  Philip  and  the  Romans.  Battle  of 
Cynoscephalse.  §  13.  Defeat  of  Antioehus,  and  subjugation  of  the 
^tolians  by  the  Romans.  §  14.  Extension  of  the  Achsean  League. 
Conquest  of  Sparta.  Death  of  Philopoemen.  §  15.  War  between 
Perseus  and  the  Romans.  Conquest  of  Macedonia.  §  16.  Proceodings 
of  the  Romans  in  Greece.  §  17.  Athens  and  Oropus.  War  between 
the  Achfcans  and  Spartans.  §  18.  The  Spartans  appeal  to  the  Romane, 
who  reduce  Greece  into  a  Roman  province. 

^  1.  After  his  repulse  from  Athens,  Demetrius  proceeded 
towards  Peloponnesus,  but  found  that  his  allies  in  that  quarter 
had  also  abondoned  him  and  embraced  the  cause  of  Cass^nder. 


B.C.  294.  DEilETRIUS  GAINS  MACEDONIA.  565 

He  was,  however,  neither  ruined  nor  discouraged.  On  leaving 
the  Peloponnesus  (b.c.  300)  he  proceeded  to  the  Thracian  Cher- 
sonese, and  ravaged  the  territory  of  Lysiniachus.  Whilst  en- 
gaged in  this  expedition  he  was  agreeably  surprised  by  receiv- 
ing an  embassy  irorn  Seleucus,  by  which  that  monarch  solicited 
his  daughter  Stratonice  in  marriage.  Demetrius  gladly  granted 
the  request,  and  found  himself  so  much  strengthened  by  this 
alliance,  that  in  the  spring  of  the  year  296  he  was  in  a  con- 
dition again  to  attack  Athens,  which  he  captured  after  a 
long  siege,  and  drove  out  the  bloodthirsty  tyrant  Lachares, 
wdio  had  been  established  there  by  Cassander.  Such  was  thq 
extremity  of  famine  to  which  the  Athenians  had  been  reduced, 
that  we  are  told  of  a  father  and  son  quarrelling  for  a  dead 
mouse  ;  and  the  plulosopher  Epicurus  supported  himself,  and 
the  society  over  which  he  presided,  by  dividing  amongst  them 
daily  a  small  quantity  of  beans.  On  becoming  master  of  the 
city,  Demetrius,  much  to  the  surprise  of  the  Athenians,  treated 
them  with  great  lenity  and  indulgence,  and  in  consideration  of 
their  distresses,  made  them  a  present  of  a  large  quantity  of  com. 
^  2.  Meanwhile  Cassander  had  died  shortly  before  the  siege  of 
Athens,  and  was  succeeded  on  the  throne  of  Macedon  by  his 
eldest  son,  Philip  IV.*  But  that  young  prince  died  in  295,  and 
the  succession  was  disputed  between  his  two  brothers,  Antipater 
and  Alexander.  Their  mother  Thessalonica,  a  daughter  of  the 
great  Philip,  seems  to  have  been  their  guardian,  and  to  have 
attempted  to  arrange  their  disputes  by  dividing  the  kingdom 
between  them  ;  but  Antipater,  thinking  that  she  favoured  Alex- 
ander, slew  her  with  his  own  hand  in  a  fit  of  jealous  rage. 
Alexander  now  called  in  the  aid  of  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  as 
well  as  of  Demetrius,  who  was  in  the  Peloponnesus  with  his 
army.  Pyrrhus,  as  the  nearest,  was  the  first  to  respond  to  this 
call,  and  elTected  a  partition  of  Macedonia  between  the  two 
brothers ;  an  arrangement,  which,  as  it  weakened  a  neighbouring 
kingdom,  was  favourable  to  his  own  interests.  Shortly  after- 
wards (294)  Demetrius,  who  saw  in  the  distracted  state  of  Mace- 
donia an  opening  for  his  own  ambitious  designs,  appeared  in 
that  comitry  with  his  forces.  Alexander  having  joined  him  with 
his  army,  Demetrius  caused  that  young  prince  to  be  assassinated, 
and  was  saluted  king  by  the  troops.  Demetrius  reigned  over 
Macedonia,  and  the  greater  part  of  Greece,  about  seven  years. 
He  aimed  at  recovering  the  whole  of  his  father's  dominions 
in  Asia  ;  but  before  he  was  ready  to  take  the  field,  his  adver- 
saries,   alarmed    at    his    preparations,    determined    to    forestall 

*  Philip  Arrliidseus  is  called  Philip  III. 


C.66  IIISTOIIY  OF  GREECH  Chap.  XLVL 

liiiii.  Ill  iho  Bj)nii<^  of  li.c.  2^)7,  Ptolemy  sent  a  jwwerful  fleC. 
aj^ainst  (Jreeco,  wliilo  Pyrrlnis  on  the  (tne  side  and  Lys-iinachuw 
on  ihc  other  KinuiUaneously  invaded  ^lacedonia.  JJeruetiins  had 
(•onii)le1ely  alienated  his  own  .«nhjeet.s  hy  his  jiroud  and  hauglity 
heaiiii<r,  and  hy  his  lavish  expenditine  on  his  own  luxuries; 
while  Pyrrhus  by  his  penerosily,  aiiahility,  and  dariiif.'  eouragc, 
had  beeowie  the  hero  ol"  the  Maecdonians,  who  looked  ujjon  hirn 
as  a  R'cond  Alexander.  The  apjiearanee  of  Pyrrhus  was  the 
ci-rnal  for  revolt:  the  ^Macedonian  troo])s  Hocked  to  hisslandard, 
and  Demetrius  was  comjielled  to  fly.  Pyrrhus  now  ascended  the 
throne  of  Macedonia  ;  but  his  reifrn  was  ol  brief  duration  ;  and 
at  the  end  of  seven  months  he  was  in  turn  driven  out  by  Lysi- 
machus.  Demetrius  made  several  attempts  to  regain  his  jjower 
in  Greece,  and  then  set  sail  for  Asia,  where  he  successively  endea- 
voured to  establish  himself  in  the  territories  of  Lysimaclius,  and 
of  his  son-in-law  tSeleucus.  Falling  at  length  into  the  hands 
of  the  latter,  he  was  kept  in  a  khid  of  magniticent  captivity  in  a 
royal  residence  in  Syria  ;  where,  in  2b'S,  at  the  early  age  of  55, 
his  chequered  career  was  brc  ght  to  a  close,  partly  hy  chagrin, 
and  partly  by  the  sensual  indulgences  with  which  he  endea- 
voured to  divert  it. 

§  3.  The  history  of  Alexander's  successors  continued  to  be 
marked  to  the  end  by  the  same  ambition,  the  same  dissen- 
sions, and  the  same  crimes  which  had  stained  it  from  the  first. 
The  power  of  Lysimachus  had  been  greatly  increased  by  the 
acquisition  of  Macedonia  ;  and  he  now  found  himself  in  posses- 
sion of  all  the  dominions  in  Europe  that  had  formed  j)art  of  the 
Macedonian  monarchy,  as  well  as  of  the  greater  part  of  Asia 
Minor.  Of  Alexander's  immediate  successors,  Lysimachus  and 
Seleucus  were  the  only  two  remaining  competitors  for  power; 
and  with  the  exception  of  Egypt,  those  two  sovereigns  divided 
Alexander's  empire  between  them.  In  Egypt  the  aged  Ptolemy 
had  abdicated  in  285  in  favour  of  his  son  by  Berenice,  afterwards 
known  as  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  and  to  the  exclusion  of  his  eldest 
son,  Ptolemy  Ccraunus,  by  his  wife  Eurydice.  Ptolemy  Ceraunus 
quitted  Egypt  in  disgust,  and  fled  to  the  court  cf  Lysimachus ; 
and  although  Arsinoe,  the  wife  of  Lysimachus,  was  own  sister  to 
his  rival,  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  he  succeeded  in  gaining  her  entire 
confidence.  Arsinoe,  jealous  of  her  stepson  Agathocles,  the  heir 
apparent  to  the  throne,  and  desirous  of  securing  the  succession 
for  her  own  children,  conspired  with  Ptolemy  Ceramms  against 
his  life.  She  even  procured  the  consent  ol'  Lysimachus  to  liis 
murder  ;  and  after  some  vain  attempts  to  make  away  with  him 
by  poison,  he  Avas  flung  into  })rison,  where  Ptolemy  Ceraunus 
dc;s])atch.ed  him  with  l;is  own  hand.      Lysandra,  tb.e  mother  cf 


B.C.  280.  INVASION  OF  THE  CELTS.  567 

Agathocles,  fled  with  the  rest  of  her  family  to  Seleucus,  to  de- 
mand from  him  protection  and  vengeance  :  and  Seleucus,  induced 
by  the  hopes  of  success,  inspired  by  the  discontent  and  dissen- 
sions which  so  foul  an  act  had  excited  among  the  subjects  of 
Lysimachus,  espoused  her  cause.  The  hostilities  which  ensued 
between  him  and  Lysimachus  were  brought  to  a  termination 
by  the  battle  of  Corupedion,  fought  near  Sardis  in  281,  in  which 
Lysimachus  was  deieated  and  slain.  By  this  victory,  Macedo- 
nia, and  the  whole  of  Alexander's  empire,  with  the  exception  of 
Egypt,  southern  Syria,  Cyprus,  and  part  of  Phoenicia,  fell  under 
the  sceptre  of  Seleucus. 

^  4.  That  monarch,  who  had  not  beheld  his  native  land  since 
he  first  joined  the  expedition  of  Alexander,  now  crossed  ihe 
Hellespont  to  take  possession  of  Macedonia.  Ptolemy  Ceraunus, 
who  after  the  battle  of  Corupedion  had  thrown  himself  on  the 
mercy  of  Seleucus,  and  had  been  received  with  forgiveness  and 
favour,  accompanied  him  on  this  journey.  The  murder  of  Aga- 
thocles had  not  been  committed  by  Ptolemy  merely  to  oblige 
Arsinoe.  He  had  even  then  designs  upon  the  supreme  power, 
which  he  now  completed  by  another  crime.  As  Seleucus  stepped 
to  sacrifice  at  a  celebrated  altar  near  Lysimachia  in  Thrace, 
Ptolemy  treacherously  assassinated  him  by  stabbing  him  in  the 
back  (280).  After  this  base  and  cowardly  act,  Ptolemy  Ceraunus, 
who  gave  himself  out  as  the  avenger  of  Lysimachus,  was,  by  one 
of  those  movements  wholly  inexplicable  to  our  modern  notions, 
saluted  king  by  the  army  ;  but  the  Asiatic  dominions  of  Seleucus 
fell  to  liis  son  Antiochus,  surnamed  Soter.  The  crime  of  Ptole- 
my, however,  was  speedily  overtaken  by  a  just  punishment.  In 
the  very  same  year  his  kingdom  of  Macedonia  and  Thrace  was 
invaded  by  an  immense  host  of  Celts,  and  Ptolemy  fell  at  the 
head  of  the  forces  which  he  led  against  them.  A  second  inva- 
sion of  the  same  barbarians  compelled  the  Greeks  to  raise  a 
force  for  their  defence,  which  was  entrusted  to  the  command  of 
the  Athenian  Callippus  (b.c,  279).  On  this  occasion  the  Celts, 
attracted  by  the  report  of  treasures  which  were  now  ju'riiajis 
little  more  than  an  empty  name,  penetrated  as  far  southwards 
as  Delphi,  with  the  view  of  plundering  the  temple.  The  god, 
it  is  said,  vindicated  his  sanctuary  on  this  occasion  in  the  same 
supernatural  manner  as  when  it  was  attacked  by  the  Persians  : 
it  is  at  all  events  certain  that  the  Celts  were  repulsed  with  great 
loss,  including  that  of  their  leader  Brennus.  Nevertheless  some 
of  their  tribes  succeeded  in  establishing  themselves  near  the 
Danube;  others  settled  on  the  sea-coast  of  Thrace;  whilst  a 
third  portion  passed  over  into  Asia,  and  gave  their  name  to  the 
country  called  fi alalia. 


0«8  HISTORY  OF  GREIX'R  Chap.  XLVL 

IjC).  After  llio  df-ath  of  Ptolemy  Ccraiiiius,  Macedonia  fell  for 
some  time  into  a  state  of  aiiarehy  and  eonfusion,  and  the  crown 
was  di.s|)uted  by  neveral  pretenders.  At  lenfrth,  in  27^,  Anti- 
goinis  (Toiiatas,  son  of  Demetrius  Poliorcetes,  succeeded  in  es- 
tablishing himself  on  the  throne  of  Macedonia ;  and,  with  the 
exception  of  two  or  three  years  (271-272)  duriiif^  which  he  was 
temporarily  expelled  by  Pyrrhus,  he  continued  to  retain  posses- 
sion of  it  till  his  death  in  2'->'J.  The  struggle  between  Antigonus 
and  Pyrrhus  was  brought  to  a  close  at  Argos,  in  272.  Pyrrhus 
had  marched  into  the  Peloponnesus  with  a  large  force  in  order 
to  make  war  upon  S|)arta,  but  with  the  collateral  design  of  re- 
ducing the  places  which  still  held  out  for  Antigonus.  PjTrhus, 
having  failed  in  an  attempt  to  take  Sparta,  marched  against 
Argos,  where  Antigonus  also  arrived  with  his  forces.  Both  ar- 
mies entered  the  city  by  opposite  gates  ;  and  in  a  battle  which 
ensued  in  the  streets,  Pyrrhus  was  struck  from  his  horse  by  a 
tile  hurled  by  a  woman  from  a  house  top,  and  was  then  de- 
spatched by  some  soldiers  of  Antigonus.  Such  was  the  inglo- 
rious end  of  one  of  the  bravest  and  most  warlike  monarchs  of 
antiquity ;  whose  character  for  moral  virtue,  though  it  would 
not  stand  the  test  of  modern  scrutiny,  shone  out  conspicuously 
in  comparison  with  that  of  contemporary  sovereigns  ;  but  whose 
enterprises,  undertaken  rather  from  the  love  of  action  than  from 
any  well-directed  ambition,  were  rendered  abortive  by  their  de- 
sultoiy  nature. 

Antigonus  Gonatas  now  made  himself  master  of  the  greater 
part  of  Peloponnesus,  which  he  governed  by  means  of  tyrants 
whom  he  established  in  various  cities.  He  then  applied  himself 
to  the  reduction  of  Athens,  whose  defence  was  assisted  by  an 
Egyptian  fleet  and  a  Spartan  army.  This  war,  which  is  some- 
times called  the  Chremonideau  Avar,  from  the  Athenian  Chre- 
monides,  who  played  a  conspicuous  part  in  defending  the  city, 
lasted  six  or  seven  years,  and  reduced  the  Athenians  to  great 
misery.     Athens  was  at  length  taken,  probably  in  2G2. 

^  6.  While  all  Greece,  with  the  exception  of  Sparta,  seemed 
hopelessly  prostrate  at  the  feet  of  Macedonia,  a  new  political 
power,  which  sheds  a  lustre  on  the  declining  period  of  Grecian 
history,  arose  in  a  small  province  in  Peloponnesus,  of  which  the 
very  name  has  been  hitherto  rarely -mentioned  since  the  heroic 
age.  In  Achaia,  a  narrow  slip  of  country  upon  the  shores  of 
the  Corinthian  gulf,  a  league,  chiefly  for  religious  purposes,  had 
existed  from  a  very  early  period  among  the  twelve  chief  cities 
of  the  province.  This  league,  however,  had  never  possessed 
much  political  importance,  and  it  had  been  finally  suppressed 
by  the  Macedonians.     At  the  time  of  which  we  are  speaking 


B.C.  251.  ACH^AN  LEAGUE.  569 

Antigonus  Gonatas  was  in  possession  of  all  the  cities  formerly 
belonging  to  the  league,  either  by  means  of  his  garrisons  or  of 
the  tyrants  who  were  subservient  to  him.  It  was,  however,  this 
very  oppression  that  led  to  a  more  efficient  revival  of  the  league. 
The  Achaean  towns,  now  only  ten  in  number,  as  two  had  been 
destroyed  by  earthquakes,  began  gradually  to  coalesce  again ;  a 
process  which  was  much  facilitated  after  Antigonus  had  with- 
drawn from  Greece  to  take  up  his  residence  at  Pella,  where  the 
affairs  of  Macedonia  chiefly  occupied  his  attention.  But  Aratus 
of  Sicyon,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  characters  of  this  period 
of  Grecian  history,  was  the  man  who,  about  the  year  251  B.C., 
first  called  the  new  league  into  active  political  existence.  Aratus 
was  one  of  those  characters  who,  though  not  deficient  in  bold- 
ness and  daring,  seem  incapable  of  exerting  these  qualities 
except  in  stratagems  and  ambuscades.  He  had  long  lived  in 
exile  at  Argos,  whilst  his  native  city  groaned  under  the  dominion 
of  a  succession  of  tyrants.  Having  collected  a  band  of  exiles, 
Aratus  surprised  Sicyon  in  the  night  time,  and  drove  out 
the  last  and  most  unpopiilar  of  these  tyrants.  Instead  of  seizing 
the  tyraimy  for  himself,  as  he  might  easily  have  done,  Aratus 
consulted  only  the  advantage  of  his  country,  and  with  this  view 
united  Sicyon  with  the  Achaean  league.  The  accession  of  so 
important  a  tov/n  does  not  appear  to  have  altered  the  con- 
stitution of  the  confederacy.  The  league  was  governed  by  a 
Strategus,  or  general,  whose  functions  were  both  military  and 
civil ;  a  Grcwwiateus,  or  secretary,  and  a  council  o{ ten  denuurgi. 
The  sovereignty,  however,  resided  in  the  general  assembly,  which 
met  twice  a  year  in  a  sacred  grove  near  /Egium.  It  was  com- 
posed of  every  Achaean  who  had  attained  the  age  of  thirty,  and 
possessed  the  right  of  electing  the  officers  of  the  league,  and  of 
deciding  all  questions  of  war,  peace,  foreign  alliances,  and  the 
like.  In  the  year  245  B.C.  Aratus  was  elected  Strategus  of  the 
league,  and  again  in  243.  In  the  latter  of  these  years  he  suc- 
ceeded in  wresting  Corinth  from  the  Macedonians  by  another 
nocturnal  surprise,  and  uniting  it  to  the  league.  The  confe- 
deracy now  spread  with  wonderful  rapidity.  It  was  soon  joined 
by  Trcezen,  Epidaurus,  Hermione,  and  other  cities  ;  and  ulti- 
mately embraced  Athens,  Megara,  ^Egina,  Salamis,  and  the  whole 
Peloponnesus,  with  the  exception  of  Sparta,  Elis,  and  some  of 
the  Arcadian  towns. 

§  7.  Sparta,  it  is  true,  still  contiimed  to  retain  her  independ- 
ence, but  without  a  shadow  of  lier  former  greatness  and  power. 
The  primitive  simplicity  of  Spartan  manners  had  been  com- 
pletely destroyed  by  the  collection  of  wealth  into  a  few  hands, 
and  by  the  consequent  progi-ess  of  luxury.     The   number  of 


670  HISTORY  OF  OliEIX'E.  Cum:  XLVl 

Spartan  citizens  had  bcfn  reduced  to  700  ;  but  even  of  ihcRc  there 
were  not  above  a  Juindred  who  posHei-t>ed  a  suflieient  quantity 
of  land  lo  maintain  themselves  in  indejiendence.  The  tSjiartan 
kinjrs  had  ceased  to  be  the  patriotic  servants  and  {generals  of  their 
country.  Like  the  amdottieri  of  more  modern  times,  they  were 
accuslomed,  since  the  time  of  Alex;;nder  the  Great,  to  let  cut 
their  services  to  the  hifrhest  bidder  ;  and  no  longer  content  with 
the  sir!iple  habits  of  their  forefathers,  they  repaired  to  foreign 
courts  in  order  to  squander  the  wealth  thus  acquired  in  lux- 
uries wliich  they  could  not  procure  at  home.  The  young  king, 
Agis  lY.,  who  succeeded  to  the  crown  in  211,  attempted  to 
revive  the  ancient  Spartan  virtue,  by  restoring  the  institutions 
of  Lycurgus,  by  cancelling  all  debts,  and  by  making  a  new  distri- 
bution of  lands  ;  and  with  this  view  he  relinquished  all  his  own 
property,  as  well  as  that  of  his  family,  for  the  public  good. 
These  reforms,  though  promoted  by  one  of  the  Ephors,  were 
opposed  by  Leonidas,  the  colleague  of  Agis  in  tlie  monarchy, 
who  rallied  the  majority  of  the  more  wealthy  citizens  around 
him.  Agis  and  his  party  succeeded,  however,  in  deposing  Leo- 
nidas, and  for  a  time  his  plans  promised  to  be  successful  ;  but 
having  undertaken  an  expedition  to  assist  Aratus  r.gainst  the 
^tolians,  the  opposite  party  took  advantage  of  his  absence  to 
reinstate  Leonidas,  and  when  Agis  returned,  he  was  put  to 
death  (211).  But  a  few  years  afterwards,  Clecmcnes,  the  sen  cf 
Leonidas,  succeeded  in  eflccting  the  reforms  which  had  bceii 
contemplated  by  Agis  ;  a  course  which  he  was  probably  induced 
to  take  by  the  widow  of  Agis,  whom  he  had  married.  It  was 
his  military  successes  that  enabled  Cleomenes  to  cany  cut  his 
political  views.  Aratus,  in  his  zeal  for  extending  the  Achseau 
confederacy,  attempted  to  seize  the  Arcadian  towns  cf  Orcho- 
menus,  Tegea,  and  Mantinea,  which  the  ^Etolians  had  ceded  to 
Sparta,  whereupon  a  war  ensued  (227-22G)  in  which  the  forces  cf 
the  league  were  defeated  by  Cleomenes.  The  latter  then  sud- 
denly returned  home  at  the  head  of  his  victorious  araiy,  and  after 
putting  the  Ephors  to  death,  proceeded  to  carry  out  the  reforms 
projected  by  Agis,  as  well  as  several  others  which  regarded  mili- 
tary disci})line.  The  efi'ect  of  these  new  measures  soon  became 
visible  in  the  increased  success  of  the  Spartan  arms.  Aratus 
was  so  hard  pressed  that  he  was  compelled  to  solicit  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Macedonians.  Both  AntigonusGonatas  and  his  son 
Demetrius  IL — who  had  reigned  in  Macedonia  from  239  to  229 
B.C. — were  now  dead,  and  the  government  was  administered  by 
Antigonus  Doson,  as  guardian  of  Philip,  the  youthful  son  of 
Demetrius  II.  Antigonus  Doson,  who  obtained  the  latter  sur- 
name from  his  readiness  in  making  promises,  "was  the  grandson 


B.C.  220.  ^ETOLIAN  LEAGUE.  571 

of  Demetrius  Poliorcetes,  and  the  nephew  of  Antigonus  Gonatas. 
The  Macedonians  compelled  him  to  accept  the  crown  ;  but  he 
I'emained  faitlii'ul  to  his  trust  as  guardian  of  Philip,  whose  mo- 
ther he  married  ;  and  though  he  had  children  of  his  own  by  her, 
yet  Philip  succeeded  him  on  his  death.  It  was  to  Antigorms 
Doson  that  Aratus  applied  for  assistance  ;  and  in  223  the  Mace- 
donian king  marched  into  the  Peloponnesus  and  compelled  Cleo- 
menes  to  retire  into  Laconia.  This  war  between  Cleomenes  and 
Aratus,  which  is  called  the  Cleomenic  war,  lasted  altogether 
about  six  years.  It  broke  out  in  227,  and  was  not  brought  to  a 
close  till  two  years  after  the  intervention  of  Doson.  After  his 
defeat  Cleomenes  raised  a  considerable  sum  by  allowing  6000 
Helots  to  purchase  their  freedom  ;  and  having  thus  recruited 
his  army,  he  in  the  following  year  attacked  and  destroyed  Mega- 
lopolis. He  afterwards  pushed  his  successes  up  to  the  very 
walls  of  Argos  ;  but  in  221  he  was  totally  defeated  by  Antigonus 
Doson  in  the  fatal  battle  of  Sellasia  in  Laconia.  Tlie  army  of 
Cleomenes  was  almost  totally  annihilated  ;  he  himself  was  obliged 
to  fly  to  Egypt  ;  and  Sparta,  which  for  many  centuries  had  re- 
mained unconquered,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victor. 

^  8.  Antigonus,  however,  did  not  live  long  to  enjoy  his  success. 
Before  the  end  of  the  year  he  was  recalled  to  Macedonia  by  an 
invasion  of  the  Illyrians,  which  he  repelled,  but  he  shortly  after- 
wards died  of  a  consumption.  He  was  succeeded  by  Phihp  V.. 
the  son  of  Demetrius  II.,  who  was  then  about  sixteen  or  seven- 
teen years  of  age.  His  youth  encouraged  the  vEtolians  to  make 
predatory  incursions  into  the  Peloponnesus.  That  people  were 
a  species  of  freebooters,  and  the  terror  of  their  neighbours ; 
yet  they  were  united,  like  the  Acha3ans,  in  a  confederacy  or 
league.  The  ^Etolian  league  was  a  confederation  of  tribes  in- 
stead of  cities,  like  the  Achaean.  Its  history  is  involved  in  ob- 
scurity ;  but  it  must  at  all  events  have  had  a  fixed  constitution 
even  in  the  time  of  Pliilip  and  Alexander  the  Great,  since  Aris- 
totle wrote  a  treatise  on  it ;  and  after  the  death  of  Alexander 
we  find  the  League  taking  a  prominent  part  in  the  Lamian  war. 
The  diet  or  council  of  the  league,  called  the  Pauffitolicuin,  assem- 
bled every  autumn,  generally  at  Thermon,  to  elect  the  strategus 
and  other  officers  ;  but  the  details  of  its  affairs  were  conducted 
by  a  committee  called  Apndcfi,  who  seem  to  liave  formed  a  .sort 
of  permanent  council.  The  iEtolians  had  availed  themselves  of 
the  disorganised  state  of  Greece  consequent  upon  the  death  of  ■ 
Alexander  to  extend  their  power,  and  had  gradually  made  them- 
selves masters  of  Locris,  Phocis,  Bocotia,  together  with  portions 
of  Acarnania,  Thessaly,  and  Epirus.  Thus  both  the  Amphic- 
tjonic  Council  and  the  oracle  of  Delphi  were  in  their  power. 


672  HISTORY  OF  GUEECK.  Chap.  XLVl. 

Tli«v  li.'ul  early  wrested  Nanpactus  frfun  llie  Aeha.-auB,  and  had 
Kubseijueiitly  accjuired  several  relojM)iiiie.sian  cities. 

<j  9.  Such  was  tlie  condition  ot  llie  yKtohan-s  at  the  time  of 
Phihp's  accession.  Soon  alter  tliat  event  we  find  tliern,  under 
the  leader.shij)  of  Doriinachus,  en<ra<(<'d  in  a  scries  of  Ireebooting 
exju-ditions  in  Mes.senia,  and  otlier  parts  of  Peloponnesns.  Aratua 
marched  to  the  assistance  of  tlie  Me.s.senians  at  the  head  of  the 
Acluean  forces,  but  was  totally  defeated  in  a  battle  near  Caphyaj. 
The  Aclueans  now  saw  no  hope  of  safety  except  through  the 
assistance  of  Philip.  That  younff  monarch  was  ambitious  and 
enterprising,  pos.se.ssing  con.-^iderable  military  ability,  and  much 
political  sagacity.  He  readily  listened  to  the  application  of  the 
Aclueans,  and  in  220  entered  into  an  alhance  with  them.  The 
war  which  ensued  between  the  iEtolians  on  one  side,  and  the 
Acha^ans,  assisted  by  Philip,  on  the  other,  and  which  lasted 
about  three  years,  has  been  called  the  Social  Viar.  Philip  gained 
several  victories  over  the  yEtolians,  but  he  concluded  a  treaty 
of  peace  with  them  in  217,  because  he  was  anxious  to  turn  his 
arms  against  another  and  more  formidable  power. 

§  10.  The  great  struggle,  now  going  on  between  Rome  and 
Carthage,  attracted  the  attention  of  the  whole  civilized  world. 
It  was  evident  that  Greece,  distracted  by  intestine  quarrels, 
must  be  soon  swallowed  up  by  whichever  of  those  great 
states  might  prove  successful ;  and  of  the  two,  the  ambition  of 
the  Romans,  who  had  already  gained  a  footing  on  the  eastern 
shores  of  the  Adriatic,  w^as  by  far  the  more  formidable  to 
Greece.  Philip's  inclination  to  take  part  in  the  great  struggle 
in  the  west  was  increased  by  the  news  of  the  overthrow  ol  the 
Romans  at  the  lake  ot"  Trasimene  ;  and  he  therefore  readily 
listened  to  the  advice  and  solicitations  of  Demetrius  of  Pharos, 
who  had  been  driven  by  the  Romans  from  his  Illyrian  domin- 
ions, and  who  now  appealed  to  him  for  assistance.  After  the 
conclusion  of  the  peace  with  the  iEtolians  Philip  prepared  a 
large  licet,  which  he  employed  to  watch  the  movements  of  the 
Romans,  and  in  the  following  year  (21G)  he  concluded  a  treaty 
with  Hannibal,  which,  among  other  clauses,  provided  that  the 
Romans  should  not  be  allowed  to  retain  their  conquests  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  Adriatic.  He  even  meditated  an  invasion 
of  Italy,  and  with  that  view  endeavoured  to  make  himself 
master  of  ApoUonia  and  Oricum.  But  though  he  succeeded  in 
taking  the  latter  city,  the  Romans,  under  M.  Valerius  La-vinus, 
sur])rised  his  camp  whilst  he  was  besieging  ApoUonia  ;  and  as 
they  had  likewise  blockaded  the  mouth  of  the  river  Aous  with 
their  fleet,  Philip  was  compelled  to  burn  his  ships  and  retire. 
Meanwhile  Philip  had  acted  in  a  most  arbitary  manner  in  the 


B.C.  208.  PHILOPCEMEK  573 

affairs  of  Greece  ;  and  when  Aratus  remonstrated  with  him  re- 
specting his  proceedings,  he  got  rid  of"  his  former  friend  and  coun- 
sellor by  means  of  a  slow  and  secret  poison  (b.c.  213). 

When  the  affairs  of  the  Romans  had  begun  to  recover  in  Italy, 
they  directed  their  attention  more  seriously  toM'ards  Greece,  and 
in  the  year  211  concluded  an  alliance  with  the  iEtolians,  who 
were  now  weary  of  peace,  and  declared  war  against  Phihp.  Be- 
fore the  end  of  the  year,  the  Romans  made  themselves  masters 
of  Zacynthus,  with  the  exception  of  the  capital ;  and  having  also 
wrested  (Eniadee  and  Naxos  from  the  Acarnanians  transferred 
these  acquisitions  to  the  iEtolians,  and  retained  the  booty  for  them- 
selves, agreeably  to  the  treaty.  In  the  following  year  the  town  of 
Anticyra  and  the  island  of  ^gina  were  treated  in  a  similar  manner. 

^  11.  In  B.C.  209,  the  Achcsans,  being  hard  pressed  by  the 
jEtolians,  were  again  induced  to  call  in  the  aid  of  Philip.  The 
spirit  of  the  Achieans  was  at  this  time  revived  by  Philipoemen, 
one  of  the  few  noble  characters  of  the  period,  and  who  has  been 
styled  by  Plutarch  "  the  last  of  the  Greeks."  He  was  a  native 
of  Megalopolis  in  Arcadia,  and  had  already  distinguished  him- 
self in  the  Claomenic  Avar,  and  especially  at  the  battle  of  Sellasia, 
which  was  mainly  won  by  a  decisive  charge  which  he  made,  with- 
out orders,  at  the  head  of  the  Megalopolitan  horse.  In  210  he 
was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Achfean  cavalry,  and  in 
208  he  was  elected  Strategus  of  the  League.  In  both  these 
posts  Philoposman  made  great  alterations  and  improvements  in 
the  arms  and  discipline  of  the  Achaean  forces,  which  he  assimi- 
lated to  those  of  the  Macedonian  phalanx.  These  reforms,  as 
well  as  the  public  spirit  with  v/hich  he  had  inspired  the  Achajans, 
were  attended  with  the  most  beneficial  results.  In  207  Philopoe- 
men  gained  at  Mantinea  a  signal  victory  over  the  Laceda?moni- 
ans,  who  had  joined  the  Roman  aUiance  ;  4000  of  them  were 
left  upon  the  field,  and  among  them  Machanidas,  who  had  made 
himself  tyrant  of  Sparta.  This  decisive  battle,  combined  with 
the  withdrawal  of  the  Romans,  who,  being  desirous  of  turning 
their  undivided  attention  towards  Carthage,  had  made  peace 
with  Philip  (205),  secured  for  a  few  years  the  tranquillity  of 
Greece.  It  also  raised  the  fame  of  Philopoemen  to  its  highest 
point ;  and  in  the  next  Nemean  festival,  being  a  second  time 
general  of  the  league,  he  was  hailed  by  the  assembled  Greeks  as 
the  liberator  of  their  country. 

M2.  Upon  the  conclusion  of  the  second  Punic  war,  tlie  Ro- 
mans renewed  their  enterprises  in  Greece,  for  which  the  conduct 
of  Philip,  who  had  assisted  the  Carthaginians,  afibrded  them 
ample  pretence.  Philip's  attempts  in  the  iEgcan  sea,  and  in 
Attica,  had  also  caused  many  complaints  to  be  lodged  against  him 


67i  II1ST<JKY  of  GUKIX'I-:  Chap.  XLVI. 

at  llui.Mc ;  anil  in  ii.c.  200  llie  RoiiianH  declared  war  afiaini-t 
him.  Athens,  which  he  had  hesieged,  was  relieved  hy  a  lit)- 
man  fleet  ;  but  before  he  withdn-w,  I'hilij),  ])romj)ted  by  anf^er 
and  reven<re,  diiijilayed  his  barbarif^m  by  destnniii<(  the  gardens 
and  buildings  in  the  suburbs,  including  the  Lyci'um  and  the  tombs 
of  the  Attic  heroes  ;  and  in  a  second  incursion  -which  he  made 
with  large  reinfbrceinents,  he  committed  still  greater  excesses. 
For  some  time,  however,  the  war  lingered  on  without  any  de- 
cided success  on  either  side.  But  in  l'J8  the  consul  T.  Q.uinctius 
Flamininus  succeeded  in  gaining  over  the  Achaean  league  to  the 
Koman  alliance  ;  and  as  the  iEtulians  iiad  ])reviously  deserted 
Philip,  both  these  })owers  fought  for  a  short  time  on  the  same 
side.  In  197  the  struggle  between  the  Itomans  and  Philij)  was 
brought  to  a  termination  by  the  battle  of  Cynoscephala;,  near 
Scotus.sa,  in  Thcssaly,  which  decided  the  fate  of  the  Macedonian 
monarchy.  Philip  was  obliged  to  sue  for  peace,  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  (190)  a  treaty  was  ratihed  by  which  the  Macedonians 
were  compelled  to  renounce  their  supremacy,  to  withdraw  their 
garrisons  from  the  Grecian  towns,  to  surrender  their  fleet,  and 
to  pay  1000  talents  for  the  expenses  of  the  war.  At  the  ensuing 
Isthmian  games,  Flamininus  solemnly  proclaimed  the  freedom 
of  the  Greeks,  and  was  received  by  them  with  overwhelming  joy 
and  gratitude.  The  Romans,  however,  still  held  the  fortresses 
of  the  Acrocorinthus,  Demetrias,  and  Chalcis  ;  and  it  was  not 
till  194  that  they  showed  any  real  intention  of  carrying  out  their 
promises  by  withdrawing  their  armies  from  Greece. 

^  13.  The  yEtolians,  dissatisfied  with  these  arrangements,  en- 
deavoured to  persuade  Isabis,  who  had  succeeded  Machanidas 
as  tyrant  of  tSparta,  Anticchus  111.,  king  of  Syria,  as  well  as 
Philip,  to  enter  into  a  league  against  the  Romans.  But  Anli- 
ochus  alone,  at  whose  court  Hannibal  was  then  residing  as  a 
refugee,  ventured  to  listen  to  these  overtures.  He  passed  over 
into  Greece  with  a  wholly  inadequate  force,  and  was  defeated  by 
the  Romans  at  Thermopylie  (b.c.  191).  The  .^Itolians  were  now 
compelled  to  make  head  against  the  Romans  by  themselves. 
After  some  ineffectual  attempts  at  resistance,  they  were  reduced 
to  sue  for  peace,  which  they  at  length  obtained,  but  on  the  most 
humiliating  conditions  (b.c.  Ib9).  These,  as  dictated  to  them 
in  Ambracia,  by  M.  Fulvius  Nobilior,  differed  but  little  from  an 
unconditional  surrender.  They  were  required  to  acknowledge 
the  supremacy  of  Rome,  to  renounce  all  the  conquests  they  had 
recently  made,  to  pay  an  indenuiity  of  500  talents,  and  to  engage 
in  future  to  aid  the  Romans  in  their  wars.  The  power  of"  the 
JEtolian  league  was  thus  for  ever  crushed,  though  it  seems  to 
have  existed,  in  name  at  least,  till  a  much  later  period. 


B.C.  197.  BATTLE  OF  CYNOSCEPH.\L^.  675 

^  14.  The  Aclisean  league  still  subsisted,  but  Avas  destined 
before  long  to  experience  the  same  fate  as  its  rival.  At  first, 
indeed,  it  enjoyed  the  protection  of  the  Romans,  and  even  ac- 
quired an  extension  of  members  through  their  influence,  but  this 
protectorate  involved  a  state  of  almost  absolute  dependence. 
PhilopcEmen  also  had  succeeded,  in  the  year  102,  in  adding 
Sparta  to  the  League,  which  now  embraced  the  whole  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus. But  Sparta  having  displayed  symptoms  of  insubor- 
duiation,  Philopoemen  marched  against  it  in  168,  and  captured 
the  city  ;  when  he  put  to  death  eighty  of  the  leading  men,  com- 
manded all  the  inhabitants  who  had  been  enfranchised  by  the 
recent  tyrants  to  leave  the  place  by  a  fixed  day,  razed  the  walls 
and  fortifications,  abolished  the  institutions  of  Lycurgus,  and 
compelled  the  citizens  to  adopt  the  democratic  constitution  of 
the  Achaeans.  Meanwhile,  the  Romans  regarded  with  satisfac- 
tion the  internal  dissensions  of  Greece,  which  they  foresaw 
Avould  only  render  her  an  easier  prey,  and  neglected  to  answer 
the  appeals  of  the  Spartans  for  protection.  In  183  the  Mes- 
seiiians,  under  the  leadership  of  Dinocrates,  having  revolted  from 
the  league,  PhilopcEmen,  who  had  now  attained  the  age  of  70,  led 
au  expedition  against  them  ;  but  having  fallen  from  his  horse  in 
a  skirmish  of  cavalry,  he  was  captured,  and  conveyed  with  many 
circumstances  of  ignominy  to  Messene,  where,  after  a  sort  of 
mock  trial,  he  was  executed.  His  fate  was  avenged  by  Lycortas, 
the  commauder  of  the  Aehaian  cavalrj^,  the  father  of  the  histo- 
rian Polybius.  In  the  following  year,  Lycortas,  now  Strategus, 
captured  Messene,  and  having  compelled  those  who  had  been 
concerned  in  the  death  of  Philopoemen  to  put  an  end  to  their  own 
lives,  conveyed  the  ashes  of  that  general  to  Megalopolis,  where 
they  were  interred  with  heroic  honours. 

^  15.  In  B.C.  179  Philip  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Perseus,  the  last  monarch  of  Macedonia.  The  latter  years  of  the 
reign  of  Philip  had  been  spent  in  preparations  for  a  renewal  of 
the  war,  which  he  foresaw  to  be  inevitable  ;  and  when  Perseus 
ascended  the  throne,  he  found  himself  amply  provided  with  men 
and  money  for  the  impending  contest.  But,  whether  from  a 
sincere  desire  of  peace,  or  from  irresolution  of  character,  he 
sought  to  avert  an  open  rupture  as  long  as  possible,  and  one  of 
the  first  acts  of  his  reign  was  to  obtain  I'rom  the  Romans  a 
renewal  of  the  treaty  which  they  had  concluded  with  his 
lather.  It  is  probable  that  neither  party  was  sincere  in  the  con- 
clusion of  this  peace,  at  least  neither  could  entertain  any  hope 
of  its  duration  ;  yet  a  period  of  seven  years  elapsed  before  the 
mutual  enmity  of  the  two  powei'S  broke  out  into  open  hostilities. 
Meanwhile,  Perseus  was  not  idle  ;  he  secured  the  attachment  of 


57fi  IIISTOllY  or  OREFX'E.  Ciiai-.  XLVL 

his  Fiibjcnls  by  oquitaljlo  and  popular  mcafiurcs,  and  fanned 
alliances  not  only  with  the  (irecks  and  the  Asiatic  ])rince.<,  but 
also  Avith  the  Thracian,  lllyriaii,  and  Celtic  tribes  which  Hur- 
rovuided  his  dominions.  The  Romans  naturally  viewed  these 
proccedinfjs  with  jealousy  and  suspicion  ;  and  at  lenfrth,  in  172, 
Perseus  was  formally  accused  belbre  the  Kornan  eenate,  by  Eu- 
menes,  king  of"  Pergarnus,  in  person,  of  entertaining  hostile  dc- 
sipfus  apainst  the  Kornan  ])ower.  The  murder  of  Euinenes  near 
Delj)hi,  on  his  return  homewards,  of  which  Perseus  was  susfjected, 
aggravated  the  feeling  against  hiin  at  Rome,  and  in  the  follow- 
ing year  war  was  declared  against  liim. 

Perseus  was  at  tlie  head  of  a  luuncrous  and  wcU-apjjointed 
army,  but  of  all  his  allies,  only  Cotys,  king  of  the  Odrysians, 
ventured  to  support  him  against  so  if)rmidable  a  foe.  Yet  the 
war  was  protracted  three  years  without  any  decisive  result ;  nay, 
the  balance  of  success  seemed  on  the  whole  to  incline  in  favour 
of  Perseus,  and  many  states,  wdiicli  before  were  wavering,  now 
showed  a  disposition  to  join  his  cause.  But  his  ill-timed  parsi- 
mony restrained  him  from  taking  advantage  of  their  otlers,  and 
in  168  the  arrival  of  the  consul,  L.  ^milius  Paulus,  completely 
changed  the  aspect  of  affairs.  Perseus  was  driven  from  a  strong 
position  which  he  had  taken  up  on  the  banks  of  the  Enipeus, 
forced  to  retreat  to  Pydna,  and  finally  to  accept  an  engagement 
near  that  town.  At  first  the  serried  ranks  of  the  phalanx 
seemed  to  promise  superiority ;  but  its  order  having  been  broken 
by  the  inequalities  of  the  ground,  the  Roman  legionaries  pene- 
trated into  the  disordered  mass,  and  committed  fearful  carnage, 
to  the  extent,  it  is  said,  of  20,000  men.  Perseus  fled  first  to 
Pella,  then  to  Amphipolis,  and  finally  to  the  sanctuary  of  the 
sacred  island  of  Samothrace,  but  was  at  length  obliged  to  sur- 
render himself  to  a  Roman  squadron.  He  was  carried  to  Rome 
to  adorn  the  triumph  of"  Paulus  (107),  and  was  afterwards  cast 
into  a  dungeon  ;  from  whence,  however,  he  was  liberated  at  the 
intercession  of  his  conqueror,  and  permitted  to  spend  the  re- 
mainder of  his  life  in  a  sort  of  honourable  captivitj'  at  Alba. 
Such  was  the  end  of  the  Macedonian  empire,  which  was  now 
divided  into  four  districts,  each  under  the  jurisdiction  of  an  oli- 
garchical council. 

M6.  The  Roman  commissioners  deputed  to  arrange  the 
affairs  of  Macedonia  did  not  confine  their  attention  to  that  pro- 
vince, but  evinced  their  designs  of  bringing  all  Cxreece  under  the 
Roman  sway.  In  these  views  they  were  assisted  by  various 
despots  and  traitors  in  diflerent  Grecian  cities,  and  especially  by 
Callicrates,  a  man  of  great  influence  among  the  Achaans.  and 
who  for  many  years  lent  himself  as  the  base  tool  of  the  Romans 


B.C.  168.  CONQUEST  OF  MACEDONIA.  511 

to  eflect  the  enslavement  of  his  countiy.  After  the  fall  of  Ma- 
cedonia, Callicrates  denounced  more  than  a  thousand  leading 
Achseans  who  had  favoured  the  cause  of  Perseus.  These,  among 
whom  was  Polybius  the  historian,  were  ajiprehended  and  sent 
to  Home  for  trial.  Polyhms  was  one  of  the  survivors,  who, 
after  a  captivity  of  seventeen  years,  were  permitted  to  return  to 
their  native  country.  A  still  harder  fate  was  experienced  by 
JEtolia,  Boeotia,  Acarnania,  and  Epiinis.  In  the  last-named 
country,  especially,  no  fewer  than  seveiity  of  the  principal  tov/ns 
were  abandoned  by  Paulus  to  his  soldiers  lor  pillage,  and  150, OOU 
persons  are  said  to  have  been  sold  into  slavery. 

^17.  An  obscure  quarrel  between  Athens  and  Oropus  Avas  the 
remote  cause  which  at  length  aflbrded  the  Romans  a  pretence 
for  crushing  the  small  remains  of  Grecian  independence  by  the 
destruction  of  the  Achajan  league.  For  some  time  Athens  had 
been  reduced  to  a  sort  of  political  mendicancy,  and  was  often 
fain  to  seek  assistance  in  her  distress  from  the  bounty  of  the 
Eastern  princes  or  of  the  Ptolemies  of  Egypt.  In  the  year  156 
the  poverty  of  the  Athenians  became  so  urgent,  that  they  were 
induced  to  make  a  piratical  expedition  against  Oropus  lor  the 
purposes  of  pluiider.  On  the  complaint  of  the  Oropians  the 
Roman  Senate  assigned  the  adjudication  of  the  matter  to  the 
Sicyonians,  who  condemned  the  Athenians  to  pay  the  large  fine 
of  500  talents.  In  order  to  obtain  a  mitigation  of  this  fine  the 
Athenians  despatched  to  Rome  (in  151)  the  celebrated  embassy 
of  the  three  philosophers — Diogenes  the  Stoic,  Critolaiis  the 
Peripatetic,  and  Carneades,  the  founder  of  the  third  Academy. 
The  amba.ssadors  wei'c  nominally  successful,  since  they  obtained 
a  reduction  of  the  fine  to  100  talents  ;  a  sum,  however,  still 
much  greater  than  the  Athenians  were  iir  a  condition  to  pay. 
The  subsequent  relations  between  Athens  and  Oropus  are  ob- 
.scure ;  but  in  150  we  find  the  Oropians  complaining  of  a  fresh 
aggression,  which  consisted  in  an  attack  upon  seme  of  their  citi- 
zens by  the  Athenian  soldiers.  On  this  occasion  the  Oropians 
appealed  for  protection  to  the  Achsean  league,  which,  however, 
at  first  declined  to  interfere.  The  Oropians  now  bribed  a  Spar- 
tan named  Menalcidas,  who  w^as  at  that  time  Strategus,  with  a 
present  of  10  talents ;  and  Menalcidas  employed  the  corrupt  in- 
fluence of  Callicrates  to  procure  tlie  intervention  of  the  league. 
Menalcidas  having  subsequently  defrauded  Callicrates  of  the  sum 
which  he  had  promised  him,  the  latter  accused  him  of  having 
advised  the  Romans  during  his  administration  to  eflect  the 
detachment  of  Sparta  from  the  league.  Menalcidas  escaped 
condemnation  by  bribing  Diaius,  his  successor  in  the  office  of 
Strategus.      But  such  was  the  obloquy  incurred  by  iJiaus  tluougli 

2C 


578  HISTORY  OF  ORKKCE.  Chap.  XLVL 

this  Iransaclioii,  lliat  in  order  to  divert  })iiblic  attention  from 
himsell',  he  incited  tlie  Acha-ans  1o  violent  rneaHures  a»rainst 
Sparta,  wliich  ultimately  involved  the  leaf,nie  in  a  fatal  8tni<:gle 
with  Rome.  His  pretext  l<)r  makinff  war  on  the  Sjjartans  was, 
that  instead  of  appealing  to  the  leaf.nic  respecting  a  boundary 
question,  as  they  ought  to  have  done,  they  had  violated  its  laws 
by  sending  a  private  embassy  to  Rome. 

^  18.  The  tSpartans,  feeling  themselves  incompetent  to  resist 
this  attack,  appealed  to  the  Romans  ibr  assistance  ;  and  in  147 
two  Roman  commissioners  were  gent  to  Greece  to  settle  these 
disputes.  These  commissioners  decided  that  not  only  Sparta, 
but  Corinth,  and  all  the  other  cities,  except  those  of  Achaia, 
should  be  restored  to  their  inde})eiidence.  This  decision  occa- 
sioned serious  riots  at  Corinth.  All  the  Spartans  in  the  town 
wei-e  seized,  and  even  the  Roman  commissioners  narrowly  es- 
caped violence.  On  their  return  to  Rome  a  fresh  embassv  was 
des{)atched  to  demand  satisfaction  for  these  outrages.  But  the 
violent  and  impolitic  conduct  of  Critolaiis,  then  Strategus  of  the 
league,  rendered  all  attempts  at  accommodation  fruitless,  and 
after  the  return  of  the  ambassadors  the  Senate  declared  war 
against  the  league.  The  cowardice  and  incompetence  of  Crito- 
laiis as  a  general  were  only  equalled  by  his  previous  insolence. 
On  the  approach  of  the  Romans  under  Metellus  from  Macedonia 
he  did  not  even  venture  to  make  a  stand  at  Thermopylae  ;  and 
being  overtaken  by  them  near  Scarphea  in  Locris,  he  was  totally 
defeated,  and  never  agaiii  heard  of  Dia?us,  who  succeeded  him 
as  Strategus,  displayed  rather  more  energy  and  courage.  But  a 
fresh  Roman  force  vinder  Mummius  having  landed  on  the  isth- 
mus, Dia3us  was  overthrown  in  a  battle  near  Corinth  ;  and  that 
city  was  immediately  evacuated  not  only  by  the  troops  of  the 
league,  but  also  by  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants.  On 
entering  it  Mummius  put  the  few  males  who  remained  to  the 
sword  ;  sold  the  women  and  children  as  slaves  ;  and  having  car- 
ried away  all  its  treasures,  consigned  it  to  the  flames  (u.c.  14G). 
Corinth  was  tilled  with  masterpieces  of  ancient  art  ;  but  Mum- 
mius was  so  insensible  of  their  surpassing  excellence,  as  to 
stipulate  Avith  those  who  contracted  to  convey  thern  to  Italy, 
that  if  any  were  lost  in  the  passage,  they  should  be  replaced  by 
others  of  equal  value  I  Mummius  then  employed  himself  in 
chastising  and  regulating  the  whole  of  Greece  ;  and  ten  commis- 
sioners were  sent  from  Rome  to  settle  its  future  condition.  The 
whole  country,  to  the  borders  of  Macedonia  and  Epirus,  waa 
formed  into  a  Roman  province,  under  the  name  of  Achaia,  de- 
rived from  that  confederacy  which  had  made  the  last  struggle 
for  its  political  existence. 


Group  of  the  Laocoon. 


CHAPTER  XLVII. 

HISTORY  OF  GRECIAN  ART  FROM  THE  END  OF  THE   PELOPONNESIAM 
WAR  TO'  ITS  DECLINE. 

§  1.  Latei' school  of  Athenian  sculpture.  §2.  Scopas.  §3.  Praxiteles. 
§4.  Sicyonian  school  of  sculpture.  Euphranor,  Lj^sippus.  8  5.  Sicyo- 
nian  school  of  painting.  Eupompus,  Phamphilus,  Apelles.  §6.  Archi- 
tecture. §  7.  Period  after  Alexander  tlie  Great.  School  of  Rhodes. 
§  8.  Plunder  of  Greek  works  of  art  by  the  Romans. 

^  1.  After  the  close  of  the  Pelopomiesian  war,  what  is  called 
the  second  or  later  school  of  Attic  sculpture  still  continued  to 
assert  its  pre-eminence.  In  style  and  character,  however,  it  pre- 
sented a  marked  difference  from  the  school  of  the  preceding 
age.  The  excitement  and  misfortunes  which  had  attended  the 
war  had  worked  a  gi-eat  change  in  the  Athenians.  This  was 
communicated  to  their  works  of  art,  which  now  manifested 
an  expression  of  stronger  passion  and  of  deeper  feeling.  The 
serene  ajid  composed  majesty  which  had  marked  the  gods 
and  heroes  of  the  earlier  artists  altogether  vanished.  The  new 
school  of  sculptures  preferred  to  take  other  deities  for  their  sub- 
jects than  those  which  had  been  selected  by  their  predecessors ; 
and  Jove,  Hera,  and  Athena  gave  place  to  gods,  characterized  bjl 


680  HISTORY  OF  GRKKCE.  Chap.  XLVU 

more  violoiil  fbeliiij^.s  .'iiid  jjassioiis,  sucli  ;is  Dionysus,  Aphrodite, 
and  J'hos  These  fbriiied  the  favorite  subjeets  of"  llie  later 
Athenian  school,  and  received  Iroiii  it  that  stamp  and  character 
of  repn.'sentation  which  they  retann'd  througli  the  succeeding 
period  of  classic  art.  A  change  is  al.so  observable  in  the  ma- 
terials employed,  and  in  the  technical  handhng  of  them.  The 
magnificently  adorned  chnjuo-dcphdnlinc  statues  almost  wliolly 
disappear  ;  marble  becomes  more  I'requently  used,  especially  by 
the  Athenian  statuaries,  and  the  whole  execution  is  softer  and 
more  (lowing. 

S  2.  The  only  two  artists  of  this  school  whom  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  mention  are  Scopas  and  Praxiteles.  Scopas  was  a  native 
of  Paros,  and  flourished  in  the  fir.st  half  of  the  fourth  century 
B.C.  His  exact  date  can  not  be  ascertained,  nor  is  there  any- 
thing known  of  his  life,  except  iu  connexion  with  his  works,  of 
which  soma  specimens  still  remain.  Among  these  arc  the  bas- 
reliefs  on  the  frieze  of  the  perystyle  which  surrounded  the  Mau- 
soleum, or  tomb  of  Mausolus,  at  Halicarnassus  {Budnon),  some 
of  which  are  now  dcpasited  iu  the  British  Mu.seum  {Budrum 
Marbles).  Their  style  is  very  similar  to  that  of  the  sculptures 
on  the  frieze  of  the  Choragic  Monument  of  Lysicrates,  which  is 
of  the  sam3  period  of  art.*  Both  are  of  high  excellence,  but 
inferior  to  the  frieze  of  the  Parthenon.  Scopas,  however,  was 
more  famous  for  single  statues  and  detached  groups  than  for 
architc^-tural  sculpture.  His  statues  of  Aphrodite  were  very 
fcelebrffted  in  antiquity.  That  of  the  victorious  Ajihrodito  (Venus 
victrixj  in  the  Louvre  at  Paris  is  ascribed  to  his  chisel  by  many 
competent  judges.  But  the  most  esteemed  of  all  his  works  was 
a  group  representing  Achilles  conducted  by  the  marine  deities  to 
the  island  of  L3uce.  It  consisted  of  figures  of  Poseidon,  Thetis, 
and  Achilles,  surrounded  by  Nereids  on  dolphins,  huge  fishes 
and  hippocampi,  and  attended  by  Tritons  and  sea-monsters.  In 
the  treatment  of  the  subject  heroic  grandeur  is  said  to  have 
been  combined  with  grace.  A  group  better  known  in  modem 
times,  from  a  copy  of  it  preserved  in  the  Museum  at  Florence,  is 
that  of  Niobe  and  her  children  slain  by  the  hands  of  Artemis 
and  ApoUo.f  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  filled  the  pediment 
of  a  temple.  At  a  later  period  it  was  preserved  in  tlie  temple  of 
Apollo  Sosianus  at  Rome,  but  it  was  a  disputed  point  among  the 
Romans  whether  it  was  from  the  hands  of  Scopas  or  Praxiudes. 
In  the  noble  forms  of  the  countenances  grief  and  despair  are 
protrayed  without  distortion.  Another  celebrated  Avork  of  Scopas 
was  the  statue  of  the  Pythian  Apollo  playing  on  the  lyre,  which 

*  See  bolo-w,  \\  584.  f  Sec  drawiusr  on  p.  .552. 


Chap.  XLVII.  '  SCOPAS.     PRAXITELES.  581 

Augustus  placed  in  the  temple  which  he  built  to  Apollo  on  the 
Palatine,  in  thanksgiving  for  his  victory  at  Actiurn.  The  copy 
of  this  statue  in  the  Vatican  is  figured  on  p.  551.  Scopas  was 
an  architect  as  well  as  a  statuary,  and  built  the  temple  of 
Athena  Alea  at  Tagea,  in  Arcadia,  one  of  the  largest  and  most 
magnificent  in  the  Peloponnesus. 

^  3.  Praxiteles  was  contemporary  with  Scopas,  though  perhaps 
somewhat  younger.  Nothing  is  positively  known  of  his  history, 
except  that  he  was  at  least  a  citizen,  if  not  a  native,  of  Athens, 
and  that  his  career  as  an  artist  was  intimately  coiniectcd  with 
that  city.  He  excelled  in  representing  the  softer  beauties  of  the 
human  form,  and  especially  the  female  figure.  But  art  had  now 
sunk  from  its  lofty  and  ideal  majesty.  The  Cnidian  Aphrodite, 
the  master-piece  of  Praxiteles,  expressed  only  sensual  charms, 
and  was  avowedly  modelled  from  the  courtesan  Phryne.  Yet 
such  was  its  excellence  that  many  made  a  voyage  to  C nidus  on 
purpose  to  behold  it;  and  so  highly  did  the  Cnidians  prize  it, 
that  they  refused  to  part  with  it  to  king  Nicomedes,  although  he 
offered  to  pay  off  their  public  debt  in  exchange  for  it.  In  this 
work  Aphrodite  was  represented  either  as  just  entering  or  just 
quitting  the  bath  ;  and  it  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  instance 
in  which  any  artist  had  ventured  to  represent  the  goddess  en- 
tirely divested  of  drapery.  At  the  same  time  he  made  a  draped 
statue  of  the  goddess  lor  the  Coans,  which  however  never  enjoyed 
so  much  reputation  as  the  former,  though  Praxiteles  obtained 
the  same  prjce  for  it.  He  also  made  two  statues  of  Eros,  one  of 
which  he  deemed  his  masterpiece.  It  is  related  that  in  his  fond- 
ness for  Phryne  he  promised  to  give  her  any  statue  she  might 
choose,  but  was  unwilling  to  tell  her  which  he  considered  his 
masterpiece.  In  order  to  ascertain  this  point  Phryne  sent  a 
message  to  Praxiteles  that  his  house  was  on  fire  ;  at  which  news 
he  rushed  out  exclaiming  that  he  was  undone  if  the  fire  had 
touched  his  Satyr  or  his  Eros.  He  also  excelled  in  representing 
Dionysus  with  his  fauns  and  satyrs.  A  statue  of  Apollo,  known 
as  Apollo  Sauroctonos,  or  the  lizard-killer,  was  among  his  most 
famous  pieces.  It  was  in  bronze,  and  numerous  copies  of  it  arc 
still  extant. 

^  4.  The  later  Athenian  school  of  sculpture  was  succeeded  by 
the  Sicyonian  school.  It  is  characterised  by  representations  of 
heroic  strength  and  of  the  form  of  athleta-,  and  by  a  striving 
after  the  colossal.  Its  chief  artists  were  Euphranor  and  Lysippus. 
Euphranor  was  a  native  of  the  Corinthian  isthmus,  but  practised 
his  art  at  Athens.  He  appears  to  have  flourished  during  the 
time  of  Philip  of  Macedon,  and  beyond  the  period  of  Alexander's 
accession.     He  excelled  in  painting  as  well  as  in  statuary.     He 


082  HISTORY  OF  GREECR  Ciui-.  XI.VII. 

exccntfd  finfurcs  in  lironzc  and  rnarhlo  r)f  all  si/x's,  from  a  drink- 
ing-cnp  1o  a  rol(JH.sal  Ktaluo.  Oik;  of  liis  imwl  celebralud  works 
was  a  staluo  of  I'aris.  Ly.sippns  wan  a  native  of  Sicyon,  and 
nourished  durinf^  the;  reijrn  of  Alexander  the  Great.  He  was 
ori<jinally  a  mere  workman  iii  bronze,  but  through  his  freniuif 
and  a  sedulous  study  oi' nature  rose  to  the  hif.die.st  eminence  as 
a  statuarj'.  He  Ibllowed  the  school  ol"  Polycletus,  who.se  Dory- 
phorus  formed  his  standard  model  ;  but  by  thi.s  course  of  study 
the  ideal  of  art  was  sacrificed  to  the  merely  natural.  Hercules, 
a  human  hero,  was  the  favourite  subject  of  his  chisel ;  but  he 
deviated  from  former  models,  in  which  Hercules  was  endow'ed 
with  ponderous  strenfrth,  and  represented  him  as  characteri.sed 
by  strength  and  agility  combined.  This  type  Avas  adopted  by 
subsequent  artists.  The  celebrated  Farnese  Hercules  in  the 
Museum  at  Najdes  is  probably  a  copy  of  one  of  his  works. 
Lysippus  excelled  in  portraits;  in  which  department  he  also 
adhered  to  his  principles  of  art,  and  followed  nature  so  closely 
as  to  portray  even  the  defects  of  his  subjects.  Thus,  in  his 
busts  of  Alexander,  he  did  not  omit  his  wry  neck.  Neverthe- 
less, that  monarch  was  so  pleased  with  his  performances,  that 
he  forbade  anybody  but  Lysippus  and  Apelles  to  represent  him. 
The  most  renowned  of  Lysippus's  statues  cf  Alexander  was  that 
which  represented  him  brandisliing  a  lance,  and  which  was  re- 
garded as  a  companion  to  the  picture  of  Apelles,  in  which  he 
wielded  a  thunderbolt. 

It  has  been  observed  that  the  features  of  Alexander  per\-ade 
most  of  the  heroic  statues  of  this  period.  Lysippus  worked 
principally  in  bronze.  One  of  his  most  celebrated  productions 
was  an  equestrian  gi'oup  of  the  chieftains  who  fell  at  the  battle 
of  the  Granicus.  His  works  were  veiy  numerous,  and  are  said 
tp  have  amounted  to  1500. 

^  5.  AYith  regard  to  painting,  the  Asiatic  school  of  Zeuxis  and 
Parrhasius  was  also  succeeded  by  a  Sicyonian  school,  of  which 
Eupompus  may  be  considered  as  the  founder.  He  was  excelled, 
however,  by  his  pupil  Pamphilus,  w  ho  was  renowned  as  a  teacher 
of  his  art,  and  founded  a  sort  of  academy.  His  period  of  in- 
struction extended  over  ten  years,  and  his  fee  was  a  talent. 
The  school  of  Pamphilus  produced  several  celebrated  artists,  of 
whom  Apelles  was  by  far  the  greatest. 

Apelles  seems  to  haA"e  been  a  native  of  Colophon,  in  Ionia; 
but,  as  we  have  said,  he  studied  ten  years  midcr  Pamphilus  at 
Amphipolis ;  and  subsequently,  even  after  he  had  attained  some 
reputation,  under  Melanthius  at  Sicyon.  •  Thus  to  the  grace  and 
elegance  of  the  Ionic  school  he  added  the  scientific  accuracy  of 
the  Sicyonian.     The  greater  part  of  his  life  seems  to  have  been 


Chap.  XLYIL  APELLES.  683 

spent  at  the  court  of  Pella.  He  was  warmly  patronised  by  Alex- 
ander, who  frequently  visited  his  studio,  and,  as  mentioned 
before,  granted  him  the  exclusive  privilege  of  painting  his  por- 
trait. In  one  of  these  visits  Alexander  began  to  descant  on 
art,  but  exposed  his  ignorance  so  much  that  Apelles  gave  him  a 
polite  hint  to  be  silent,  as  the  boys  who  were  grinding  the 
colours  were  laughing  at  him.  He  appears  to  have  accompanied 
Alexander  in  his  eastern  expedition,  and  after  the  death  of  that 
monarch  to  have  travelled  through  the  western  parts  of  Asia. 
He  spent  the  latter  part  of  his  life  at  the  court  of  king  Ptolemy 
in  Egypt.  The  character  of  Apelles  presents  us  with  traits  quite 
the  reverse  of  the  silly  vanity  of  Zeuxis.  He  was  always  ready 
to  acknowledge  his  own  faults,  as  well  as  the  merits  of  others. 
In  fact,  there  was  only  one  point  in  which  he  asserted  his  supe- 
riority over  his  contemporaries,  namely,  grace  ;  and  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  this  was  no  vain  assumption.  He  was  not  ashamed 
to  learn  from  the  humblest  critics.  With  this  vicAV  he  was 
accustomed  to  exhibit  his  unfinished  pictures  before  his  house, 
and  to  conceal  himself  behind  them  in  order  to  hear  the  cri- 
ticisms of  the  passers  by.  On  one  of  these  occasions  a  cobbler 
detected  a  fault  in  the  shoes  of  one  of  his  figures,  which  Apelles 
corrected.  The  next  time  he  passed,  the  cobbler,  encouraged 
by  the  success  of  his  criticism,  began  to  remark  upon  the  leg  ; 
at  which  the  artist  lost  all  patience,  and  rushing  from  behind  his 
picture,  commanded  the  cobbler  to  keep  to  his  shoes.  Hence 
the  proverb,  "  Ne  sutor  ultra  crepidam," — let  the  cobbler  stick 
to  his  last.  His  conduct  towards  his  contemporary  Protogenes 
of  Rhodes  exhibits  a  generosity  not  always  found  among  rival 
artists.  On  arriving  at  Rhodes,  Apelles  saw  that  the  works  of 
Protogenes  were  scarcely  at  all  valued  by  his  countrymen  ;  where- 
upon he  offered  him  fifty  talents  for  one  of  his  pictures,  at  the 
same  time  spreading  the  report  that  he  meant  to  sell  it  again  as 
one  of  his  own.  Apelles  studied  with  the  greatest  industry,  and 
always  went  on  trying  to  improve  himself;  yet  he  knew  Avhen 
to  leave  off  correcting  his  pictures,  and  laid  it  down  as  a  maxim 
that  over  care  often  spoiled  a  piece.  His  pictures  seem  to  have 
been  chiefly  on  moveable  panels,  and  he  was  probably  the  first 
who  used  a  sort  of  varnish  to  his  pictures  with  an  efiect  some- 
what similar  to  that  of  the  modern  toning  or  glazing.  He  gene- 
rally painted  single  figures,  or  groups  of  only  a  few.  He  excelled 
in  portraits,  among  the  most  celebrated  of  which  was  that 
already  mentioned  of  Alexander  wielding  the  thunderbolt.  The 
hand  which  held  it  seemed  to  stand  out  of  the  panel  ;  and,  in 
order  to  heighten  this  efiect  of  foreshortening,  Alexander's  com- 
plexion was  made  dark,  though  in  reality  it  was  light.     The 


684  TTTSTOllY  OF  OREErE.  Chap.  XL^'IL 

price  paid  for  this  ])ictiirt'  was  twenty  taU-iils.  But  tlie  most 
afhiiiriul  of  all  liis  ])aiiiliii'rs  was  tlin  "  Aphrodite  (VeiiUr)  Aiia- 
dyoincno  "  *  or  A])liro(ht6  risiiij,'  iioiii  ihe  Sea.  Tlic  froddess 
was  represented  wriii;riii<r  licr  hair,  whilst  the  falling  drops  lifnned 
a  veil  around  her.  It  was  orifzinally  j)ainted  l(»r  the  teinj)]e  of 
jEsculapius  at  Cos,  and  was  afterwards  j)laeed  hy  Au<rufttus  in 
the  temple  wliieli  lie  dedicated  to  .lulius  Ca-.-ar  at  Home.  Anotlier 
p  figure  of  Aphrodite,  also  painted  for  the  Coans,  Apelles  left  incom- 
plete at  his  death,  and  nohody  could  he  found  to  finish  it.  By 
the  general  consent  of  the  ancients  Apelles  was  the  first  of  paint- 
ers, and  some  of  the  later  Latin  poets  use  his  name  as  a  synonyme 
for  the  art  itself. 

^  6.  The  architecture  of  this  period  was  marked  rather  by 
the  laying  out  of  cities  in  a  nobler  and  more  convenient  fashion, 
and  by  the  increase  of  splendour  in  jirivate  residences,  than  by 
any  improvement  in  the  style  of  public  buildings  and  temples. 
The  conquests  of  Alexander  caused  the  foundation  of  new  cities, 
and  introduced  into  the  East  the  architecture  of  Greece.  The 
two  finest  examples  of  cities  which  arose  in  this  manner  were 
Alexandria  in  Egypt,  and  Antioch  in  Syria.  The  regularity  of  its 
plan,  the  colossal  size  of  its  public  buildings,  and  the  beauty  and 
solidity  of  its  private  hou.ses,  rendered  Alexandria  a  .sort  of  model 
city ;  yet  it  was  ])robably  su-passed  by  Antioch  in  the  pleasing 
nature  of  the  impre.<.siou  produced.  The  fittings  and  furniture 
of  the  apartments  kept  pace  with  the  increased  external  splen- 
dour of  private  dwellings.  Tliis  age  was  also  distinguished  by 
its  splendid  sepulchral  monuments  :  the  one  to  the  memory  cf 
her  husband  Mausolus,  erected  at  Halicarnassus,  by  the  Carian 
queen  Artemisia,  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  seven  wonders  cf 
the  world.  It  was  adorned  with  sculptural  decorations  by  the 
greatest  artists  of  the  later  Attic  school.  (Seep.  580.)  At  the 
same  time  temple  architecture  was  not  neglected  ;  but  the  simple 
and  solid  grandeur  of  the  Doric  order,  and  the  chaste  grace  of 
the  Ionic,  began  to  give  place  to  the  more  florid  Corinthian. 

One  of  the  most  graceful  monmnents  of  this  period  still 
extant  is  the  Choragic  Monument  of  Lysicratcs,  at  Athens, 
vulgarly  called  the  Lantern  of  Demosthenes,  which  was  dedicated 
by  Lysicrates  in  c.c.  335,  as  we  learn  from  an  inscription  on  the 
architrave,  in  conuiiemoration  of  a  victor}'  gained  by  the  chorus 
of  Lysicrates  in  the  dramatic  contests.  It  is  a  small  circular 
building  on  a  square  basement,  of  white  marble,  and  covered  by 
a  cupola,  supported  by  six  Corinthian  columns  :  the  summit  of 
the  cupola  was  formerly  crowiied  by  the  tripod,  which  Lysicrates 

*  7/  dvaSvofievTj  'kopodinj. 


Chap.  XLVII.  ARCHITECTURR  585 

had  gained  as  the  prize.  The  frieze  of  the  monument,  of  which 
there  are  casts  in  the  British  Museum,  represents  tlie  destruction 
of  the  Tyrrhenian  pirates  by  Dionysus  and  his  attendants.  A 
drawing  of  the  monument  is  given  on  p.  43  i,  and  portions  of 
the  irieze  are  figured  on  pp.  455,  45C.  Another  extant  monu- 
ment of  this  period  at  Athens  is  the  Horologium  of  Andronicus 
Cyrrhestes,  probably  erected  about  b.c.  100,  and  vulgarly  called 
the  "  Temple  of  the  "Winds,"  from  the  figures  of  the  Winds  upon 
its  faces.  It  is  an  octagonal  tower,  with  its  eight  sides  facing 
respectively  the  direction  of  the  eight  winds  into  which  the 
Athenian  compass  was  divided.  The  directions  of  the  several 
sides  are  indicated  by  the  figures  and  names  of  the  eiglit  winds, 
which  were  sculptured  on  the  frieze  of  the  entablature.  On 
the  summit  of  the  building  there  stood  originally  a  bronze  fig- 
ure of  a  Triton,  holding  a  wand  in  his  right  hand,  and  turning 
on  a  pivot,  so  as  to  sen-e  for  a  weathercock.  (See  drawing  on 
p.  G43.) 

^  7.  After  the  age  of  Alexander,  Greek  art  began  visibly  to 
decline.  The  great  artists  that  had  gone  before  had  fixed  the 
ideal  types  of  the  ordinary  subjects  of  the  sculptor  and  painter, 
and  thus  in  a  manner  exhausted  invention  ;  whilst  all  the  tech- 
nical details  of  handling  and  treatment  had  been  brought  to  the 
highest  state  of  perfection  and  development.  The  attempt  to 
outdo  the  great  masterpieces  which  already  existed  induced  ar- 
tists to  depart  from  the  simple  grace  of  the  ancient  models,  and 
to  replace  it  by  striking  and  theatrical  eflect.  The  pomp  of  the 
monarchs  who  had  divided  amongst  them  the  empire  of  Alexan- 
der required  a  display  of  eastern  magnificence,  and  thus  also  led 
to  a  meretricious  style  in  art.  Nevertheless,  it  was  impossible 
that  the  innate  excellence  of  the  Greek  schools  should  disappear 
altogether  and  at  once.  The  perfect  models  that  were  always 
present  could  not  fail  to  preserve  a  certain  degree  of  taste  ;  and 
even  after  the  time  of  Alexander,  we  find  many  works  of  great 
excellence  produced.  Art,  however,  began  to  emigrate  from 
Greece  to  the  coasts  and  islands  of  Asia  Minor  :  Rhodes,  espe- 
cially, remained  an  eminent  school  of  art  almost  down  to  the 
Christian  era.  This  school  was  an  immediate  oflshcot  of  that 
of  Lysippus,  and  its  chief  founder  was  the  Rhcdian  Chares,  who 
flourished  about  the  beginning  of  the  third  century  B.C.  His 
most  noted  work  was  the  statue  of  the  Sun,  which,  under  the 
name  of  the  Colossus  of  Rhodes,  was  esteemed  one  of  the  seven 
wonders  of  the  world.  It  was  of  bronze,  and  105  feet  high.  It 
stood  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbour  of  Rhodes  ;  but  the  state- 
ment that  its  legs  extended  over  the  mouth  of  the  harbour  does 
not  rest  on  any  authentic  foundation.     It  was  twelve  years  in 

2c* 


^8G  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XLVIL 

eri'ctiiig,  at  a  cost  of  !500  talents,  and  was  so  larf,'o  that  tlifrc 
wurc  few  who  (!oul(l  embrace  its  thumb.  It  wa.s  overthrown  hy 
an  earthquake  50  years  after  its  erection.  But  tlie  most  beau- 
tiful work  of  tlie  llhodian  school  at  this  period  is  the  famous 
group  of  the  Laocoon  in  the  Vatican,  so  well  known  by  its  many 
copies.  (8cc  drawing  on  p.  57i).)  It  was  the  work  of  three 
.sculptors,  Agesander,  Polydorus,  and  Athenodorus.  In  this  group 
the  pathos  of  physical  sullering  is  expressed  in  the  highest  de- 
gree, but  not  without  a  certain  theatrical  air  and  straining  for 
efiect,  which  the  best  age  ot"  fireek  art  would  have  rejected. 
To  the  same  school  belongs  the  celebrated  group  called  the  Far- 
ue.sian  bull,  in  the  Museum  at  Naples,  representing  Zethus  and 
Amphioa  binding  Dircc  to  a  wild  bull,  in  order  to  avenge  their 
mother.  (Sec  drawing  on  j).  50 1.)  It  was  the  work  of  two 
brothers,  ApoUouius  and  Tauriscus  of  Tralles.  About  the  same 
time  eminent  schools  of  art  flourished  at  Pergamus  and  Ephesus. 
To  the  former  may  be  referred  the  celebrated  dying  gladiator  in 
the  Capitoline  Museum  at  Home,  and  to  the  latter  the  Borghese 
gladiator  in  the  Louvre.  The  Avell-known  statue  of  Aphrodite 
at  Florence,  called  the  "  Venus  de  Medici,"  also  belongs  to  the 
same  period.  It  was  executed  by  an  Athenian  artist  named 
Cleomenes,  whose  exact  date  is  unknown,  but  who  lived  before 
the  capture  of  Corinth,  in  B.C.  146. 

^  8.  When  Greece  began  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans, 
the  treasures  of  Greek  art  were  conveyed  by  degrees  to  Rome, 
where  ultimately  a  new  school  arose.  The  triumphs  over  Phil- 
ip, Antiochus,  the  iEtolians,  and  others,  but,  above  all,  the  cap- 
ture of  Corinth,  and,  sub.sequently,  the  victories  over  Mithridates 
and  Cleopatra,  filled  Rome  with  works  of  art.  The  Roman 
generals,  the  governors  of  provinces  (as  Verres),  and  finallv,  the 
emperors,  continued  the  work  of  spoliation  ;*  but  so  prodigious 
was  the  number  of  works  of  art  in  Greece,  that,  even  in  the 
second  century  of  the  Christian  era,  when  Pausanias  visited  it, 
its  temples  and  other  public  buildings  were  still  crowded  with 
statueo  and  paintings. 

*  Nero  aloiio  is  said  to  have  brought  500  statues  from  Delphi,  merely 
to  adorn  his  golden  house. 


Bust  of  Aristotle. 

CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

GRECIAN    LITERATURE    FROM    THE    END    OF     THE     PELOPONNESIAN 
WAR    TO    THE    LATEST    PERIOD. 

§  1.  The  drama.  The  Middle  comedy.  Tlie  New  comedy :  Philemon, 
Menander.  §  2.  Oratory.  Circumstances  which  favoured  it  at  Athens. 
§  3.  Its  Sicilian  origin.  §  4.  The  ten  Attic  orators :  Antiphon,  Ando- 
cides,  Lysias,  Isocrates,  Isseus.^schines,  Lycurgus,Demosthenes,Hype- 
rides,  and  Dinarehus.  §  5.  Athenian  philosophj-,  Plato.  §  6.  Sketch 
of  his  philosophy.  §  7.  The  Megarics,  Cyrenaics^  and  Cynics.  §  8.  The 
Academicians.  §  9.  Aristotle  and  the  Peripatetics.  §"  10.  The  Stoics 
and  Epicureans,  g  11.  The  Alexandrian  school  of  literature.  §  12.  Later 
Greek  writers:  Polybius,  Dionysiusof  Halicarnassus,  DiodorusSiculus, 
Arrian,  Appian,  Plutarch,  Josephus,  Strabo,  Pausanias,  Dion  Cassius, 
Lucian,  Galen.     §  13.  The  Greek  Scriptures  and  Fathers,    Conclusion. 

M.  In  reviewing  the  preceding  period  of  Greek  literature,  we 
have  already  had  occasion  to  notice  the  decline  of  tragedy  at 
Athens.  It  continued,  indeed,  still  to  subsist ;  but  after  the  great 
tragic  triumvirate  we  have  no  authors  who  have  come  down  to 
us,  or  whose  works  were  at  all  comparable  to  those  of  their 
predecessors.  There  are,  however,  a  lew  names  that  should  be 
recorded  ;  as  that  of  Agathon,  the  contemporary  and  I'rieud  of 
Euripides,  whose  compositions  were  more  remarkable  for  their 
flowery  elegance  than  for  force  or  sublimity  :  ot"  lophon,  the 
son  of  Sophocles,  whose  undutiful  conduct  towards  his  father 
has  been  already  mentioned,  the  author  of  50  tragedies,  which 
gained  considerable  reputation  :  of  Sophocles,  the  grandson  of 
the  great  tragic  poet :  and  of  a  second  Euripides,  the  nephew  of 
the  celebrated  one.  With  regard  to  comedy  the  case  was  dif- 
ferent.      After    the    days   of   Aristo{)hanes    it    took,    indeed,    a 


588  HISTORY  OF  GREECE  Chai-.  XLVIIL 

wholly  (lifrereiit  form  ;  but  a  form  wliioli  rendered  it  a  more 
])orfect  imitation  of  nature,  and  establislied  it  a.s  the  model  of 
that  species  of  compo.sitiou  in  every  civilized  nation  of  after- 
times.  We  have  already  noticed,  in  tin-  j)lay.s  of  Arislojdianes 
himself,  a  tran.siticju  irom  lhe  frenuine  Old  Comedy  to  the  Midille 
Comedy.  The  latter  .still  continued  to  l>e  in  some  deforce  po- 
litical ;  but  persons  were  no  lonj^er  introduced  upon  the  stage 
under  their  real  names,  and  the  oflicc  of  the  chc^rus  was  very 
miuch  curtailed.  It  wa.s,  in  fact,  the  connecting  link  between 
tha  Old  Comedy  and  the  Kew,  or  tlie  Comedy  of  Manners. 
The  most  distinguished  authors  of  the  Middle  Comedy,  besides 
Aristophanes,  were  Autiphanes  and  Alexis.  The  New  Comedy 
arose  after  Athens  had  become  subject  to  the  Macedonfans. 
Politics  were  now  excluded  from  the  stage,  and  the  materials 
of  the  dramatic  poet  were  derived  entirely  from  the  fictitious 
adventures  of  persons  in  private  life.  The  two  most  distin- 
guished writers  of  this  school  were  Philemon  and  Menander. 
Philemon  was  probably  born  about  the  year  360  B.C.,  and  was 
either  a  Cilicuan  or  Syracusan,  but  came  at  an  early  age  to 
Athens.  He  is  considered  as  the  founder  of  the  New  Comedy, 
which  was  soon  afterwards  brought  to  perfection  by  his  younger 
contemporary  Menander.  Philemon  was  a  j)rolific  author,  and  is 
said  to  have  written  97  plays,  of  which  only  a  few  fragments 
remain.  INIenander  was  an  Athenian,  and  was  born  in  b.c.  3-12. 
Diopithes,  his  father,  commanded  the  Athenian  Ibrces  on  the 
Hellespont,  and  was  the  person  defended  by  Demosthenes  in  one 
of  his  extant  speeches.*  Menander  was  handsome  in  person, 
and  of  a  serene  and  easy  temper,  but  luxurious  and  etFeminate 
in  his  habits.  Demetrius  Phalerus  M'as  his  friend  and  patron. 
He  was  drowned  at  the  age  of  52,  whilst  swimming  in  the  har- 
bour of  Piraeus.  He  wrote  upwards  of  100  comedies  ;  yet  during 
his  lifetime  his  dramatic  career  was  not  so  successiul  as  his 
subsequent  fame  would  seem  to  promise,  and  he  gained  the  prize 
only  eight  times.  The  broader  humour  of  liis  rival  Philemon 
seems  to  have  told  with  more  eflect  on  the  popular  ear.  But 
the  unanimous  praise  of  posterity  made  ample  compensation  for 
this  injurious  neglect,  and  awakens  our  regret  for  the  loss  of  one 
of  the  most  elegant  writers  of  antiquity.  The  number  of  his 
fragments,  collected  fi'om  the  writings  of  various  authors,  show 
how  extensively  he  was  read  ;  but  unfortunately  none  are  of 
sufficient  length  to  convey  to  us  an  adequate  idea  of  his  style 
and  genius.  The  comedies,  indeed,  of  Plautus  and  Terence  may 
give  us  a  general  notion  of  the  New  Comedy  of  the  Greeks,  from 

*   JleQL  Tuv  ev  \eQC!ovrja<f). 


CnAP.  XLVIII.  THE  KEW  COMEDY.  689 

which  they  were  confessedly  drawn  ;  but  there  is  good  reason  to 
suppose  that  the  works  even  of  the  latter  Roman  writer  fell  far 
short  of  the  wit  and  elegance  of  Menander. 

^  2.  The  latter  days  of  literary  Athens  were  chiefly  distin- 
guished by  the  genius  of  her  orators  and  philosophers.  Both 
rhetoric  and  philosophy  were  at  iirst  cultivated  exclusively  by 
the  sophists,  and,  till  the  time  of  Socrates,  remained  almost 
entirely  in  their  hands.  Socrates,  by  directing  the  attention  of 
philosophers  to  the  more  useful  questions  of  morals,  eliected  a 
separation  between  rhetoric  and  philosophy.  After  his  time  we 
find  Ararious  schools  of  moral  philosophy  springing  up,  as  the 
Academicians,  Peripatetics,  Stoics,  &c.,  whilst  the  more  technical 
part  of  the  art  of  speaking  became  a  distinct  profession. 

The  extreme  demoeratical  nature  of  the  Athenian  institutions, 
esjjecially  after  the  reforms  of  Pericles,  rendered  it  indispensable 
for  a  public  man  to  possess  some  oratorical  skill.  All  public 
business,  both  political  and  judicial,  was  transacted  by  the  citi- 
zens themselves  in  their  courts  and  public  assemblies.  The 
assembly  of  the  people  decided  all  questions  not  only  of  domestic 
policy,  but  even  those  which  concerned  their  foreign  relations. 
They  not  only  made  but  administered  the  laws  ;  and  even  their 
covirts  of  justice  must  be  regarded  as  a  sort  of  public  assem- 
blies, from  the  number  of  dicasts  who  composed  them.  The 
vast  majority  of  those  who  met  either  in  the  public  assemblies 
or  in  the  courts  of  justice  were  men  of  no  political  or  legal 
training.  The  Athenian  citizen  was  a  statesman  and  a  judge  by 
prerogative  of  birth.  Although  he  took  an  oath  to  decide  ac- 
cording to  the  laws,  he  was  far  from  considering  himself  bound 
to  make  them  his  study,  or  to  decide  according  to  their  letter. 
The  frequency  and  earnestness  with  which  the  orators  remind 
the  dicasts  of  their  oath  betray  their  apprehension  of  its  viola- 
tion. It  contained,  indeed,  a  very  convenient  clause  for  tender 
consciences,  as  it  only  bound  the  dicast  to  decide  according  to 
the  best  of  his  judgment ;  and  the  use  which  might  be  made 
of  this  loophole  by  a  clever  advocate  is  pointed  out  by  Aris- 
totle.* Hence  it  is  surprising  how  little  influence  the  written 
code  had  on  the  decision  of  a  case.  The  orators  usually  drew 
their  topics  from  extraneous  circumstances,  or  from  the  general 
character  of  their  adversary,  and  endeavoured  to  prtvjudice  the 
minds  of  their  audience  by  personal  reflections  wholly  foreign 
to  the  matter  in  hand,  and  which  modern  courts  would  not 
tolerate  for  a  moment.  In  addition  to  all  this,  the  natural  tem- 
perament of  the  Athenians   rendered   them  highly  susceptible 

*  Rlietorie,  1,  15,  5. 


6yu  HISTORY  OF  GKEECE.  Chap.  XLVIIL 

of  llic  charms  of  eloquence.  They  enjoyed  the  intc-ileclual  gla- 
diatorship  of  two  rival  orators,  and  even  their  mutual  reproaches 
and  abuse. 

\  ',i.  It  is  remarkable,  however,  that,  thonj^h  the  soil  of  Attica 
was  thu.s  naturally  adapted  to  the  cultivation  of  eloquence,  the 
first  regular  proles.sors  of  it,  as  an  art,  were  fbreij^ners.  Prota- 
goras of  Abdera,  who  visited  Athens  in  the  earlier  part  of  the 
fifth  century  before  Christ,  was  the  first  who  gave  lessons  in 
rhetoric  ior  money.  He  was  followed  hy  Prodicus  ol"  Ceos,  and 
Gorgias  of  Lcontini  ;  the  latter  of  whom  especially  was  very 
celebrated  as  a  teacher  of  rhetoric.  The  art,  how'ever,  had  Ixjen 
establishi'd  in  Sicily  before  the  time  of  Gorgias  by  Corax  and  his 
pupil  Tisias.  Corax  has  been  regarded  as  the  Ibunder  of  tech- 
nical oratory,  and  was  at  all  events  the  first  who  wrote  a  treatise 
on  the  subject.  The  appearance  of  Gorgias  at  Athens,  whither 
he  went  as  ambassador  from  Leontini,  in  427  e.g.,  produced 
a  great  sensation  among  the  Athenians,  who  retained  him  in 
their  city  for  the  purpose  of  profiting  by  his  instructions.  His 
lectures  were  attended  by  a  vast  concourse  of  persons,  and  at- 
tracted many  from  the  schools  of  the  philosophers.  His  merit 
must  have  been  very  great  to  have  drawn  so  much  attention  in 
the  best  times  of  Athens  ;  and  we  are  told  by  Cicero  that  he  alone 
of  all  the  sophists  Avas  honoured  with  a  golden,  and  not  merely 
a  gilt,  statue  at  Delphi. 

§  4.  The  Athenians  had  established  a  native  school  of  elo- 
quence a  little  before  the  appearance  of  Gorgias  among  them. 
The  earliest  of  their  professed  orators  was  Antiphou  (born  B.C. 
480),  Avho  stands  at  the  head  of  the  ten  contained  in  the 
Alexandrian  canon.  Gorgias  seems  to  have  been  known  at 
Athens  by  his  works  before  he  appeared  there  in  person  ;  and 
one  of  the  chief  objects  of  Autiphon  was  to  estabhsh  a  more 
solid  style  in  place  of  his  dazzling  and  sopliistical  rhetoric. 
Thucydides  was  among  the  pupils  in  the  school  which  he  opened, 
and  is  said  to  have  owed  much  to  his  master.  Antiphon  was 
put  to  death  in  411  B.C.  for  the  part  which  he  took  in  establishing 
the  oligarchy  of  the  Four  Hundred.  Fifteen  of  his  orations  have 
come  down  to  us. 

The  remaining  nine  Attic  orators  contained  in  the  Alexandrian 
canon  w'ere  Andocides,  Lysias,  Isocrates,  Isa?us,  iEschines,  Ly- 
curgus,  Demosthenes,  Hypcrides,  and  Dinarchus.  Andocides, 
who  has  been  already  mentioned  as  concerned  with  Alcibiades  in 
the  atf'air  of  the  Herma?,*  was  born  at  Athens  in  B.C.  407,  and  died 
probably  about  391.    We  have  at  least  three  genuine  orations  of 

•  See  p.  334. 


Chap.  XLVIII.  ATHENIAN  ORATOEY.  59J 

his,  which,  howevei',  are  not  distinguished  by  any  particular 
merit. 

Lysias,  also  born  at  Athens  in  458,  was  much  superior  to 
him  as  an  orator,  but  being  a  metic,  or  resident  alien,  he  was 
not  allowed  to  speak  in  the  assemblies  or  courts  of  justice, 
and  thei-elbre  wrote  orations  for  others  to  deliver.  Of  these  35 
are  extant,  but  some  are  incomplete,  and  others  probably  spu- 
rious. His  style  may  be  regarded  as  a  model  of  the  Attic  idiom, 
and  his  orations  are  characterized  by  indescribable  gracefulness, 
combined  with  energy  and  power. 

Isocrates  was  born  in  43G.  After  receiving  the  instructions  of 
some  of  the  most  celebrated  sophists  of  the  day,  he  became  him- 
self a  speech  writer  and  professor  of  rhetoric  ;  his  weakly  consti- 
tution and  natural  timidity  preventing  him  irorn  taking  a  part 
himself  in  public  life.  His  style  is  more  periodic  than  that  of  the 
other  Attic  orators,  and  betrays  that  it  was  meant  to  be  read 
rather  than  spoken.  Although  pure  and  elegant  it  is  wanting 
in  simplicity  and  vigour,  and  becomes  occasionally  monotonous, 
through  the  recurrence  of  the  same  turns.  Isocrates  made  away 
with  himself  in  338,  after  the  fatal  battle  of  Chajronea,  in  despair, 
it  is  said,  of  his  country's  fate.  Twenty-one  of  his  speeches 
have  come  down  to  us.  He  took  great  pains  with  his  compo- 
sitions, and  is  reported  to  have  spent  ten,  or,  according  to  others, 
fifteen  years  over  his  Panegyric  oration. 

IssBus,  according  to  some,  was  a  native  of  Chaleis  ;  others  call 
him  an  Athenian  ;  and  it  is  certain,  at  all  events,  that  he  came 
at  a  very  early  age  to  Athens.  His  exact  date  is  not  known,  but 
he  flourished  between  the  end  of  the  Peloponnesian  war  and  the 
accession  of  Philip  of  Macedon.  He  opened  a  school  of  rhetoric 
at  Athens,  and  is  said  to  have  numbered  Demosthenes  among 
his  pupils.  The  orations  of  Issus  were  exclusively  judicial,  and 
the  whole  of  the  eleven  which  have  come  down  to  us  turn  on 
the  subject  of  inheritances. 

OfiEschines,  the  antagonist  of  Demosthenes,  we  have  already 
had  occasion  to  speak.  He  was  born  in  the  year  389,  and  was 
a  native  of  Attica,  but  of  low,  if  not  servile,  origin,  and  of  a 
mother  of  more  than  equivocal  reputation.  This,  however,  is 
the  account  of  Demo.sthenes  ;  and  ^Eschiues  himself  tells  a  dif- 
ferent story.  He  was  successively  an  assistant  in  his  father's 
school,  a  gymnastic  teacher,  a  scribe,  and  an  actor ;  for  which 
last  profession  a  strong  and  sonorous  voice  peculiarly  qualified 
him.  He  afterwards  entered  the  army,  where  lie  achieved  more 
success ;  for  besides  a  vigorous  athletic  Ibrm,  he  was  endowed 
with  considerable  courage.  The  reputation  which  he  gained  in  the 
battle  of  Tamynffi  encouraged  him  to  come  forward  as  a  jniblic 


692  IIIST<MIY  OF  (iUKKCK.  Ciiai-.  XLVIII. 

speaker.  As  a  ])f)liliciaii  he  was  at  first  a  violent  ariti-Macc- 
doiiiaii  ;  hut  after  Ins  enihassy  alontr  with  JJeiiiostlieins  and 
others  to  I'iiiiip's  court,  he  was  the  constant  advocate  of  jieace. 
Demosthenes  and  vEschines  now  heeaine  the  leadiiifr  speakers  on 
their  resjiective  sides,  and  the  heat  ol"  jiohtieai  animosity  soon 
de<j;e!ierated  into  personal  hatred.  In  'ii'.i,  Demosthenes  charged 
.yEschines  with  having  received  brihes  Irorri  Philij)  during  a 
second  endjassy  ;  and  the  speech,  or  ratlier  pampldet* — lor  it 
was  not  spoken — in  which  lie  brought  l()r\\ard  this  accusation, 
was  answered  in  another  by  yEschincs.  The  result  oi'  this 
charge  is  uidcnown,  but  it  seems  to  have  detracted  from  the 
popularity  of  yl-lschines.  AVc  have  already  adverted  to  his  impeach- 
ment of  Ctesij)hon,  and  the  celebrated  reply  oi"  Demosthenes  in 
his  speech c/e  Corcma.^  After  the  banishment  of  ^schines  on  this 
occasion  (b.c.  330),  he  spent  several  years  in  lona  and  Caria, 
where  he  employed  himself  in  teaching  rhetoric.  After  the 
death  of  Alexander  he  retired  to  Rhodes,  and  established  a 
school  of  eloquence,  which  afterwards  became  very  celebrated, 
and  which  held  a  middle  j)lace  between  Attic  sirnjjlicity  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  ornate  Asiatic  style  on  the  other.  He  died  in 
Samos  in  314.  As  an  orator  he  was  second  only  to  Demosthenes. 
He  never  published  more  than  three  of  his  speeches,  which  have 
come  down  to  us  ;  namely  that  against  Timarchus,  that  on  the 
Embassy,  and  the  one  against  Ctesiphon. 

Of  the  lii'e  of  his  great  rival,  Demosthenes,  we  have  already 
given  some  account,  and  need  therefore  only  speak  here  of 
his  literary  merits.  The  verdict  of  his  contemporaries,  ratified 
by  posterity,  has  pronounced  Demosthenes  the  gi'eatest  orator 
that  ever  lived.  The  jirincipal  element  of  his  success  must  be 
traced  in  his  purity  of  purpose,  wliich  gave  to  his  arguments  all 
the  force  of  conscientious  conviction  ;  and  which,  when  aided 
by  a  poweri'ul  logic,  perspicuous  arrangement,  and  the  most  un- 
daunted courage  in  tearing  the  mask  I'rom  the  pretensions  of  his 
adversaries,  rendered  his  advocacy  almost  irresistible.  The  eflect 
of  his  speeches  was  still  further  heightened  by  a  wonderful  and 
almost  magic  force  of  diction.  It  cannot,  however,  be  supposed 
that  his  orations  were  delivered  in  exactly  that  pedect  form  in 
which  we  now  possess  them.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  they 
were  carefully  revised  for  publication  ;  but  on  the  other  hand, 
any  trifling  defects  in  Ibrm  and  composition  must  have  been 
more  than  compensated  by  the  grace  and  vivacity  of  oral  de- 
livery. This  is  attested  by  the  well  known  anecdote  of  jEschines, 
when  he  read  at  Rhodes  his  speech  against  Ctesiphon.     His 

*  Ilept  TTaqa-QEaCeia^.  \  Sec  pp.  553.  554. 


Chap.  XLVIII.  DEMOSTHENES.  59?, 

audience  liaving  expressed  their  surprise  that  he  should  have 
been  defeated  after  such  an  oration  :  "  You  would  cease  to  won- 
der," he  remarked,  "  if  you  had  heard  Demosthenes."  Sixty-ono 
of  the  orations  of  Demosthenes  have  come  doAMi  to  us  ;  though 
of  these  some  are  spurious,  or  at  all  events  doubtful.  The  most 
celebrated  of  his  political  orations  are  the  Philippics,  the  Olyn- 
thiacs,  and  the  oration  on  the  Peace  ;  among  the  private  ones, 
the  famous  speech  on  the  Crown. 

The  remaining  three  Attic  orators,  viz.,  Lycurgus,  Hyperides, 
and  Dinarchus,  were  contemporaries  of  Demosthenes.  Lycurgus 
and  Hyperides  both  belonged  to  the  anti-Macedonian  party,  and 
were  warm  supporters  of  the  policy  of  Demosthenes.  Of  Ly- 
curgus only  one  oration  is  extant  ;  and  of  Hyperides  only  two, 
Avhich  have  been  recently  discovered  in  a  tomb  in  Egj'pt.  Di- 
narchus, who  is  the  least  important  of  the  Attic  orators,  survived 
Demosthenes,  and  was  a  friend  of  Demetrius  Phalereus.  He  Avas 
an  opponent  of  Demosthenes,  against  whom  he  delivered  one  of 
his  three  extant  orations  in  relation  to  the  atiair  of  Harpalus.* 

§  5.  Whilst  Attic  oratory  was  thus  attaining  perfection,  philo- 
sophy was  making  equal  progress  in  the  new  direction  marked 
out  lor  it  by  Socrates.  Of  all  the  disciples  of  that  original  and 
truly  great  philosopher,  Plato  was  by  far  the  most  distinguished. 
Plato  was  born  at  Athens  in  429  B.C.,  the  year  in  which  Pericles 
died.  By  Ariston,  his  father,  he  was  said  to  be  descended  from 
Codrus,  the  last  of  the  Athenian  kings  ;  whilst  the  family  of  his 
mother  traced  a  relationship  with  Solon.  His  own  name,  which 
was  originally  Aristocles,  is  said  to  have  been  changed  to  Plato 
on  account  of  the  breadth  of  his  shoulders. f  He  was  instructed 
in  music,  grammar,  and  g}"mnastics,  by  the  most  celebrated 
miasters  of  the  time.  His  first  literarj'  attempts  were  in  epic, 
lyric,  and  dithyrambic  poetry  ;  but  his  attention  was  soon  turned 
to  philcsophy  by  the  teaching  of  Socrates,  whose  lectures  he 
began  to  frequent  at  about  the  age  of  twenty.  From  that  time 
till  the  death  of  Socrates  he  appears  to  have  lived  in  tiie  closest 
intimacy  with  that  philosopher.  After  that  event  Plato  with- 
drew to  Megara,  and  subsequently  undertook  some  extensive 
travels,  in  the  course  of  which  he  visited  CjTene,  Egj'pt,  Sicily, 
and  Magna  Gracia.  His  intercourse  with  the  elder  Dionysius 
at  Syracuse  has  been  already  related. J  His  absence  from 
Athens  lasted  about  twelve  years  ;  on  his  retum,  being  then 
upwards  of  forty,  he  began  to  teach  in  the  gj-mnasium  of  the 
Academy,  and  also  in  his  garden  at  Colonus.  His  instructions 
Avere   gratuitous,    and   his    method,    like    tliat    of   his    master, 

*  See  pp.  554,  555.  t  ^kdrvc.  %  ^<^e  p.  489. 


594  IIISTOIIY  OF  OUEECM  CiiAf.  XLVIII. 

Socrates,  seems  to  liave  heeii  by  iiiterrofratioii  aiirl  dialogue.  His 
(loclrines,  liowever,  Averc  too  reeoiiditc  llir  tlie  jtojjular  ear,  and 
Ills  leelures  were  not  very  nuineroiisly  attended,  liut  lie  had 
a  narrower  eirele  of  devoted  adinirer.s  and  di.'^ciples,  cons-iKting  of 
about  t\ven1y-ei<rlit  jxnson.s,  wlio  met  in  liis  private  lioiise ;  over 
llic  ve.stibule  of  wliiehwas  in.seribed — "  Let  no  one  enter 'who  i» 
i<riioraiit  of  peometr}'."  The  most  di.stiii<.nii.shed  of  this  little 
band  of  andilor.s  "were  Speu.sijjpu.s,  his  nephew  and  successor,  and 
Aristotle.  But  even  arnon<j  the  wider  circle  of  his  hearers,  wlo 
did  not  properly  Ibrm  part  of  his  school,  were  some  of  the  most 
distinguished  men  of  the  age,  as  Chabrias,  Iphicrates,  Timothe- 
vis,  Phocion,  and  others.  Whether  Demosthenes  attended  his 
lectures  is  doubtful.  In  these  pursuits  the  remainder  of  his 
long  life  was  spent,  relieved,  however,  by  two  voyages  to  Sicily.* 
He  died  in  3  17,  at  the  age  of  61  or  82,  and  bequeathed  his  gar- 
den to  his  school. 

^  6.  Plato  nni.st  be  regarded  principally  as  a  moral  and  political 
philosopher,  and  as  a  dialectician  :  as  a  physical  inquirer  he  did 
not  shine,  and  the  Tima'us  is  his  only  work  in  that  branch  of 
philosophy.  His  dialectic  method  was  a  development  of  that  of 
Socrates  ;  and  though  he  did  not,  like  Aristotle,  produce  any 
formal  treatise  on  the  subject,  it  is  exempliiied  in  most  of  his 
works,  but  especially  in  the  Thea-tetus,  Sophistes,  Panrienides, 
and  one  or  two  others  of  the  same  class.  The  fundamental  prin- 
ciple of  Plato's  philosophy  is  the  belief  in  an  eternal  and  self- 
existent  cause,  the  origin  ol"  all  things.  From  this  divine  being 
emanate  not  only  the  souls  of  men,  which  are  also  immortal,  but 
that  of  the  uniA^erse  itself,  which  is  supposed  to  be  animated  by 
a  divine  spirit.  The  material  objects  of  our  sight  and  other 
senses  are  mere  fleeting  emanations  of  the  divine  idea ;  it  is 
only  this  idea  itself  that  is  really  existent  ;t  the  objects  of 
sensuous  perception^  are  mere  appearances,  taking  their  forms 
by  participations^  in  the  idea.  Hence  it  follows  that  in  Plato's 
view  all  knowledge  is  innate,  and  acquired  by  the  soul  before 
birth,  when  it  was  able  to  contemplate  real  existences,  and  all 
our  ideas  in  this  world  are  mere  reminiscences  of  their  true  and 
eternal  patterns.  These  principles,  when  applied  to  the  investi- 
gation of  language,  neces.sarily  made  Plato  a  realist  ;  *hat  is,  he 
held  that  an  abstract  name,  expressing  a  genus — as,  for  instance, 
mankind,  comprehending  all  individual  men — tree,  comprehend- 
ing ever}'  species  of  tree,  and  so  forth — were  not  mere  signs  to 
express  our  modes  of  thinking,  but  denoted  real  existences,  in 
fact  the  only  true  existences,  as  being  the  expressions  of  the 

*  See  pp.  491,  492.       f  to  uvruc  ov.      J  tu  yi-j-vofieva.      ^  fiide^iq. 


CuAP.  XLVIII.  PLATO.  595 

eternally  pre-existent  idea.  In  this  matter  he  seems  to  have  de- 
parted from  Socrates;  and,  indeed,  the  reader  who  should  seek 
the  philosophy  of  Socrates  in  the  writings  of  Plato  would  often 
be  led  very  far  astray.  Socrates  believed  in  a  divine  cause,  but 
the  doctrine  of  ideas  and  other  figments  with  which  Plato  sur- 
rounded it  seem  to  have  been  his  own. 

As  a  moral  and  political  philosopher  the  views  of  Plato  were 
sublime  and  elevated,  but  conmionly  too  much  tinged  with  his 
poetical  and  somewhat  visionary  cast  of  mind  to  be  of  much 
practical  utility.  They  .are  speculations  Avhich  may  awake  our 
admiration  as  we  read  them,  but  which  for  the  most  part  it 
would  be  difficult  or  impossible  to  put  in  practice.  His  belief 
in  the  immortality  of  the  soul  naturally  led  him  to  establish  a 
lofty  standard  of  moral  excellence,  and  hke  his  great  teaclier,  he 
constantly  inculcates  temperance,  justice,  and  purity  of  life.  His 
political  views  are  developed  in  the  Republic  and  the  Laivs.  The 
form3r  of  thesa  works  presents  us  with  a  sort  of  Utopia,  such  as 
never  has  existed,  and  never  could  exist.  The  main  feature 
of  his  system  is  the  subordination,  or  rather  the  entire  sacri- 
fice of  the  individual  to  the  state.  The  citizens  are  divided 
into  three  classes,  in  fanciful  analogy  with  the  faculties  of  the 
soul.  Thus  the  general  body,  or  working  class,  represents  the 
'passions  and  appetites  ;  the  icill  is  typified  by  the  military  order, 
which  is  to  control  the  general  mass,  but  which  is  in  turn  to  be 
thoroughly  subservient  to  the  govei-nment,  whose  functions  cor- 
respond with  those  of  the  intellect,  or  rational  faculty.  With 
such  views  Plato  was  naturally  inimical  to  the  unrestricted  demo- 
cracy of  Athens,  and  inclined  to  give  a  preference  to  the  Spartan 
constitution.  In  the  Laws,  however,  he  somewhat  relaxed  the 
theory  laid  down  in  the  Republic,  and  sought  to  render  it  of  more 
practical  operation.  Thus  he  abandons  in  that  work  the  strict 
separation  of  classes,  sets  some  limits  to  the  power  of  the  govern- 
m3iit,  and  attempts  to  reconcile  freedom  and  absolutism  by 
mingling  monarchy  with  democracy. 

k  7.  Plato,  as  we  have  said,  visited  Megara  after  the  death  of 
Socrates,  where  other  pupils  of  that  philosopher  had  also  taken 
refuge.  Among  these  the  most  famous  was  Euclidcs,  who  must 
not  be  confounded  with  the  great  mathematician  of  Alexandria. 
Euclides  founded  the  sect  called  from  his  residence  the  Me- 
garic,  and  which  from  the  attention  they  paid  to  dialectics  were' 
also  entitled  Dialectici  and  Eristici  (or  the  litigious).  Two  other 
ofishoots  of  the  Socratic  school  were  the  Cyrcnaics  and  Cynics. 
The  former  of  these  sects  were  founded  by  Aristippus  oi  Cyrene 
in  Africa,  the  latter  by  Antisthenes.  Aristippus,  though  a  hearer 
of  Socrates,  wandered  fiir  Irom  the  precepts  of  his  great  ma^^ter. 


696  HISTORY  OF  GREECK  Ciiai-.  XLVIH. 

Hf!  was  fond  of  luxurious  liviiifr  and  sensual  pratificalions,  which 
he  hold  to  be  shaincfid  only  when  tin  y  olitaincd  so  unronlrolled 
an  empire  over  a  man  as  to  render  hiiu  their  entire  slave.  His 
chief  maxim  was  to  discover  the  art  of  extractinj^  pleasure  from 
all  the  circumstances  of  life,  and  to  make  prosperity  and  ad- 
versity alike  subservient  to  that  end.  Such  tenets  made  him  a 
favourite  with  the  clever  and  cultivated  man  of  the  world,  and 
we  find  him  more  than  once  approvingly  alluded  to  by  Horace.*" 
Antisthenes  was  an  Athenian,  and  also  a  pupil  of  Socrates.  He 
taught  in  the  Cynosarges,  a  gymnasium  at  Athens  designed  for 
Athenian  boys  born  of  ibreign  mothers,  which  is  said  to  have  been 
his  ov\'n  case.  It  was  frrorn  tliis  gymnasium  that  the  sect  he 
founded  was  called  the  Cynic,  though  some  derive  the  name  from 
their  dog-like  habits,  which  led  them  to  neglect  all  the  decent 
usages  of  society.  It  was  one  of  the  least  important  of  the 
philosophical  schools.  One  of  its  most  remarkable  members  was 
Diogenes  of  Sinope,  whose  interview  with  Alexander  the  Great 
at  Corinth  we  have  had  occasion  to  relate. f  No  writings  of  any 
of  the  three  last-mentioned  sects  have  survived. 

k  8.  Such  were  the  most  celebrated  rnii.or  schools  which  sprang 
from  the  teaching  of  Socrates.  The  four  principal  schools  were 
the  Academicians,  who  owed  their  origin  to  Plato  ;  the  Peri- 
2oatetics,  founded  hy  his  pupil  Aristotle ;  the  Kpicurca?is,  so  named 
from  their  master  Epicurus;  and  the  Stc/ics,  founded  by  Zeno. 

Speusippus,  Plato's  nephew,  became  the  head  of  the  Academy 
after  his  uncle's  death.  Under  him  and  liis  immediate  suc- 
cessors, as  Xenocrates,  Polemon,  Crates,  and  Crantor,  the  doc- 
trines of  Plato  were  taught  with  little  alteration,  and  these 
professors  formed  what  is  called  the  old  Academy.  The  Middle 
Academy  begins  with  Arcesilaus,  who  flourished  towards  the 
close  of  the  3rd  centurj'  t..c.,  and  who  succeeded  to  the  chair  on 
the  death  of  Crantor.  Under  him  the  doctrines  of  the  Academy 
underwent  some  modification.  He  appears  to  have  directed  his 
inquiries  almost  exclusively  to  an  investigation  of  the  grounds  of 
knowledge,  and  to  have  approached  in  some  degree  the  Pyrrhon- 
ists  or  Sceptics.  The  Platonic  doctrines  suHered  a  further 
change  in  the  hands  of  Carneades,  the  founder  of  the  new  Aca- 

••  "Isunc  in  Aristippi  furtim  praeccpta  relabor 

Et  milii  res  non  me  rebus  subjungere  conor." 

Hoa.  Ep.  i.  1.  15. 


And  again 
f  Sec  i^'.  627 


"  Onmis  Aristippum  deceit  color  et  status  et  res." 

lb.  17,  2.1 


Chap.  XLVIII.     ACADOIICIAXS.     PERIPATETICS.  591 

demy.  Cameades  flourished  towards  the  middle  of  the  2nd 
century  b.c.  Under  him,  doubt  and  hesitation  began  still  more 
strongly  to  characterise  the  teaching  of  the  Platonists.  His 
distinguished  tenet  was  an  entire  suspension  of  assent,  on  the 
ground  that  truth  has  always  a  certain  degree  of  error  combined 
with  it ;  and  so  far  did  he  carry  this  principle,  that  even  Clito- 
machus,  his  most  intimate  pupil,  could  never  discover  his  mas- 
ter's real  tenets  on  any  subject. 

^  9.  But  of  all  the  Grecian  sects,  that  of  the  Po-ipatctics, 
founded  by  Aristotle,  had  the  greatest  influence  so  far  as  the 
researches  of  the  intellect  are  concerned  ;  and  this  not  merely 
in  antiquity,  but  even  perhaps  to  a  still  greater  extent  in  modern 
times,  and  especially  during  what  are  called  the  middle  ages. 
Aristotle  was  born  in  38-4  B.C.,  at  Stagira,  a  sea-port  town  of 
Chalcidice,  ^^•hence  he  is  frequently  called  the  Stagin'tc.  His 
father  Nicomachus  was  physician  to  Amyntas  II.,  king  of  Mace- 
donia. At  the  age  of  17,  Aristotle,  who  had  then  lost  both  lather 
and  mother,  repaired  to  Athens.  .Here  he  received  the  instructions 
of  Heraclides  Ponticus,  and  other  Socratics ;  and  M'hen,  about 
three  years  after  his  arrival  at  Athens,  Plato  returned  to  that 
city,  Aristotle  immediately  attended  his  lectures.  Plato  consi- 
dered him  his  best  scholar,  and  called  him  "  the  intellect  of  his 
school."  Aristotle  spent  twenty  years  at  Athens,  during  the 
last  ten  of  which  he  established  a  school  of  his  own ;  but' during 
the  whole  period  he  appears  to  have  kept  up  his  connexion  with 
the  Macedonian  court.  On  the  death  of  Plato  in  347,  Ai'istotlc 
quitted  Athens,  and  repaired  to  Atarneus,  in  Mysia,  where  he 
resided  tAvo  or  three  years  v.'ith  Hermias,  a  former  pupil,  who 
had  made  himself  dynast  of  that  city  and  of  Assos,  and  whose 
adopted  daughter  lie  married.  Atarneus  being  threatened  by 
the  Persians,  into  whose  hands  Hermias  had  fallen,  Aristotle 
escaped  with  his  wife  to  Mytilene,  and  in  34.2  accepted  the  invi- 
tation of  Philip  of  Macedon  to  undertake  the  instruction  of  his 
son  Alexander.  Philip  treated  the  philosopher  with  the  greatest 
respect,  and  at  his  request  caused  the  city  of  Stagira  to  be  re- 
built, which  had  been  destroyed  in  the  Olynthian  war.  It  was 
here,  in  a  gymnasium  called  the  Nymplueum,  that  Aristotle 
imparted  his  instructions  to  Alexander,  as  well  as  to  several 
other  noble  youths.  In  335,  after  Alexander  had  ascended  the 
tlirone,  Aristotle  quitted  Macedonia,  to  which  he  never  re- 
turned. He  again  took  up  his  abode  at  Athens,  where  his 
friend  Xenocrates  was  now  at  the  head  of  the  Academy.  To 
Aristotle  himself  the  Athenians  assigned  the  g)-mnasium  called 
the  Lyceum  .;  and  from  his  habit  of  delivering  his  lectures  Avl.ilst 
walking  up  and  down  in  the  shady  walks  of  this  ])lace,  his  school 


608  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Ciiaj'.  XLVIII 

was  called  the  iKripnlctic*  In  the  rnr)rnirig  he  lectured  only  to 
a  Hcleirt  class  ol'  jjujiils,  called  esoteric,]  and  tliese  lectureB  were 
(-.iWrA  (irro(ii)uitic,X  ill  conlradislinction  to  being  writleu  and 
jxiblislied.  His  allernoon  lectures  were  delivered  to  a  wider 
circle,  and  were  tlierelbre  called  crotcrick  His  rnellicd  ajjjjearh 
to  have  been  that  of  a  regular  lecture,  and  not  the  Hccratic  one 
oi"  question  and  answer.  It  was  during  tlie  thirteen  years  in 
which  lie  presided  over  tlic  Lyceum  that  he  corn|josed  the 
greater  part  oi"  his  works,  and  jirosccutcd  liis  reftcarclies  in  na- 
tural history,  in  which  he  was  most  liberally  assisted  by  tlie  mu- 
nificence of  Alexander.  The  latter  pjortion  of  Aristotle's  hfe  war 
unfortunate.  He  aj)pears  to  have  lost  from  acme  unknown  cause 
the  friendship  of  Alexander ;  and,  after  the  death  of  that  monarch, 
the  disturbances  which  ensued  in  Greece  proved  unfavourable  to 
his  peace  and  security.  Being  threatened  with  a  prosecution 
for  impiety,  he  escaped  from  Athens  and  retired  to  Chalcis ;  but 
he  Avas  condemned  to  death  in  his  absence,  and  deprived  of  all 
the  rights  and  honours  which  he  ])reviously  enjoyed.  He  died  at 
Chalcis  in  322,  in  the  G3rd  year  of  his  age.  In  person  Aristotle 
was  short  and  slender,  with  small  eyes,  and  tcmething  ol"  a  lisp. 
His  manners  were  characterised  by  briskness  and  vivacity,  and  he 
paid  considerable  attention  to  his  dress  and  cut-ward  appearance. 

Of  all  the  philosophical  svstems  of  antiquity,  that  of  Aristotle 
was  hest  adapted  to  the  practical  wants  of  mankind.  It  was 
founded  on  a  close  and  accurate  observation  ci"  human  nature 
and  of  the  external  world  ;  but  whilst  it  sought  the  practical 
and  useful,  it  did  not  neglect  the  beautiful  and  noble.  His  works 
consisted  of  treatises  on  natural,  moral,  and  political  philosophy, 
history,  rhetoric,  criticism,  &c. ;  indeed  there  is  scarcely  a  branch 
of  knowledge  which  his  v^ast  and  comprehensive  genius  did  not 
embrace.  Any  attempt  to  give  an  account  of  these  works  would 
far  exceed  the  limits  of  the  present  work.  His  greatest  claim 
to  our  admiration  is  as  a  logician.  He  perfected  and  brought 
into  form  those  elements  of  the  dialectic  art  which  had  been 
struck  out  by  Socrates  and  Plato,  and  wrought  them  by  liis 
additions  into  so  complete  a  system,  that  he  may  be  regarded  as 
at  once  the  founder  and  perfecter  of  logic  as  an  art,  which  even 
down  to  our  own  days  has  been  but  very  little  improved. 

\  10.  The  school  of  the  Stoics  Avas  ibunded  by  Zeno,  a  native  of 
Citium  in  the  island  of  Cyprus.  The  exact  date  of  Zenos  birth 
is  uncertain  ;  but  he  seems  to  have  gone  to  Athens  about  tho 

*  From  TcegLTareiv,  to  walk  ahovt.  Othei-s,  bo'«"ever,  perhaps  more 
corrpctly,  derive  it  from  the  place  itself  being  called  6  TzeQi-aro^,  or  the 
promenade.  ■[•  icureQiKoc,  inner,  intimate. 

\  uKqaafiaTiKoq,  coniinunicatcd  orally.  §  l^ureqiKog,  external. 


Chap.  XLVIII.  STOICS.     EPICURE^iNS.  599 

beginning  of  the  3rd  century  (b.c.  299)  ;  a  visit  which,  according 
to  some  accounts,  was  owing  to  his  having  been  shipwrecked  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Pira?us.  At  Athens  he  first  attached  him- 
self to  the  Cynics,  then  to  the  Megarics,  and  lastly  to  the  Acade- 
micians ;  but  after  a  long  course  of  study  he  opened  a  school  of 
his  own  in  the  Poecile  Stoa,  or  painted  porch,  whence  the  name 
of  his  sect.  The  speculative  doctrines  of  Zeno  were  not  marked 
by  much  originality.  He  hiculcated  temperance  and  self  denial, 
and  his  practice  was  in  accordance  with  his  precepts.  The  want 
of  reach  in  the  Stoic  tenets,  which  did  not  demand  so  much 
refined  and  abstract  thought  as  those  of  many  other  sects,  as 
well  as  the  outward  gravity  and  decorum  which  they  inculcated, 
recommended  their  school  to  a  large  portion  of  mankind,  espe- 
cially among  the  Romans,  by  whom  that  sect  and  the  Epicurean 
were  the  two  most  vmiversally  adopted.  Two  of  the  most  illus- 
trious writers  on  the  Stoic  philosophy,  whose  works  are  extant, 
are  Epictetus  and  the  Emperor  M.  Aurelius. 

Epicurus  was  born  at  Samos  in  342,  of  poor  but  respectable 
Athenian  parents.  He  followed  at  first  the  profession  of  a 
schoolmaster,  and  after  spending  some  time  in  travelling,  settled 
at  Athens  at  about  the  age  of  35.  Here  he  purchased  a  garden, 
apparently  in  the  heart  of  the  city,  where  he  established  his  phi- 
losophical school.  He  seems  to  have  been  the  only  head  of  a 
sect  who  had  not  previously  gone  through  a  regular  course  of 
study,  and  prided  himself  on  being  self-taught.  In  physics  he 
adopted  the  atomic  theory  of  the  Pythagoreans  and  Ionics  ;  in 
morals  that  of  the  Cyrenaic  school,  that  pleasure  is  the  highest 
good  ;  a  tenet,  however,  which  he  explained  and  dignified  by 
showing  that  it  was  mental  pleasure  that  he  intended.  His  works 
have  perished,  but  the  main  substance,  both  of  his  physical  and 
religious  doctrines,  may  be  derived  from  Lucretius,  whose  jioeni 
De  Kenan  Naiiira  is  an  exposition  of  his  principal  tenets.  The 
ideas  of  atheism  and  sensual  degradation  with  which  the  name 
of  Epicurus  has  been  so  frequently  coupled  are  founded  on  igno- 
rance of  his  real  teaching.  But  as  he  denied  the  inanortality  of 
the  soul,  and  the  interference  of  the  gods  in  human  affairs, — 
though  he  held  their  existence, — his  tenets  were  very  liable  to 
be  abused  by  those  who  had  not  sufficient  <?levation  of  mind  to 
love  virtue  for  its  own  sake. 

§  11.  We  have  thus  traced  the  progress  of  Grecian  literature 
from  its  earliest  dawn  till  it  was  brought  to  perfection  by  the 
master-minds  of  Athens.  After  the  death  of  Alexander,  Grecian 
literature  did  not  become  extinct :  there  w^as  a  vitality  about  it 
that  insured  its  subsistence  for  several  ages,  thou*rh  not  in  it? 


coo  IIISTOJIY  OF  C.MVMIK  Ciiai-.  XLVIIL 

I'oniicr  Kplendour.  Alexandria,  iidw  llie  cinjKjriurii  of  foinnjcrce, 
hc'caine  also  the  chief  seat  of  leaniiii;.',  where  it  waH  foHlered  by 
the  iiiunincence  and  favour  of  the  lirst  I'toleiniea.  It  was  hero 
that  literature  heearne  a  profession,  sujqjorted  by  llie  foundation 
of  noble  and  extensive  libraries,  and  cultivated  by  a  race  of 
{nannnarians  and  critics.  These  men  were  of  great  assistance 
to  hterature  by  the  critical  care  whicli  they  bestowed  on  editions 
of  the  best  authors,  and  by  the  invention  of  many  aids  to  faci- 
htate  the  labours  of  the  student,  as  better  systems  of  prammar, 
punctuation,  (Sec.  One  of  the  most  eminent  of  tliem  was  Aris- 
tophanes of  ])V/.antiuiii,  chiel'librarian  at  Alexandria  in  the  reipns 
of  the  second  and  third  Ptolemies,  and  who  founded  there  a  sdiool 
of  grammar  and  criticism.  It  was  he  and  his  pu])il  Aristarchus 
who  were  chiefly  concerned  in  ibrming  the  canon  of  the  Greek 
classical  writers  ;  and  in  their  selection  ol'  authors  they  displayed 
for  the  most  part  a  correct  taste  and  sound  judgment.  Tn  Aris- 
tophanes is  ascribed  the  invention  of  the  Greek  accents.  Aris- 
tarchus is  chiefly  renowned  as  the  editor  of  the  Homeric  poems 
in  the  form  in  which  we  now  possess  them.  From  their  school 
proceeded  many  celebrated  grammarians  and  lexicographers.  It 
must  not,  however,  be  sujjpoped  that  this  Avas  the  sole  species  of 
literature  which  flourished  at  Alexandria.  Theocritus,  the  mcst 
charming  pastoral  poet  of  antiquity — of  which  species  ol"  compo- 
sition he  was  the  inventor — though  a  native  of  k>_\Tacuse,  lived 
for  some  time  at  Alexandria,  where  he  enjoyed  the  })atronage  of 
Ptolemy  II.  His  contemporaries  and  imitators,  Bion  of  Smyrna, 
and  Moschus  of  Syracuse,  also  wrote  with  much  gi'ace  and  beauty. 
This  school  of  poetry  was  afterwards  cultivated  with  success  by 
V^irgil,  Tibullus,  and  others  among  the  Komans.  At  Alexandria 
also  flourished  Callimachus,  the  author  of  many  hymns,  elegies, 
and  other  poems,  which  were  much  admired  at  Rome,  and  were 
translated  and  imitated  by  Catullus  and  Propertius.  Amongst 
immerous  other  j^oets  we  can  only  mention  Apollonius  Rhodius, 
the  author  of  an  epic  poem  on  the  exploits  of  the  Argonauts ; 
and  Aratus,  who  composed  Uvo  poems  on  astronomy  and  na- 
tural phenomena.  Among  the  Alexandrine  writers  on  pure 
science,  the  mathematician  Euclid  (Euclides)  stands  conspicuous, 
whose  elements  of  geometry  still  form  the  text-bcok  of  our 
schools.  He  flourished  during  the  time  of  the  first  Ptolemy 
(B.C.  323—283). 

^12.  The  list  of  Greek  -\\Titers  down  to  the  extinction  of  the 
Greek  empire  might  be  indefinitely  enlarged  ;  but  our  limits 
Avould  only  permit  us  to  present  the  reader  Avith  a  barren  list  of 
names  ;  and  Ave  therefore  content  ourseh'es  Avith  selecting  for 
notice  a  Icav  of  the  most  eminent. 


CHAP.  XLVlII.  LATER  GREEK  WRITERS.  601 

The  historian  Polybius  (c.c.  204 — 122)  has  aiready  been  raeu- 
tioned  as  taking  a  part  in  the  final  struggle  of  his  country  with 
Rome.  His  History,  though  the  greater  part  of  it  has  unfortu- 
nately perished,  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  remains  of  antiquity. 
His  long  residence  among  the  Romans  afibrded  him  an  oppor- 
tunity of  studying  their  annals  ;  and  from  the  period  of  the 
second  Punic  war  he  has  been  very  closely  followed  by  Livy. 

Another  Greek  writer  of  Roman  history  was  Dionysius  of  Ha 
licarnassus,  who  flourished  in  the  latter  half  of  the  first  century 
B.C.  He  spent  a  considerable  part  of  his  life  at  Rome,  and  de- 
voted himself  to  the  study  of  the  history  and  antiquities  of  that 
city,  on  which  he  wrote  a  book,  a  considerable  part  of  which  is 
still  extant.  He  was,  however,  a  better  critic  than  historian, 
and  we  still  possess  several  of  his  treatises  in  that  department 
of  literature. 

Diodorus,  called  from  his  country  Siculus,  or  the  Sicilian,  also 
lived  at  Rome  in  the  time  of  Julius  and  Augustus  Caesar.  He 
was  the  author  of  a  universal  history  in  40  books,  called  The 
Historical  Library,  of  which  15  books  are  still  extant. 

Arrian,  of  Nicomedia  in  Bithynia,  who  lived  in  the  first  century 
of  our  era,  wrote  an  account  of  Alexander's  expedition,  as  well 
as  several  works  on  philosophical  and  other  subjects. 

Appian  of  Alexandria  lived  in  the  reigns  of  Trajan,  Hadrian, 
and  AntoniiRis  Pius,  and  was  the  author  of  a  Roman  historJ^ 

One  of  the  best  and  most  valuable  Greek  writers  of  this  time 
was  Plutarch,  the  biographer  and  philosopher.  He  was  a  native 
of  Chajronea  in  BcEotia.  The  exact  date  of  his  birth  is  unknoAvn, 
but  it  must  have  been  about  the  middle  of  the  finst  century  of 
our  era.  He  passed  a  considerable  time  in  Rome  and  Italy  ;  but 
it  was  late  in  his  life  before  he  applied  himself  to  the  study  of 
Roman  literature,  and  he  appears  never  to  have  completely  mas- 
tered the  language.  The  later  years  of  his  life  seem  to  have  been 
spent  at  Cha^ronea,  where  he  discharged  several  magisterial 
offices,  and  filled  a  priesthood.  His  Lives,  if  not  the  most  au- 
thoritative, are  certainly  one  of  the  most  entertaining  works  ever 
\vritten.  They  have  perhaps  been  more  frequently  translated 
than  any  other  book,  and  have  been  popular  in  every  age  and 
nation.  Besides  his  Lives,  Plutarch  was  the  author  of  a  great 
number  of  treatises  on  moral  and  other  subjects. 

About  the  same  time  flourished  Josephus,  the  Jewish  historian, 
who  was  born  at  Jerusalem  a.d.  37.  Though  a  Hebrew,  the 
Greek  style  of  Josephus  is  remarkably  pure. 

Strabo,  the  celebrated  geographer,  was  a  native  of  Amasia  in 
Pontus,  and  lived  in  the  reigns  of  Augustus  and  Tiberius.  His 
valuable  wovk  on  geography,  winch  also  contains  many  im])orUnt 

2D 


60'i  IIISTOKV  (;F  (JJIEIX'K.  Ciiai-.  XJ.VIIL 

liistoric'il  I'iicts,  still  cxiBts  pretty  nearly  entire,  though  the  text 
is  oltcii  corrupt. 

Pausauias,  autlior  of  the  Dcsrrijitio}!  of  (irccrc,  is  supjxjHcd  to 
have  been  a  native  of  Lydia,  and  flouri.^hed  in  the  second  cen- 
tury of  our  asra.  His  account  of  Greece  is  of  considerable  value, 
for  many  of  tlie  fjreat  works  of  Grecian  art  viere  extant  when  he 
travelled  tlir()u<rli  the  countiy,  and  he  appears  to  have  described 
them  with  lidelity  as  well  as  minuteness. 

Dion  Cassius,  the  historian,  was  bom  at  Nica;a  in  Bithynia, 
A.B.  155.  His  liistory  of  Rome  in  80  books  extended  from  the 
earliest  times  to  a.d.  229.  It  has  come  down  to  us  in  a  verj*  im- 
perfect state,  but  is  still  a  valuable  authority  for  the  hi.story  of 
the  latter  republic  and  a  considerable  portion  of  the  empire. 

Lucian,  one  of  the  w'ittiest  and  most  entertaining  of  ancient 
writers,  and  who,  from  his  sparkling  style,  his  turn  of  mind,  and 
liis  disregard  for  authority,  may  be  compared  to  Swift  or  Voltaire, 
was  born  at  Samosata,  probably  about  a.d.  120.  Of  his  numer- 
ous works,  the  best  known  are  his  Dialogues  of  the  Dead,  which 
have  been  universally  esteemed,  not  only  for  their  wit,  but  also 
for  their  Attic  grace  of  diction. 

We  camiot  close  this  imperfect  list  of  Greek  profane  writers 
without  mentioning  the  name  of  Galen,  the  celebrated  physician. 
Galen  was  born  at  Pergamus  in  Mysia,  a.d.  130.  He  completed 
his  education  at  Smyrna,  Corinth,  and  Alexandria,  after  which  he 
undertook  some  extensive  travels.  He  seems  to  have  visited  Rome 
at  least  twice,  and  attended  on  the  emperors  M.  Aurelius  and  L. 
Verus.  The  wTitings  of  Galen  fomied  an  epoch  in  medical  science, 
and  after  his  time  all  the  previous  medical  sects  seem  to  have 
become  merged  in  his  followers  and  imitators. 

k  13.  But  the  Greek  language  was  not  merely  destined  to  be 
the  vehicle  of  those  civilising  influences  which  flow  from  the 
imagination  of  the  sublimest  poets  and  the  reasonings  of  the 
most  profoiuid  philosophers.  The  still  more  glorious  mission 
Avas  reserved  for  it,  of  conveying  to  mankind  through  the  Gospel 
that  certain  prospect  of  a  lite  to  come,  which  even  the  wisest  of 
the  Grecian  sages  had  beheld  only  as  in  a  glass,  darkly.  Three 
at  least  of  the  tour  Gospels  were  written  in  the  Greek  tongue,  as 
well  as  the  greater  portion  of  those  scriptures  which  compose 
the  jNTew  Testament.  AYe  have  already  alluded  to  the  facilities 
Avhich  the  conquests  of  Alexander  atibrded  to  the  spreading  of 
the  Gospel  ;  nor  were  there  wanting  in  subsequent  ages  men 
who  assisted  its  extension  by  their  writings.  Even  the  works 
of  an  author  like  Lucian  were  subservient  to  this  end,  bv  casting 
ridicule  on  the  gods  of  paganism,  and  thus  preparing  the  minds 
of  men  for  the  reception  of  a  purer  doctrine.     Among  the  Greek 


Chap.  XLVIII.  CONCLUSION.  603 

Fathers  of  the  Church  were  many  men  of  distinguished  talent ; 
as  Justin  Martyr,  one  of  the  earhest  of  the  Christian  writers, 
Clemens  of  Alexandria,  Origen,  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  and  many 
others  ;  especially  Joannes,  surnamed  Chrysostomus,  or  tJie 
golden-mouthed,  from  the  power  of  his  eloquence. 

The  Greek  language  and  literature  continued  to  suhsist  till 
the  taking  of  Constantinople  by  the  Turks  in  1453.  Even  that 
shock  did  not  entirely  destroy  their  vitality.  The  many  learned 
Greeks  who  then  took  refuge  in  Italy  were  the  means  of  reviving 
the  study  of  their  tongue,  then  almost  entirely  neglected,  in  the 
West,  and  especially  at  Florence,  under  the  auspices  of  Cosmo 
de'  Medici,  who  appointed  Johannes  Argyropulus,  one  of  these 
refugees,  preceptor  to  his  son  and  nephew.  Maximus  Planudes, 
Manuel  Moschopulus,  Emanuel  Chrysoloras,  Theodore  Gaza,  and 
others,  assisted  in  this  work  ;  and  through  these  men  and  their 
successors,  and  particularly  through  the  labours  of  Aldus  Manu- 
tius,  the  Venetian  printer,  who  flourished  in  the  same  century, 
the  chief  mastei-pieces  of  Grecian  literature  have  been  handed 
down  and  made  intelligible  to  us. 


Bust  of  the  poet  Meiianaer. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE. 


Book  1.— MYTHICAL  AOE. 


)18-i   Capture  of  Troy. 

11 2-4    Emigration  of  the  Dceotians  from  Thessaly  into  Rieotia. 
lUU    Uiturn  of  the  Ilcraclidu;.     Conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Doriaiin. 
1050.   Ciimii^  I'ouildod. 
fci50.  I'robable  age  of  Homer. 

Book  H.— GROWTH  OF  THE  GRECIAN  STATES. 

776.  Commencement  of  the  Olymi)iads.     Age  of  Lycurgus. 

747.  Phidon,  tyrant  of  Argo.s,  celebrates  the  6th  Olympic  games. 

743.  Beginning  of  the  first  Mussenian  war. 

734.  Syracuse  founded  by  Archias  of  Corinth. 

723.  End  of  the  first  Messenian  War. 

720.  Sybaris,  in  Italy,  founded  by  the  Achaeans. 

710.  Croton,  in  Italy,  fduiulc-d  by  the  Achaeans. 

708.  Tarentum  fouriilcd  by  the  LacedEcmonian  Parthenii,  under  Phalantbus. 

700.  Archilochus  of  I'aros,  the  iambic  poet,  flourished. 

693.  Simonides  of  Amorgos,  the  lyric  poet,  flourished. 
690.  Foundation  of  Gela  in  Sicily. 

685.  The  beginning  of  the  second  Messenian  war. 

683.  First  annual  Archon  at  Athens.     Tyrtaeus,  the  Athenian  poet,  came  to  Sparta 

after  the  (i.-st  success  of  the  Messenians,  and  by  his  martial  songs  roused  the 

fainting  courage  of  the  Lacedaemonians. 
670.  Alcman,  a  native  of  Sardis  in  Lydia,  and  the  chief  lyric  poet  of  Sparta,  flourished. 
668.  End  of  the  second  Messenian  war. 
?64.   A  sea-fight  between  the  Corinthians  and  CorcyTteans,  the  most  ancient  sea-fight 

recorded.     Zaleucus,  the  lawgiver  in  Locri  Epizephyrii,  flourished. 
657.  Byzantium  founded  by  the  Megarians. 

655.  The  Bacchiad<B  e.xpclled  from  Corinth.     Cypselus  begins  to  reign. 
644.  Pantaleon,  king  of  Pisa,  celebrates  the  Olympic  games. 
630.  Cyrene  in  Libya  founded  by  Battus  of  Thera. 
625.  Periander  succeeds   Cypselus   at  Corinth.     Arion  flourished  in  the  reign  of 

Periander. 
624.  Legislation  of  Dracon  at  Athens. 
612.  Attempt  of  Cylon  to  make  himself  master  of  Athens. 
610.  Sappho,  Alcieus,  and  Stesichorus  flourished. 
600.  Massilia  in  Gaul  founded  by  the  Phoeaeans. 
596.  Epimenides,  the  Cretan,  came  to  Athens. 
695.   Commencement  of  the  Cirrhman  or  Sacred  War,  which  lasted  10  years. 

694.  Legislation  of  Solon,  who  was  Athenian  archon  in  this  year. 
591.  Cirrha  taken  by  the  Amphictyons. 

589.  Commencement  of  the  government  of  Pittacus  at  Mytilenc. 

586.  The  conquest  of  the  Cirrhseans  completed,  and  the  Pythian  games  celebrated 

The  Seven  Wise  Men  flourished. 
585.  Death  of  Periander. 
582.  Agrigentuni  founded. 

581.  The  dynasty  of  the  Cypsclida- ended.  , 

579.  Pittacus  resigns  the  government  of  Mytilene. 

572.  The  war  between  Pisa  and  Elis  ended  by  the  subjection  of  the  Pissans. 
560.  Pisastratus  usurps  the  government  of  .\thens.     Ibycus  of  Rhegium,  the  lyric 

poet,  flourished. 
559.  Cyrus  begins  to  reign  in  Persia. 
556.  Simonides  of  Ceos,  the  lyric  poet.  born. 
548.  The  temple  of  Delphi  burnt,     .\naximencs  flourished. 
546.  Sardis  taken  by  Cyrus  and  the  Lydian  monarchy  overthrown.     Ilipponax,  the 

iambic  poet,  flourished. 
544.  Pherecydos  of  Syros,  the  philosopher,  and  Theognis  ofMc(^ra,  the  poet,  flourished 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TJiBLK  606 

B.C. 

539.  ibycus  of  Rhegium,  the  lyric  poet,  flourished. 

538.  Babylon  taken  by  Cyrus.     Xenophanes  ol' Colophon,  the  philosopher,  flouriflhei 

535.  The.spis  tlie  Athenian  lir.st  e.xliibits  tragedy. 

532.  Polycrates  becomes  tyrant  ol  Sanio.s. 

531 .  The  philosopher  Pythagoras  and  the  poet  Anacreon  flourished. 

529.  Death  ot'(-yrus,  and  accession  ofCanibyses  as  king  of  Persia. 

527.  Death  of  Pisastratus,  33  years  after  his  first  usurpation. 

525.  Cambyses  conquers  ^l<;gypt  in  the  firth  year  of  his  reign.     Birth  of^iEschyltlB, 

523.  Chcenlus  of  Athens  exhibits  tragedy. 

522.  Polycrates  of  Sainos  put  to  death.  Birth  of  Pindar.  Death  of  Cambyses, 
usurpation  of  the  Magi,  and  accession  of  Darius  to  the  Persian  throne.  lie- 
cataeus,  the  historian,  flourished. 

514.  Ilipparchus,  tyrant  of  Athens,  slain  by  Ilarmodius  and  Aristogiton. 

511.  Phrynichus,  the  tragic  poet,  flourished. 

'510.  E.xpulsion  of  IJippias  and  his  family  from  Athens.  The  ten  tribes  instituted  at 
Athens  by  ('listhenes. 

504.  Charon  of  Lanipsacus,  the  historian,  flourished. 

601.  Naxos  besieged  by  Aristagoras  and  the  Persians.  Upon  the  failure  of  this  at- 
tempt Aristagoras  determines  to  revolt  from  the  Persians. 

500.  Aristagoras  solicits  aid  from  Athens  and  Sparta.  Birth  of  Anaxagoras  the 
philosopher.  First  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt.  The  lonians,  assisted  by  the 
Athenians,  burn  Sardis.     jEschylus,  aged  25,  first  exhibits  tragedy. 

499.  Second  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt. 

498.  Third  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt.  Aristagoras  slain  in  Ttirace.  Death  of 
Pythagoras. 

497.  Fourth  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt.  Ilistioeus  comes  down  to  the  coast.  Birth  o' 
Ilellanicus  of  Mytilene,  the  historian. 

496.  Fifth  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt.     Birth  of  Sophocles. 

495.  Sixth  and  last  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt.  The  lonians  defeated  in  a  naval  battle 
near  Miletus,  and  Miletus  taken. 

493.  The  Persians  take  the  islands  of  Chios,  Lesbos,  and  Tenedos.  Miltiades  flies 
from  the  Chersonesus  to  Athens. 

492.  Mardonius,  the  Persian  general,  invades  Europe,  and  unites  Macedonia  to  the 
Persian  empire. 

491.  Darius  sends  heralds  to  Greece  to  demand  earth  and  water.  Demaratus,  king  of 
Sparta,  deposed  by  the  intrigues  of  his  colleague  tUeonienes.    He  flics  to  Darius. 

490.  Datis  and  Artaphernes,  the  Persian  generals,  invade  Europe.  They  take  Eretria 
in  Eubcea  and  land  in  Attica.  They  are  defeated  at  Marathon  by  the  Athenians 
under  the  command  of  Miltiades.  ^schylus  fought  at  the  battle  of  Marathon, 
eet.  35.     War  between  Athens  and  ^gina. 

489.  Miltiades  attempts  to  conquer  Paros,  but  is  repulsed.  He  is  accused,  and,  un- 
able to  pay  the  fine  in  which  he  was  condemned,  is  thrown  into  prison,  where 
he  died. 

486.  Revolt  of  Egypt  from  the  Persians  in  the  fourth  year  after  the  battle  of  Marathon 

465.  Xerxes,  king  of  Persia,  succeeds  Darius.     Gelon  becomes  master  of  Syracuse. 

484.  Egypt  reconquered  by  the  Persians.  Herodotus  born,  ^schylus  gains  th-' 
prize  in  tragedy. 

483.  Ostracism  of  Aristides. 

481.  Themistocles  the  leading  man  at  Athens. 

480.  Xerxes  invades  Greece.  He  set  out  from  Sardis  at  the  beginning  of  the  spring; 
The  battles  of  Thermopylae  and  Artcmisium  were  fought  at  the  time  of  the 
Olympic  games.  The  Athenians  deserted  their  city,  which  was  taken  by 
Xerxes.  The  battle  of  Salaniis,  in  which  the  fleet  of  Xerxes  was  destroyed, 
was  fought  in  the  autumn. 
Birth  of  Euripides. 

479  After  the  return  of  Xerxes  to  Asia,  Mardonius,  who  was  left  in  the  command 
of  the  Persian  army,  passed  the  winter  in  Thessaly.  In  the  spring  he  m.irchcs 
southward  and  occupies  Athens  ten  months  after  its  occupation  by  Xerxes. 
At  the  battle  at  Plataja,  fought  in  September,  he  is  defeated  by  the  Greeks  under 
the  command  of  Pausanias.  On  the  same  day  the  Persian  fleet  is  defeated  olT 
Mycalf  by  the  Greek  fleet  Sestos  besieged  by  the  Greeks  in  the  autumn,  and 
surrendered  in  the  following  spring. 

478.  Sestos  taken  by  the  Greeks.  The  history  of  Herodotus  terminates  at  the  siege 
of  Sestos. 

Book  III.— THE  ATHENIAN  SUPREMACY  AND  THE   PELOPONNESIAN 
WAR. 

4*8.  In  consequence  of  the  naughty  conduct  of  Pausanias,  the  iiiaritime  allies  placo 
t*\ems<Jl'"3S'  under  the  supremacy  of  Athens.     Commencement  of  the  Athe- 


806  JI1ST(MIY  OF  (iltKECR 


nian  nHcondency  or  empire,  which  laiitcd  about  "0  years — 65  iKiforc  the  rula 

ol'  the  Athenian  alliiirH  in  Sieily,  73  before  the  captirc  ol'  Athens  by  Lysan- 

(ler. 
476.  Cimon,  coiiininndinK  tlie  foreew  of  tlie  AthcnianH  and  of  the  allies,  expels  the 

I'ersianM  from  Kion  on  the  Strymon,  and  then  takes  the  island  of  bcyrus,  where 

the  hones  of  Theseus  are  discovered. 
Siinonides,  a,-t.  80,  fsains  the  prize  in  the  dithyrarnbic  chorus. 
471.  'i'hcmiHlocles,  banished  by  ostracism,  coes  to  Argos.     I'ausanias  convicted  c( 

treason  and  put  to  death.     Thiicydides  the  historian  born. 
409.  Pericles  begins  to  lake  part  in  public  allairs,  40  years  belore  his  death. 
468.  Myceiiie  destroyed  l)y  the  Arrives.     Death  of  Anstides.     biocrates  boni.    Scph 

ocles  gained  his  lirst  tragic  victory. 
467.  Siinonides,  a^t.  90,  died. 
466.  Naxos  revolted  and  subdued.     Great  victory  of  Cimon  over  the  Persians  at  Ihj 

river  Eurymedon,  in  Pamphylia.     Themistocles  flies  to  Persia. 
465.  Revolt  of  Thasos.     Death  of  Xerxes,  king  of  Persia,  and  accession  of  Arta 

xerxes  I. 
464.  Earthquake  at  Sparta,  and  revolt  of  the  Helots  and  Messenians.    Cimon  marches 

to  the  assistance  of  the  Laceda-monians.     Zeno  of  Elca  flourished. 
463.  Thasos  subdued  by  Cimon. 
461.  Cimon  marches  a  second  time  to  the  assistance  of  the  Lacedemonians,  but  his 

oflTers  are  declined  by  the  latter,  and  the  Athenian  troops  sent  back.    Ostracism 

of  Cimon.     Pericles  at  the  head  of  public  aflairs  at  Athens. 
460.  Revolt  of  Inaros,  and  first  year  of  the  Egyptian  war,  which  lasted  6  years.    The 

Athenians  sent  assistance  to  the  Egyptians. 
458.  The  Oresteia  of  .■Eschylus  performed. 

457.  Battles  in  the  Megarid  between  the  Athenians  and  Corinthians.     The  Lacedae- 
monians march  into  Doris  to  assist  the  Dorians  against  the  Phocians.     On 

their  return  they  are  attacked  by  the  Athenians  a>.  Tanagra,  hut  the  latter  are 

defeated.     The  Athenians  commence  building  their  long  walls,  which  were 

completed  in  the  Ibllowing  year. 
456.  The  Athenians,  commanded  by  Myronides,  defeat  the  Thebans  at  CEnophyta. 

Recall  of  Cimon  from  exile.     Death  of  jEschylus,  iet.  69. 
455.  The  Messenians  conquered  by  the  Lacedaemonians  in  the  tenth  year  of  the  war. 

Tolmides,  the  Athenian  general,  settles  the  expelled  Messenians  at  Naupactus. 

See  B.C.  404.     Tolmides  sails  round  Peloponnesus  with  an  Athenian  fleet,  and 

does  great  injury  to  the  I'lloiioiimsians. 
End  of  the  Egyptian  war  in  the  sixtli  year.     Sec  B.C.  460.     All  Egypt  conquered 

by  the  Persians,  except  the  Marshes,  where  Amyrta;us  continued  to  hold  out 

for  some  years.     See  b.c.  449. 
Euripides  set.  25  first  gains  the  prize  in  tragedy. 
454.  Campaign  of  Pericles  at  Sicyon  and  in  Acarnania. 

Cratinus,  the  comic  writer,  flourished. 
452.  Five  years'  truce  between  ihe  Athenians  and  Peloponnesians,  made  through  the 

intervention  of  Cimon. 
Anaxagoras  ^l.  50  withdraws  from  Athens,  after  residing  there  30  years. 
449.  Renewal    of   the    war    with    Persia.      The    Athenians    tend    assistance    to 

Aniyrtsus.      Death  of  Cimon  and  victory  of  the  Athenians  at  Salamis  in 

Cyprus. 
448.  Sacred  War  between  the  Delphians  and  Phocians  for  the  possession  of  the  oracle 

and  temple.     The  Lacedaemonians  assisted  the  Delphians,  and  the  Athenians 

the  Phocians. 
447.  The  Athenians  defeated  at  Chsronea  by  the  Boeotians. 
445.  Revolt  of  Euboea  and  Megara  from  Athens.     The  five  years'  tnfe  having  "x 

pired  (see  B.C.  450),  the  Laceda-inonians,  led  by  Plcistoanax,  invade  Attica. 

After  the  Lacedsemonians  had  retired,  Pericles  recovers  Euba'a.     The  30  years' 

truce  between  Athens  and  Sparta. 
444.  Pericles  begins  to  have  the  sole  direction  of  public  affairs  at  Athens.     Thucy- 

dides,  the  son  of  Milesias,  the  leader  of  the  aristocralical  party,  ostracised. 
443.  The  Athenians  send  a  colony  to  Thurii  in  Italy.     Herodotus  set.  41,  and  Lysias 

fet.  15,  accompany  this  colony  to  Thurii. 
441    Euripides  gains  the  first  prize  in  traced) . 
44ft    Samos  revolts  from  Athens,  but  is  subdued  by  Pericles  in  the  ninth  month. 

Sophocles  set.  55  was  one  of  the  ten  Athenian  generals  who  fought  aga'nst 

Samos. 
439.  Athens  at  the  height  of  its  glory. 
437.   Co.ony  of  Agnon  to  Amphipolis. 
436.  Cratinus,  the  comic  poet,  gains  the  prize. 
435.  War  between  the  Corinthians  and  Corcyra-ans  on  account  of  Epidamnus .    The 

Corinthians  defeated  by  the  CoreyTsans  in  a  sea-fight. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE.  «S07 

B.C. 

434.  The  Corintttians  make  great  preparations  to  carry  on  the  war  with  vigour. 
433.  The  Corcyrseans,  and  Corinthians  send  embassies  to  Athens  to  .solicit  assistance. 

The  Athenians  form  a  defensive  alhance  w;th  the  Corcyneans. 
432.  The  Corcyrajans,  assisted  by  the  Athenians,  defeat  the  Corinthians  in  the  spring. 
In  the  same  year  Potidaea  revolts  from  Athens.     Congress  of  the  Peloponne- 
sians  in  the  autumn  to  decide  upon  war  with  Athens. 
Anaxagoras,  prosecuted  for  impiety  at  Athens,  withdraws  to  Lampsacus,  where 

he  died  about  four  years  afterwards. 
Aspasia  prosecuted  by  the  comic  poet  Ilermippus,  but  acquitted  through  the  in- 
fluence of  Pericles. 
Prosecution  and  death  of  Phidias. 
431.  First  year  of  the   Peloponnesian  war.     The  Thebans  make  an  attempt  upon 
Platsa  two  months  before  midsummer.     Eighty  days  afterwards  Attica  is  in- 
vaded by  the  Peloponnesians.     Alliance  between  the  Athenians  and  Sitalcea, 
king  of  Thrace. 
Hellenicus  set.  65,  Herodotus  n^t.  53,  Thucydides  <el.  40,  at  tiie  commencement 

of  the  Peloponnesian  war. 
The  Medea  of  Eurii)ides  c.vhibited. 
430.  Second  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Second  invasion  of  Attica.     The  plague 

rages  at  Athens. 
429.  Tiiird  year  of  (he  Peloponnesian  war.     Potidsa  surrenders  to  the  Athenians 
after  a  siege  of  more  than  two  years.     Naval  actions  of  Phormio  in  the  Corin- 
thian gulph.     Commencement  of  the  siege  of  Platsea. 
Death  of  Pericles  in  the  autumn. 
Birlh  of  Plato,  the  Philosopher. 
Eupolis  and  Phrynichus,  the  comic  poets,  exhibit. 
428.  Fourth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Third  invasion  of  Attica.     Revolt  of  ail 
Lesbos,  except  Methymna.     Mytilenc  besieged  towards  the  autumn. 
Death  of  Anaxagoras,  mt.  72. 
427.  Fitlh  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Fourth  invasion  of  Attica.     Mytilenc 
taken  by  the  Athenians  and  Lesbos  recovered.     The  demagogue  Cleon  begins 
to  have  great  influence  in  public  adairs.     Platsa  surrendered  to  the  Pelopon- 
nesians.    Sedition  at  Corcyra.     The  Athenians  send  assistance  to  the  Leon- 
tines  in  Sicily. 
Aristophanes,  the  comic  poet,  first  exhibits. 
Gorgias  ambassador  from  Leontini  to  Athens. 
426.  Sixth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     The  Peloponnesians  do  not  invade  Attica 
in  consequence  of  an  earthquake. 
Lustration  of  Delos. 
425.  Seventh  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Fifth  invasion  of  Attica.    Demosthenes 
takes  possession  of  Pylos.     The  Spartans  in  the  island  of  Sphacteria  surren- 
dered to  Cleon  72  days  aderwards. 
Accession  of  Darius  Nothus. 
The  Ackarniaus  of  Aristophanes. 
424.  Eighth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Nicias  ravages  the  coast  of  Laconia  and 
captures  the  island  of  Cythera.     March  of  Brasidas  into  Thrace,  who  obtains 
possession  of  Acanthus  and  Amphipolis.     The  Athenians  defeated  by  the 
Thebans  at  Delium. 
Socrates  and  Xenophoii  fought  at  the  battle  of  Delium. 
Thucydides,  the  historian,  commanded  at  Amphipolis. 
The  Knights  of  Aristophanes. 
423.   Ninth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Truce  for  a  year. 

Thucydides  banished  in  consequence  of  the  loss  of  Amphipolis.     He  waa  20 

years  in  exile. 
The  Clouds  of  Aristophanes  first  exhibited. 
422.  Tenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Hostilities  in  Thrace  between  the  Lace 
diemonians  and  Athenians.     Both  Brasidas  and  Cleon  fall  in  battle. 
The  Wasps  of  Aristophanes  and  second  exhibition  of  the  Clouds. 
Death  of  t;ratinus. 

Protagoras,  the  sophist,  comes  to  Athens. 

421.  Eleventh  year  of  the    Peloponnesian  war.     Truce  for  50  years  between  tna 

Athenians  and  Lacedaemonians.     Though  this  truce  was  not  formally  declared 

to  be  at  an  end  till  B.C.  414,  there  were  notwithstanding  frequent  hostilities 

meantime. 

420.  Twelfth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Treaty  between  the  Athenians  and  Ar- 

gives  effected  by  means  of  Alcihiades. 
419.  Thirteenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Alcibiades  marches  into  Pelopo'i- 
nesus. 
The  Peace  of  Aristophanes. 
418.  Fourteenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    The  Athenians  send  a  force  into 


608  JlISTORY  OF  GREKCK. 


PcloponnoRus  In  awKist  ilic  Araivcs  nzainHt  t\\i:  I,aro(Ia>rnoninn«,  but  nrK  dc 
fnntf<l  III  the  haltlc  oC  Manlirn'ia.     Alliaiu'<.'  ImjIwcimi  Sparia  and  Argon. 
417.  Fincciilli  year  of  llu;  rcloiioiiiu-.smii  war. 

4I(>,  Sixteenth  yearol'llii!  I'doponnt-Hinn  war     Tlio  AthcnianH  ronqut-r  Mflos. 
415.  Scvcnleenlli  year  of  llio  I'eloponncHian  war.     Tin:  Athenian  cxixMlition  againnt 
Sicily.     It  Hailed  after  inidHuminer,  coninianded  hy  iNi(ia«,  AlcitiiadeH,  and 
LamaehiiH.     Mutilation  of  the  Henna-  at  Ailienw  txrCore  the  licet  nailed.     The 
Athenians  take  Catana.     Alcibiades  ih  recalled  home :  ho  makes  hifi  eitcapc, 
and  lalies  refuge  with  the  Laceda-monians. 
Andueides,  the  orator,  imprisoned  on  the  mutilation  of  the  Hcrms.     He  cscapen 
by  turning  informer. 
.114.  Eighteenth  year  of  the  Peloponncaian  war.     Second  campaign  in  Sicily.     The 
Athenians  invest  Syracuse.     Uylippus  the  Laccdiemonian  comes  to  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Syracusans. 
The  }iir/ls  of  Aristophanes. 
413.  Nineteenth  y(;ar  of  the  I'eloponncsian  war.     Invasion  of  Attica  and  fortification 
of  DecelOa,  on  the  advi  -e  of  Alcibiades. 
Third  campaign  in  Sicily.     Demosthenes  sent  with  a  large  force  to  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Athenians.     Total  destruction  of  the  Athenian  army  and  licet. 
Nicias  and  Demosthenes  surrender  and  are  put  to  death  on  the  l'2tfi  or  l.'Jth  of 
September,  10  or  17  days  alter  the  eclipse  of  the  moon,  which  took  place  on  the 
27th  of  August. 
412.  Twentieth  year  of  the  Peloponncsian  war.     The  Lesbians  revolt  from  Athens. 
Alcibiades  sent  by  the  Lacedemonians  to  Asia  to  form  a  treaty  with  the  Per- 
sians.    He  succeeds  in  his  mis.sion  and  forms  a  treaty  with  Tissaphemes,  and 
urges  the  Athenian  allies  in  Asia  to  revolt. 
The  AmlTomeda  of  Euripides. 
411.  Twenty-first  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Democracy  abolished  at  Athens, 
and  the  government  entrusted  to  a  council  of  Four  Hundred.     This  council 
holds  the  government  four  months.     The  Athenian  army  at  Samos  recalls  Al- 
cibiades from  exile  and  appoints  him  one  of  their  generals.     He  is  afterwards 
recalled  by  a  vote  of  the  people  at  Athens,  but  lie  remained  abroad  for  the  next 
four  years  at  the  head  of  the  Athenian  forces.     Mindarus,  the  Lacedemonian 
admiral,  defeated  at  Cynossenia. 
Antiphon,  the  orator,  had  a  great  share  in  the  establishment  of  the  Four  Hundred. 

After  their  downfal  he  is  brought  to  trial  and  put  to  death. 
The  history  of  Thucydides  suddenly  breaks  off  in  the  middle  of  this  year. 
The  Lysistraia  and  Thesmophoriazusee  of  Aristophanes. 
Lysias  returns  from  Thurii  to  Athens. 
410.  Twenty-second  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Mindarus  defeated  and  slain  by 

Alcibiades  at  Cyzicus. 
4U'J.  Twenty-third  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war. 

The  Philoctttes  of  Sophocles. 
408.  Twenty-fourth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Alcibiades  recovers  Byzantium 
The  Orestes  of  Euripides. 
The  Plutus  of  Aristophanes. 
467.  Twenty-fifth  year  of  the  Peloponncsian  war.     Alcibiades  returns  to  Athens. 
Lysander  ajjpointed  the  Lacedaemonian  admiral  and  supported  by  Cyrus,  who 
this  year  received  the  government  of  the  countries  on  the  Asiatic  coast.     An- 
tiochus,  the  Lieutenant  of  Alcibiades,  defeated  by  Lysander  at  Notium  in  the 
absence  of  Alcibiades.     Alcibiades  is  in  consequence  banished,  and  ten  new 
generals  appointed. 
406.  Twenty-si.vth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Callicratidas,  who  succeeded 
Lysander  as  Laceda;monian  admiral,  defeated  by  the  Athenians  in  the  sea- 
fight  off  the  ArginussBB  islands.     The  Athenian  generals  condemned  to  death 
because  they  had  not  picked  up  the  bodies  of  those  who  had  fallen  in  the 
battle. 
Dionysius  becomes  master  of  Syracuse. 
Death  of  Euripides  and  Sophocles. 
405.  Twenty-seventh  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Lysander  defeats  the  Athenians 
off  ^Egospotami,  and  takes  or  destroys  all  their  fleet  w-ith  the  exception  of  eight 
ships  which  fied  with  Conon  to  Cyprus. 
The  Fro^s  of  .Vristophancs. 
404.  Twenty-eighth  and  last  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Athens  taken  by  Ly 
sandor  in  the  spring  on  the  16lh  of  the  month  Munychion.     Democracy  abol 
ishcd,  and  the  government  entrusted  to  tliirty  men,  usually  called  the  Thirty 
T>Taiits. 
The  Thirty  Tyrants  held  their  power  for  eight  months,  till  Thrasybiilus  occupied 

Phyle  and  advanced  to  the  Pirieus. 
Death  of  Alcibiades  during  the  tyranny  of  the  Thirty- 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE.  609 

Book  IV.— THE  SPARTAN  AND  THEBAN  SUPREMACIES. 

B.C. 

403.  Thrasybulus  and  his  party  obtain  possession  of  the  Pirseus,  from  whence  they 
carried  on  war  for  several  months  against  the  Ten,  the  successors  of  the 
Thirty.     They  obtain  possession  of  Athens  before  July ;  but  the  contest  he- 
tween  the  parties  was  not  finally  concluded  till  September. 
Thucydides,  set.  68,  returns  to  Athens. 
401.   Expedition  of  Cyrus  against  his  brother  Artaxerxes.     He  falls  in  tlie  battle  of 
Cunaxa,  which  was  fought  in  the  autumn.     His  Grceli  auxiliaries  commence 
their  return  to  Greece,  usually  called  the  retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand. 
First  year  of  the  war  of  Laceda,'inon  and  Elis. 
Xenophon  accompanied  Cyrus,  and  afterwards  was  the  principal  general  of  the 

Greeks  in  their  retreat. 
The  Oidipus  at  Colonus  of  Sophocles  exhibited  after  his  death  by  his  grandson 
Sophocles. 
400.   Return  of  the  Ten  Thousand  to  Greece. 

Second  year  of  the  war  of  Lacedaenion  and  Elis. 
The  speech  of  Andocides  on  the  Mysteries. 
399    The  Lacediemonians  send  Thimbron  with  an  army  to  assist  the  Greek  cities  in 
Asia  against  Tissaphernes  and  Phariiabaziis.     The  riinainder  of  the  Ten 
Thousand  incorporated  with  the  troops  of  Thimbron.     In  the  autumn  Thim- 
bron was  superseded  by  Dcreyllidas. 
Third  and  last  year  of  the  war  of  Laceda-mon  and  Elis. 
Death  of  Socrates,  aet.  70. 
Plato  withdraws  to  Megara. 
398.  Dercyllidas  continues  the  war  in  Asia  with  success. 
397.  Dercyllidas  still  continues  the  war  in  .\sia. 
396.  Agesilaus  supersedes  Dercyllidas.     First  campaign  of  Agesilaus  in  Asia.     lie 

winters  at  Ephesus. 
395.  Second  campaign  of  Agesilaus  in  Asia.     lie  defeats  Tissaphernes,  and  becomes 
master   of  Western  Asia.      Tissaphernes   superseded   by  Tithraustes,   who 
sends  envoys  into  Greece  to  induce  tlie  Greek  states  to  declare  war  against 
Lacedaemon.     Commencement  of  the  war  of  the  Greek  states  against  Laceda;- 
mon.     Lysandcr  slain  at  Haliartus. 
Plato,  St.  34,  returns  to  Athens. 
394.  Agesilaus  recalled  from  Asia  to  fight  against  the  Greek  states,  who  had  declared 
war  against  Lacedajmon.     He  passed  the  Hellespont  about  midsummer,  and 
was  at  the  entrance  of  ISoeotia  on  the  14th  of  August.     He  defeats  the  allied 
forces  at  Coronea.     A  little  before  the  latter  battle  the  Laccda-'tnonians  also 
gained  a  victory  near  Corinth  ;  but  about  the  same  time  Conon,  the  Athenian 
admiral,  and  Pharnabazus,  gained  a  decisive  victory  over  Pisander,  the  Spar' 
tan  admiral,  off  Cnidus. 
Xenophon  accompanied  Agesilaus  from  Asia  and  fought  against  his  country  at 
Coronea.     He  was  in  consequence  banished  from  Athens.     He  retired  under 
Lacedaemonian  protection  to  Scillus,  where  he  composed  his  works. 
393.  Sedition  at  Corinth  and  victory  of  the  Lacediemonians  at  Lccha>um.     Pharna- 
bazus and  Conon  ravage  the  coasts  of  Peloponnesus.     (.  onon  begins  to  restoro 
the  long  walls  of  Athens  and  the  fortifications  of  the  Pirams. 
391.  The  Lacediemonians  under  Agesilaus  ravage  the  Corinthian  territory,  but  a 
Spartan  mora  is  cut  to  pieces  by  Iphicrates. 
The  Ecclesiazuste  of  Aristophanes. 
Expedition  of  Agesilaus  into  Acarnania. 
Speech  of  Andocides  "  On  the  Peace."     He  is  banished. 
390.  Expedition  of  Agesipolis  into  Argolis.     The  Persians  again  espouse  the  cause 
of  the  Lacediemonians,  and  Conon  is  thrown  into  prison.     The  Athenian:;  as- 
sist Evagoras  of  Cyprus  against  the  Persi.-ius.     Tlirasybulus,  the  Athenian 
commander,  is  defeated  and  slain  by  the  Lacedaemonian  Teleutias  at  Aspendus. 
389.  Agyrrhius  sent  as  the  successor  of  Thrasybulus  to  Aspendus  and  Iphicrates  to 
the  Hellespont. 
Plato,  iPt.  40,  goes  to  Sicily  ;  the  first  of  the  three  voyages. 
388   Antalcidas,  the  Lacediemonian  con.maiider  on  the  Asiatic  coast,  opposed  to 
Iphicrates  and  Chabrias. 
The  second  edition  of  the  Plutus  of  Aristophanes. 
387.   The  peace  of  Antalcidas. 

386.   Restoration  of  the  Platiea,  and  independence  of  the  town  of  Bceotia 
385.  Destruction  of  Mantinea  by  the  Laceda'mouians  under  Agesipolia. 
384.  Birth  of  Aristotle. 
382.  First  year  of  the  Olynthian  war. 

Phoebidas  .seizes  the  Cadmoa,  vhc  citadel  of  Tliebes. 
Birth  of  Demosthenes. 
381.  Second  year  of  the  Olynthian  war. 

2d*' 


r.lO  HISTOUV  OF  (UIKECK 


3W).  Tliiril  yonr  of  the  Olynlliinn  wur. 

Till!  PancfCi/riruM  ol' iHiicriKrH. 
379.   rourlli  1111(1  liiMt  yi'iir  olllir  (llyntliinn  wnr. 

The  diiliiirii  n^rovcrccl  hy  ihn  Thtrbiin  nxilcs  in  the  winter. 
378.   Cleomhroliis  hitiI  into  llirollii  in  Ihr  iniililli'  of  winter,  but  returned  without  ef- 
fectin;!  anylhiiii;.     'I'lie  Liu'ed^'iiioninn  S|ih(i(lrliis  iiiakeH  an  ntteinpl  U|miii  the 
I'lrieus.     The  Athenian!*  forin  an  alliaiii-e  with  the  Thetmnn  ai;ainHt  itparta. 
First  expedition  ul' Age.tilauii  into  liu;olia. 
Death  of  Lysias. 
377.  Stcoiid  expeihtion  of  Age.silanH  into  Ilaiotia. 

376.  Cleonihrotu.s  tnurches  into  Uwotia,  and  .<4UHtain.s  a  nlight  repulse  at  the  pa.s!ic8 
ofCitliaeron. 
The  LacediBinonian  fleet  conquered  by  Chabrias  olT  Naxos,  and  the  Athenians 
recover  the  dominion  of  the  Hja. 
375.  Cleoinbrotus  sent  into  I'liocis,  which  Iiad  been  invaded  by  the  ThebanH,  who 

withdraw  into  their  own  country  on  liis  arrival. 
374.  The  Atheniaii.s,  jealous  of  the  Thebans,  conclude  a  peace  with  Lace<l.Tmon. 
Timotheus,  the  Atlienian  commander,  takes  tjorcyra,  and  on  his  return  to 
Athens  restores  the  Zaeynthian  exiles  to  their  country.     This  leads  to  a  re- 
newal of  the  war  between  Athens  and  l.aceda;mon. 
Second  (lestriii-iioii  of  I'latiea. 
JasoM  elcctt  il  'I'aiius  of  Thessaly. 
373.  The  Lai-edieiiioMiaiis  attempt  to  regain  possession  of  Corcyra,  and  send  Mnasip 
juis  with  a  force  for  the  purpcse,  but  he  is  defeated  and  slain  by  the  Corcyrse- 
ans.     Iphicrates,  with  Callistratus  and  Chabrias  as  his  colleagues,  seiit  to 
Corcyra. 
Prosecution  of  Timotheus  by  Callistratus  and  Iphicrates.     Timotheus  is  ac- 
quitted. 
372.  Timolheus  goes  to  Asia.     Iphicrates  continued  in  the  command  of  a  fleet  in  the 

Ionian  sea. 
371-  Congress  at  Sparta,  and  general  peace  (called  the  Peace  of  Callias),  from  which 
the  Thebans  were  excluded,  because  they  would  not  grant  the  independence 
of  the  BtEotian  towns. 
The  Lacediemonians,  commanded  by  Cleombrotus,  invade  BcBotia,  but  are  de- 
feated by  the  Thebans  under  Epaininondas  at  the  battle  of  Leuctra.     Com- 
mencement of  the  Theban  Supremacy. 
Foundation  of  Megalopolis. 
370.  Expedition  of  Agesilaus  into  Arcadia. 

Jason  of  PheraB  slain.    After  the  interval  of  a  year,  Alexander  of  Phene  succeeds 

to  his  power  in  Thessaly. 
First  invasuin  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Thebans.     They  remain  in  Peloponnesus 
four  months,  and  found  Messenc. 
367.  Embassy  of  I'elopidas  to  Persia. 

Second  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Thebans. 

Expedition  of  I'llopidas  to  Thessaly.     He  is  imprisoned  by  Alexander  of  Pherae, 

but  E|)aniinoiuias  obtains  his  release. 
Archidaiiuis  ^;iins  a  victory  over  the  Arcadians. 
Death  of  the  elder  Dionysius  of  Syracuse,  after  a  reign  of  38  years. 
306.  Third  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Thebans. 

The  Arcliuiumus  of  Isocrates. 
365.  War  between  Arcadia  and  Elis. 
364.  Second  campaign  of  the  war  between  Arcadia  and  Elis.     IJattle  of  Olpnpia  at 

the  time  of  the  games. 
362.  Fourth  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Thebans.     Battle  of  .Mantinea,  in  June, 
in  which  Epaminondas  is  killed. 
Xenophon  brought  down  his  Greek  history  to  the  battle  of  Mantinea. 
301    A  general  peace  between  all  the  belligerents,  with  the  exception  of  the  Lacede- 
monians, because  the  latter  would  not  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the 
Messenians. 
Agesilaus  goes  to  Eg>-pt  to  assist  Tachos,  and  dies  in  the  winter  when  preparing 

to  return  home. 
Birth  of  Dinarchus,  the  orator. 
360    War  between  the  Athenians  and  Olynthians  for  the  possession  of  Amphipalis. 
Timotheus,  the  Athenian  general,  repulsed  at  Amphipolis. 

Book  V.— THE  MACEDONIAN'  SUPRENL^CY. 

359.  Accession  of  Philip,  king  of  Macedonia,  tet.  23.  He  defeats  Argius,  who  ;aid 
claim  to  the  throne,  declares  Amphipolis  a  free  city,  and  makes  peace  with  the 
Athenians.     He  then  defeats  the  Po-onians  and  lll\Tians. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE.  «H 

B.C. 

358.  Amphipolis  taken  by  Philip.     Expedition  of  the  Athenians  into  Buboea. 
357.   Chios,  Rhodes,  and  Byzantium  revolt  from  Athens.     First  year  oC  the  Social 
War. 
The  Phocians  seize  Delphi.     Commencement  of  the  Sacred  War.     The  Thebans 

and  the  Locrians  are  the  chief  opponents  of  the  Phocians. 
Dion  sails  from  Zacynthus  and  lands  in  Sicily  about  September. 
356.  Second  year  of  the  Social  War. 

Birth  of  Alexander,  the  son  of  Philip  and  Olympias,  at  the  time  of  the  Olympic 

games. 
Potida-a  taken  by  Philip,  who  gives  it  to  Olynthus. 

Dionysius  the  younger  e.xpelled  from   Syracuse  by  Dion,  after  a  reign  of  12 
years. 
355.  Third  and  last  year  of  the  Social  War.     Peace  concluded  between  Athens  and 

her  former  allies. 
354.  Trial  and  condemnation  of  Timotheus. 

Demosthenes  begins  to  speak  in  the  assemblies  of  the  people. 
353.  Philip  seizes  upon  Pagasie,  and  begins  to  besiege  .Methone. 

Death  of  Dion. 
352.  Philip  takes  Methone  and  enters  Thessaly.     He  defeats  and  slays  Onomarchus, 
the  Phoolan  general,  expels  the  tyrants  from  Pherae,  and  becomes  master  of 
Thessaly.     He  attempts  to  pass  Thermopylae,  but  is  prevented  by  the  Athen- 
ians. 
War  between  Lacedasmon  and  Megalopolis. 
The  first  Philippic  of  Demosthenes. 
349.  The  Olynthians,  attacked  by  Philip,  ask  succour  from  Athens. 

The  Olynthiac  orations  of  Demosthenes. 
348.  Olynthian  war  continued. 
347.  Olynthus  taken  and  destroyed  by  Philip. 

Death  of  Plato,  set.  82.     s'peusippus  succeeds  Plato.     Aristotle,  upon  the  death 
of  Plato,  went  to  Atarneus. 
346.  Peace  between  Philip  and  the  Athenians. 

Philip  overruns  Phocis  and  brings  the  Sacred  War  to  an  end,  after  it  had  lasted 

10  years.     AU  the  Phocian  cities,  except  Abas,  were  destroyed. 
Oration  of  Demosthenes  on  the  Peace. 
345.  Speech  of  ^Eschines  against  Timarchus. 

344.  Timoleon  sails  from  Corinth  to  Syracuse,  to  expel  the  t)Tant  Dionysius. 
Aristotle,  after  three  years'  stay  at  Atarneus,  went  to  Mytilene. 
The  second  Philippic  of  Demosthenes. 
343.  Timoleon  completes  the  conijuest  of  Syracuse. 
Disputes  between  Philip  and  the  Athenians. 
The  speech  of  Demosthenes  respecting  Halonnesus. 
The  speeches  of  Demosthenes  and  ^-Eschines  Ilfpi  TlapanptaPUai. 
342.  Philip's  expedition  to  Thrace.     He  is  opposed  by  Diopithes,  the  Athenian  gen- 
eral at  the  Chersonesus. 
Aristotle  comes  to  the  court  of  Philip. 

Isocrates,  set.  94,  began  to  compose  the  Panathenaic  oration. 
Birth  of  Epicurus. 
341.  Philip  is  still  in  Thrace,  where  he  wintered. 

The  oration  of  Demosthenes  on  the  Chersonesus,  and  the  third  and  fourth  Phil- 
ippics. 
Philip  besieges  Selvmbria,  Perinthus,  and  Byzantium. 
339.  Renewal  of  the  war  between  Philip  and  the  Athenians.     Phocion  compels  Philip 
to  raise  the  siege  both  of  Byzantium  and  Perinthus. 
Xenocrates  succeeds  Speusippus  at  the  Academy. 
338.  Philip  :.j  chosen  general  of  the  Amphictyons  to  earn'  on  the  war  against  .\m- 
phissa.     He  marches  through  Thermopvlie  and  seizes  Elatoa.     The  Athenians 
form  an  alliance  with  the  Thebans  ;  but  their  united  forces  are  defeated  by 
Philip  at  the  battle  of  Cha>ronea,  fought  on  the  7lh  of  Metageitiiion  (August). 
Philip  becomes  master  of  Greece.     Congress  at  Corinth,  in  which  war  is  de- 
clared by  Greece  against  Persia,  and  Philip  appointed  to  conduct  it. 
Death  of  Isocrates,  a;t.  98. 
335.  Death  of  Timoleon. 

Murder  of  Philip,  and  accession  of  his  son  Alexander,  ml.  20 
335.  Alexander  marches  against  the  Thracians,  Triballi,  and  Illyrians.     While  he  is 
engaged  in  this  war  Thebes  revolts.     He  forthwith  marches  southwards  and 
destrovs  Thebes. 
334.  Alexander  commences  the  war  against  Persia.     He  crosses  the  Hellespont  in  the 
spring,  defeats  the  Persian  satraps  at  the  Granicua  in  May,  and  conquers  lb* 
western  part  of  Asia  Minor. 
Aristotle  returns  to  Athens- 


Bl'2  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


333.  Ale?;nii«lcr  nuhdiiRii  Lyria  in  thn  winli^r,  rollcclH  hm  forcc.H  ai  Gordium  In  (lie 
spririi;,  and  (loruntH  DariiiH  at  Ikhum  lati;  In  (hi:  nuiiiniti. 

332.  Alexander  takes  Tyre,  alUr  a  Hii-ite  ol'  hcviji  iiioritlit,  m  July.  Hi!  taken  Gaza 
in  September,  and  then  marches  into  Evyi'l.  wliicli  HUlmiiiH  lo  Inni.  In  the 
winter  lie  viHits  tlic  oracle  of  Amnion,  and  giveH  orderM  lor  the  loundation  of 
Alexandria. 

331.  Alexander  sets  out  from  Memphis  in  the  Hpring,  inarchcx  through  I'hwnicia  and 
Syria,  crosse.s  the  Euphrate.s  at  ThapHavuH  in  th  .■  middle  of  the  itummer,  and 
delcals  Uarius  aeain  at  Arbela  or  Oaugamela  on  the  l.st  of  October.     lie  win- 
tered at  I'ersepoliH. 
In  Greece  Ajris  is  defeated  and  slain  by  Anlipater. 

^30.  Alcxandtr  marches  into  iMedia,  and  takes  Ecbatana.     From  thence  he  sets  out 
in  ]mrsuit  of  Uarius,  who  is  slain  by  Uessus.     After  the  death  of  Darius,  Al- 
exander comniers  Ilyrcania,  and  marches  in  pursuit  of  Uessus  through  Uran- 
giana  and  Arachosia,  towards  Uactria. 
The  speech  of  ^■Kschines  against  Ctesiphon,  and  the  speech  of  Demosthenes  on 

the  (.'rown.     ..ICschines,  after  his  failure,  withdrew  to  Asia. 
Philemon  began  to  exhibit  comedy  during  the  reign  of  Alexander,  a  little  earlier 
than  .Menander. 

:<29.  Alexander  marches  across  the  Paropamisus  in  the  winter,  pa.sses  the  Oxus, 
lakes  Uessus,  and  reaches  the  Jaxarles,  where  he  founds  a  city,  Alexandria 
Eschato.  lie  subsequently  crosses  the  Jaxartcs  and  defeats  the  Scythians, 
lie  winters  at  Uactra. 

328.  Alexander  is  employed  during  the  whole  of  this  campaign  in  the  conquest  of  Sog- 
diana. 
He  marries  Roxana,  the  daughter  of  Oxyartcs,  a  Dactrian  prince. 

327.  After  the  subjugation  of  Sogdiana  Alexander  returns  lo  Bactra,  from  whence  he 
marches  to  invade  India.  lie  crosses  the  llydaspes  and  defeats  Poms.  He 
continues  his  march  as  far  as  the  Ilyphasis,  but  is  there  com[>elled  by  hi." 
troops  to  return  to  the  Hydaspes.  In  the  autumn  he  begins  to  sail  down  the 
Hydaspes  and  the  Indus  to  tha  Ocean,  which  he  reached  in  July  in  the  follow 
ing  year. 

326.  Alexander  returns  to  Persia,  with  part  of  his  iroops,  through  Gedrosia.  Ho 
sends  Nearchuswith  the  ticet  lo  sail  from  the  mouths  of  the  Indus  to  the  Per- 
sian gulph.     Nearchus  accompli.shes  the  voyage  in  129  days. 

325.  Alexander  reaches  Susa  at  the  beginning  of  the  year.  Towards  the  close  of  it 
he  visits  Ecbatana,  where  llepha'stiou  dies.  Harpalus  comes  to  Athens,  ano 
bribes  many  of  the  Greek  orators. 

324.  Alexander  roaches  Babylon  in  the  spring. 

Demosthenes,  accused  of  having  received  a  bribe  from  Harpalus,  is  condemned 
to  pay  a  line  of  50  talents.     He  withdraws  to  Trcezen  and  ^Eeina. 

323.  Death  of  Alexander  at  Babylon,  in  June,  alter  a  reign  of  twelve  years  and  eight 
months. 
Division  of  the  satrapies  among  Alexander's  generals. 

The  Greek  slates  make  war  against  Macedonia,  usually  called  the  Lamian  war. 
Leosthencs,  the  .\thcnian  general,  defeats  Antipater,  and  besieges  Lamia,  in 
which  Antipater  had  taken  refuge.     Death  of  Leosthenes. 
Demosthenes  reiurns  to  Athens. 

322.  Leonnatus  comes  to  the  assistance  of  Antipater,  but  is  defeated  and  slain.     Cra- 
terus  conies  to  the  assistance  of  Antipater.     Defeat  of  the  confederates  at  the 
battle  oftrannon  on  the  "th  of  August.     End  of  the  Lamian  war.     .Munychia 
occupied  by  the  -Macedonians. 
Death  of  Demosthenes  on  the  14th  of  October. 

Death  of  Aristotle,  a't.  C3,  at  Chalcis,  whither  he  had  withdrawn  from  Athens  a 
few  months  before. 

321.  Perdiccas  invades  Egypt,  where  he  is  slain  by  his  own  troops.     Partition  of  the 
provinces  at  Triparadisus. 
Menander,  set.  20,  exhibits  his  tirst  comedy. 

SIH.  Death  of  Antipater,  after  appointing  Polysperchon  regent,  and  his  son  Cassander 
chiliarch. 

317.   War  between  Cassander  and  Polysperchon  in  Greece.     The  Athenians  put  Pho- 
cion  to  death.     Athens  is  conquered  by  Cassander,  who  places  it  under  th- 
government  of  Demetrius  Ph.ilereus. 
317.  Death  of  Philip  .\rrliid;eus  and  Eurydioo. 

Olympias  reiurns  to  Macedonia,  and  is  besieged  by  Cassander  at  Pydna 

r.lfi.  Antigonus  becomes  master  of  Asia.  Cassander  takes  Pydna.  and  puts  01ymp:as 
to  death.     He  rebuilds  Thebes. 

3K'i.  Coalition  of  Seleucus,  Ptolemy,  Cassander,  and  Lysimachus  against  Antigunus 
First  year  of  the  war. 
Polemon  succeeds  Xenocratcs  at  the  Academy. 


CHRONnLOGICAL  TABLK  613 

B.C. 

314.   Second  year  of  the  war  against  Antigonus. 

Death  of  the  orator  .^Jschines,  set.  75. 
313.  Third  year  of  the  war  against  Antigonus. 
312.   Fourth  year  of  the  war  against  Antigonus. 

311.  General  peace.     Murder  of  Roxana  and  Alexander  IV.  by  Cassander. 
310.  Ptolemy  appears  as  liberator  of  the  Greeks.     Renewal  of  hostilities  between  him 

and  Antigonus. 
308    Ptolemy's  expedition  to  Greece. 
307    Demetrius,  the  son  of  Antigonus,  becomes  master  of  Athens.     Demetrius  Pha- 

lereus  leaves  the  city. 
306    Demetrius  recalled  from  Athens.    lie  defeats  Ptolemy  in  a  great  sea-fight  off 
Salami-s  in  Cyprus.     After  that  battle  Antigonus  assumes  the  title  cf  king,  and 
his  example  is  followed  by  Ptolemy,  Seleucus,  Lysimachus,  and  Cassander. 
Epicurus  settles  at  Athens,  where  he  teaches  about  30  years. 
305    Rhodes  besieged  by  Demetrius. 

304.   Demetrius  ma!ves  peace  with  the  Rhodians.  and  returns  to  Athens. 
303    Demetrius  carries  on  the  war  in  Greece  with  success  against  Cassander. 
302.   War  continued  in  Greece  between  Demetrius  and  Cassander. 
301.  Demetrius  crosses  over  to  Asia. 

Battle  of  Ipsus  in  Phrygia,  about  the  month  of  .A.ugust,  in  which  Lysimachus  and 
Seleucus  defeat  Antigonus  and  Demetrius.   Antigonus,  aet.  81 ,  falls  in  the  battle. 
297    Demetrius  returns  to  Greece,  and  makes  an  attempt  upon  Athens,  but  is  re 
pulsed. 
Death  of  Cassander  and  accession  of  his  son  I'hilip  IV. 
293.  Death  of  Philip  IV.  and  accession  of  his  brother  Antipater. 
Demetrius  takes  Athens. 

Civil  war  in  Macedonia  between  the  two  brothers,  Antipater  and  Alexander. 
Demetrius  becomes  king  of  Macedonia. 
291.  Death  of  Menander,  ;et.  52. 
290.  Demetrius  takes  Thebes  a  second  time.     He  celebrates  the  Pythian  games  at 

Athens. 
287.  Coalition  against  Demetrius.     He  is  driven  out  of  Macedonia,  and  his  dominions 
divided  between  Lysimachus  and  Pyrrhus. 
Demetrius  sails  to  Asia. 

Pyrrhus  driven  out  of  Macedonia  by  Lysimachus  after  seven  months'  possession 
286.  Demetrius  surrenders  himself  to  Seleucus,  who  keeps  him  in  captivity. 
285.  Ptolemy  II.  Philadelphus  is  associated  in  the  kingdom  by  his  father. 
283.  Demetrius,  set.  54,  dies  in  captivity  at  Apamea  in  Syria. 

Death  of  Ptolemy  Soter,  aet.  84. 
281.  Lysimachus  is  defeated  and  slain  by  Seleucus,  at  the  battle  of  Conipedion. 
280.  Seleucus  murdered  by  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  seven  months  after  the  death  of  Ly- 
simachus. 
Antiochus  1.,  the  son  of  Seleucus,  becomes  king  of  Asia,  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  king 

of  Thrace  and  Macedonia. 
Irruption  of  the  Gauls  and  death  of  Ptolemy  Ceraunus. 
Rise  of  the  Achaean  league. 
279.  Tlie  Gauls  under  Brennus  invade  Greece,  but  Brennus  and  a  great  part  of  his 

army  are  destroyed  at  Delphi. 
278.  Antigonus  Gonatas  becomes  king  of  Macedonia. 
273.  Pyrrhus  invades  Macedonia,  and  expels  Antigonus  Gonatas. 
272.  Pyrrhus  invades  Peloponnesus,  and  perishes  in  an  attack  on  Argos.    Antigonus 

regains  Macedonia. 
262.  Death  of  Philemon,  the  comic  poet,  vet.  97. 
251.  Aratus  delivers  Sicyon,  and  unites  it  to  the  Achaean  League. 
243.  Aratus,  a  second  time  general  of  the  Aclia^an  League,  delivers  Corinth  from  tho 

Macedonians. 
241.  Agis  IV.,  king  of  Sparta,  put  to  death  in  onnsecjuence  of  his  attempts  to  reform 

the  state. 
239.  Death  of  Antigonus,  and  accession  of  his  son,  Demetrius  II. 
236.   Cleomenes  III.  becomes  king  of  Sparta. 
229.  Death  of  Demetrius  II.,  and  accession  of  Antigonus  Doson,  who  was  left  by 

Demetrius  guardian  of  his  son  Philip. 
227.  Cleomenes  commences  war  against  the  Acha;an  League. 
226.  Cleomenes  carries  on  the  war  with  success  against  Aratus,  who  is  again  the 

general  of  the  Achaean  League. 
225.    Reforms  of  Cleomenes  at  Sparta. 

224.   The  Achaeans  call  in  the  assistance  of  .Vnliiromis  Doson  against  Cleomenes. 
221.   Antigonus  defeats  Cleomenes  at   Sellasia,  and  obtains  possession  of  Sparta. 
Cleomenes  sails  to  Egypt,  where  he  dies.     Extinction  of  the  royal  line  of  the 
Heraclidte  at  Sparta. 


ei4 


D.C. 
220. 


217. 
21<i. 
213. 
211. 
208 


207. 

205. 
200. 
l'J7. 
190. 
192. 


191. 

189. 
188. 

183 

179. 
171. 
168. 


151. 
147. 
146. 


HISTORY  OF  gk?:p:c1'1 


Dentil  of  Anti(ff>niiH  Domom,  ninl  arxcHHinn  orl'hili|i  V.,  ict   17. 

Tlu!  Achii-uiiH  iiMil  AnttiiH  arc  licfeiilcd  tiy  the  vl-^tiilmnii.     The  AchiranH  apply  for 

aH.slHtuiicc  to  I'hilip,  who  l-hiiouhch  Iheir  cause.     tJomrneiiccriient  of  the  Social 

War. 
Third  nnrl  Inst  year  of  the  Social  War.     I'cace  concluded. 
I'liihp  concliideM  a  treaty  with  ilaniiihul. 
I'liilip  removes  Aratus  by  poison. 

Treaty  between  Koine  and  the  ,1-;tolians  aeainst  I'hilip. 
Philip  inarches  into  I'eloponnesus  to  assist  the  Achifans. 
I'lulopa-men  is  elected  general  of  the  Acha;an  League,  and  efTccts  important  re 

forma  in  the  army. 
PhilopuMiieii  defeats  and  slays  Machanidas,  tyrant  of  Laccdiemon,  at  the  battb 

of  Maiitinea. 
The  ^ICtolians  make  peace  with  Philip.     Philip's  treaty  with  Rome. 
War  between  Philip  aud  Rome. 
Philip  defeated  at  the  battle  of  Cynoscephala;. 
Greece  declared  free  by  Flamininus  at  the  Isthmian  games. 
Laccdiemon  is  added  by  PhilopeBmen  to  the  Acha-an  League. 
Antiochus  comes  into  Greece  to  assist  the  jEtolians  against  the  Romans.     He 

winters  at  Chalcis. 
Antiochus  and  the  .■Ktolians  defeated  by  the  Romans  at  the  battle  of  Thcrmopyljp. 
The  Romans  besiege  Anibracia,  and  grant  pcacr  to  the  jTItolians. 
Philopifmen,  again  general  of  the  Acha;an  League,  subjugates  Sparta,  and  ab- 
rogates iIk'  laws  of  Lycurgus. 
The  Messtiiiaiis  revolt  from  the  Achaean  League.     They  capture  and  put  to 

death  Philop(emen. 
Death  of  Philip  and  accession  of  Perseus. 
War  between  Perseus  and  Rome. 
Defeat  and  capture  of  Perseus  by  JEmilius  Paulus. 
Division  of  Macedonia. 
One  thousand  of  the  principal  .\cha!ans  are  sent  to  Rome.     Polybius  is  among 

the  Aclia!an  exiles. 
Embassy  of  the  three  philosophers  to  Rome.     Return  of  the  Achaean  e.\iles. 
War  between  Rome  and  the  Acha-ans. 
Destruction  of  Corinth  by  Muminius.    Greece  becomes  a  Roman  province. 


I 


Colonial  Coin  of  Corinth.  On  the  obverse  the  head  of  Antoninus  Pius  ;  on  the  reverse 
the  port  of  C°nchreae.  The  letters  ('.  L.  I.  Cor.  stand  for  Colonia  Laus  Julfei  Corin- 
th'js,  the  name  given  to  the  city  when  Julius  Cssar  founded  a  colony  there  in  b.c.  46. 


APPENDIX. 

BY    THE    AMERICAN    EDITOR 


GEOGRAPHICAL  OUTLINE. 

(FROM  HEEREN.) 

Greece  is  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Cambunian  mounts 
ains,    "which    separate    it    from   Macedonia ;     on    tlie  Boundaries 
south  and  east  by  the  iEgsean,  on  the  west  by  the  lo-  °'  •^'■•-'ece: 
nian  Sea.      Greatest  length  from  south  to  north  =  220  geogr. 
miles,    greatest    breadth     from    west    to    east,  =  140  ns  dimen- 
geogr.   miles.       Superficial   contents,  =  29,600   sf^uare  s'ons: 
miles. — Principal  rivers  :  the  Peneus,  which  discharges  its  wa- 
ters into  the  iEgaean,  and  the  Achelous,  which  flows  into 
the  Ionian  Sea.      Advantages  in  respect  to  fertility,  result-  "^^"^^ 
ing  from  the  mildness  of  the  climate,  between  37 — 40^  N.  lat. ; 
from  the  number  of  small  streams ;  from  the  qualities  physical  ad- 
and  variety  of  soil,  in  which  this  country'  has  boon  so  '*'a"''age8. 
much  more  blessed  by  nature  than  any  other  of  similar  extent, 
that  every  branch  of  cultivation  may  be  prosecuted  equally  and 
in  conjunction. — Advantages    in    reference  to  navigation   and 
commerce  :   situated  in  the  vicinity  of  the  three  quarters  of  the 
world,  on  three  sides  washed  by  the  sea,  and  by  reason  of  its 
irregular,  indented  coast,  abounding  with  commodious  ports  and 
havens. 

It   may  be    divided   into   Northern  Greece,  from   the  north 
boundary  to  the  chain  of  (Eta  and  Pindus,  between  the  p^yj^j^^g 
Ambracian  Gulf  west,  and  the  Maliac  east.     Central 
Greece,  or  Hellas,  down  to  the  isthmus  of  Corinth :    and  the 
southern  peninsula,  or  Pelopormesus. 

Northern  Greece  comprises  two  countries  ;  Thessa-  northern 
ly  east,  Epirus  west.  Greece. 

1.   Thessaly,  the  largest  and  one  of  the  most  fruitful  of  the 
Grecian    countries.      Length  from   north  to    south    GO    geogr. 


61C  ArrKNDIX. 

miles ;    breadth  from  west  to   east  01    peorrr.  miles.     Rivers'; 
the    Peiieus,   Ai)i(Janus,    aiirl    i^everal   Hriialler  streams. 

TliCHSfllv-  ■ 

Mountains  ;  01yinpu.s,  residence  of  the  fahuloiis  pods, 
and  O.ssa  in  the  north;  the  chain  ol  H-lla,  Othry.-',  and  i'in(hjs 
in  the  south.  iJivisioa  into  five  provinces  :  1 .  Kstia-otis  :  cities; 
Goiiijdii,  Azorus.  2.  Pelasgiotis :  cities;  Laris.sa,  Gonni,  the 
vale  of  Tempe.  3.  Thessaliotis  :  cities  ;  Pharsahis,  etc.  4. 
Phthiotis  :  cities ;  Phera;,  etc.  5.  The  foreland  o(  Majtrncsia, 
■with  a  city  of  the  same  name.  Other  territories,  such  as  Per- 
rhsebia,  etc.  for  instance,  derived  their  names  from  the  non- 
Greek  races  who  inhabited  them. 

2.  Epirus.     Next  to  Thcssaly,  the  largest,  although  one  of 
the  least  cultivated  countries  of  Greece  :   48 — GO  geogr. 
'"    ^'  miles  long,  and  the  same  in  breadth.     Divisions:  Molos- 
sis ;  city,  Ambracia  :  Thesprotia ;  city,  Buthroturn  ;  in  the  in- 
terior, Dodona. 

Central  Central  Grecce,  or  Hellas,  comprises  nine  coun- 
GuEECE.    tries. 

1.  Attica,  a  foreland,  extending  towards  the  southeast,  and 
gradually  diminishing.  Length,  60  geogr.  miles  ;  great- 
est breadth,   24  geogr.  miles.      Rivers ;    Ilissus,   Cephis- 

sus.  Mountains  ;  Hymettus,  Pentelicns,  and  the  headland  of 
Sunium.  City  ;  Athens,  with  the  harbours  Piranis,  Phalereus, 
and  Munychius  ;  in  the  other  parts  no  towns,  but  hamlets,  ftrtnoi, 
such  as  Marathon,  Eleusis,  Decelea,  etc. 

2.  Megaris,  close  to  the  isthmus  of  Corinth.     The  smallest  of 

the  Grecian  countries  ;    1 6  geogr.  miles  long,  and  from 
"^^      '  4 — 8  broad.     City,  Megara. 

3.  Boeotia,  a  mountainous   and  marshy  countr\',  52  geogr. 

miles  long,  and  from  28 — 32  broad.  Rivers:  Asopus, 
Ismenus,  and  several  smaller  streams.  Moiuitains  ;  He- 
licon, Citheron,  etc.  Lake  ;  Copais. — Boeotia  was,  of  all  the 
Grecian  countries,  that  which  contained  the  greatest  number  of 
cities,  each  having  its  own  separate  territory.  Among  these, 
the  first  in  importance,  and  frequently  mistress  c{  the  rest,  was 
Thebes  on  the  Ismenus.  The  others,  Plata>a?.  Tanagra,  Thes- 
piae,  Cha'ronea,  Lebadea,  Leuctra,  and  Orchomenus,  are  ail  cel- 
ebrated in  Grecian  history. 

4.  Phocis,  smaller  than  Attica ;    48  geogr.  miles  long,  from 


APPENDIX.  617 

4 — 20    broad.       River;     Cephissus.       Mountain;     Parnassus 
Cities  ;    Delphi,  on  Parnassus,  with  the  celebrated  oracle 
of  Apollo;   Crissa,  with  the  harbour  of  Cirrha,  and,  up 
the  country,  Elatea.     The  other  cities  are  insignificant. 

5,  6.  The  two  countries  called  Locris.  The  eastern  on  the 
Euripus,  territory  of  the  Locri  Opuntii  and  Epicnemidii,  locHs  1st 
is  the  lesser  of  the  two  ;  being  but  little  larger  than  *"''  ''^''• 
Megaris.  City  ;  Opus  :  pass,  Thermopylae.  The  western  Lo- 
cris on  the  Corinthian  Gulf,  station  of  the  Locri  Ozola;,  is  from 
20 — 24  geogr.  miles  long,  and  from  16 — 20  broad.  Cities; 
Naupactus  on  the  sea,  Amphissa  up  the  country. 

7.  The  small  country  of  Doris,  or  the  Tetrapolis  Dorica,  on 
the  south  side  of  Mount  (Eta,  from  8 — 12  ofeojrr.  miles 

Doris 

long,  and  the  same  m  breadth. 

8.  ^Etolia,   somewhat  larger   than   Boeotia ;    from    40 — 52 
geogr.   miles  long,   and   from   28 — 32  broad  ;    but  the 

least  cultivated  country  of  all.     Rivers  ;  Achelous,  wliich 

skirts  Acamania,   and  the  Evenus.      Cities ;    Calydon,  Tlier- 

mus. 

9.  Acamania,  the  most  western  country  of  Hellas,  32  geogr. 
miles  long,  and  from  16 — 24  broad.     River;  Achelo- 
us.    Cities  ;  Argos  Amphilochicum,  and  Stratus. 

The  Peninsula  of  Peloponnesus  contains  eight  coun-  pelopon- 
tries.  KEsus. 

1.  Arcadia,  a  mountainous  countrj',  abounding  in  pastures, 
and  situate  in  the  centre  of  the  peninsula  ;    greatest 
length,   48   geogr.   miles  ;   greatest  breadth,  36  geogr. 

miles.  Mountains;  Cyllene,  Erymanthus,  etc.  Rivers;  Al- 
pheus,  Emnanthus,  and  several  smaller  streams.  Lake  :  Styx 
Cities  ;  Mantinea,  Tegea,  Orchomenus,  Hersea,  Psopliis ;  subse- 
quently Megalopohs,  as  a  common  capital. 

2.  Laconia,    likewise    mountainous.       Greatest    length,    6G 

jreojjr.  miles ;   greatest  breadth,  36  geogr.  miles.     Riv-    , 

-r-i  -IT  ■  m  <5t  Laconia. 

er ;    Eurotas.     Mountains;    iaygetus,  and  the   head- 
lands Malea  and  Teiiariura.      Cities  ;    Sparta  on  the  Eurotaa 
Other  places  ;   Amycla-,  Sellasia,  and  others  of  little  importance. 

3    Messenia,  west  of  Laconia  ;    a  more  level  and  extremely 


018  APPENDIX. 

fertile  country,  subject  to  the  Sj)artan.s  from  v..c.  GG8.  Great- 
est lentith,  2H  ireogr.  miles  :  irr(;atest  breadth,  30  treom". 
miles.      City;  Messene.     rrontier  jilaces  ;   Itbome  and 

Ira  :  of  the  other  j)laces,  Pylus  (Navarino)  and  Methone  are  the 

most  celebrated. 

4.  Elis,  with  the  small  territory  of  Tripliylia,  on  the  west  of 
the  Peloponnesus.  Length  GO  geogr.  miles :  greatest 
breadth,  28  gcogr.  miles.     Rivers  ;  Alpheus,  Peneus,  !Sei- 

hs,  and  several  smaller  streams.  Cities ;  in  the  north,  Elis, 
Cyllene,  and  Pylus  :  on  the  Alpheus,  Pisa  and  the  neighbouring 
town  of  Olyiiipia  :  in  Triphylia,  a  third  Pylus 

5.  Argolis,  on  the  east  side  of  the  peninsula ;  a  foreland  op- 

posite to  Attica,  with  which  it  forms  the  Sinus  Saroni- 
^^  '^'    cus.     Length,   64   gcogr.  miles :    breadth,  from   b — 28 
geogr.   miles.      Cities ;    Argos,  Mycena;,  Epidaurus.      Smaller 
but  remarkable  places  ;  Nemea,  Cynuria,  TrcDzen. 

6.  Achaia,   originally  Ionia,  called  likewise  ^gialus,   com- 

pri.ses    the    north    coast.      Length,    56    geogr.    miles : 
breadth,   from    12 — 24.     It   contains  twelve   cities,  of 
which  Dyme,  Patra',  and  Pellene,  are  the  most  important 

7.  The  little  country  of  Sicyonia,  16  geogr.  miles  long, 
8  broad,  with  the  cities  of  Sicyon  and  Phlius. 

8.  The  small  territory  of  Corinth,  of  the  same  extent  as  the 

forejroinfr,  adioining  the  isthmus  which  comiects  Pelopon- 

nesus  with   the  mainland.      City ;    Corinth,   originally 

Ephyra,  with  the  ports  of  LechfBum  and  Cenchreae  ;  the  former 

on  the  Corinthian,  the  latter  on  the  Saronic  Gulf 

The  Greek  Islands  may  be  divided  into  three  classes  ;    those 
which  lie  immediately  ofi'  the  coasts,  those  which  are 
collected  m  groups,  and  those  wliich  he  separate  iu  the 
open  sea. 

1.  Islands  off  the  coasts.  Off  the  west  coast  in  the  Ionian 
oftke  Sea  :  Corcyra,  opposite  Epirus,  32  geogr.  miles  long, 
CoTcTa-  from  8— 16  broad.  City;  Corcyra.  A  Corinthian 
Leucadia,  colony.  Opposite  Acaniania  ;  Leucadia,  with  the  city 
and  headland  of  Leucas. — Cephalonia  or  Same,  orig- 
and'iulaci*;  inally  Scheria,  with  the  cities  of  Same  and  Cephalo- 
nia.    In  the  neighbourhood  lies  the  small  island  of  Ithaca. — 


APPEMDIX.  619 

Opposite  Elis,  Zacynthus.      Oif  the  southcoast,  Cythera,  with 

a  town  oi'  the  same  name.     Oti'  the  east  coast,  in  the  zacymhus; 

Saronic  Gulf,  Jilgina  and  Salamis.      Opposite  Bceotia,  Cythera; 

from  Avhich  it  is  separated  by  the  Strait  named  Eu-  JE^ma  and 

ripus,  Euboea,  the  most  extensive  of  all;    76  geogr.  ^"''""'^  • 

miles  long,  from  12 — 16  geogr.  miles  broad.     Cities;  ^"''<^^' 

Oreus,  with  the  headland  of  Artemisium  on  the  north,  scyathus, 

in  the  centre  Chalcis,  Eretria.     Off  Thessaly,  Scya-  Thaisus.iiii- 

thus,  and  Halonesus.     Farther  north,  Thasus,  Imbrus,  thrace,Lein- 

Samothrace,  and  Lemnos.  "°*'  '^'"^• 

2.  Clusters  of  Islands  in  the  iEgsean  sea :  the  Cyclades  and 
Sporades  ;  the  former  of  which  comprise  the  western,  croups. 
the  latter  the  eastern  islands  of  the  Archipelago.  The  cyciades 
the  most  important  among  them  are,  Andros,  Delos,  Pa-  and  Spo- 
ros,  Naxos,  Melos,  all  with  cities  of  the  same  names.        ^^  **' 

3.  The  more  extensive  separate  islands  :    1.  Crete,  140  geogr. 

miles    long,    from    24 — 40    broad.       Mountain  ;     Ida.  Separate. 

Cities;    Cydonia,  Gortyna,  Cnossus.     2.   Cyprus,   120  i-'rete; 

geogr.  miles  long,  and  from  20 — 60  broad.     Cities  ;  Sa-  ,, 

?       •      T-.      1  ?,-  •  1  1  11  1  Cyprus. 

lamis,  raphes,  Citmm,  and  several  smaller  places. 


GRECIAN  METHOD  OF  CALCULATING  TIME. 

Our  knowledge  of  Greek  chronology  is  very  imperfect,  the  only  pa^ 
which  has  been  fully  preserved  being  that  of  the  Athenians.  This  people, 
like  the  Romans  of  Nunia,  divided  their  year  by  the  revolutions  of  the  moon, 
making  up  for  its  irregularities  by  intercalation.  The  Athenian  year  con- 
tained twelve  months,  each  of  them  alternately  twenty-nine  and  thirty  days 
lonf.  The  year  began  at  the  summer  solstice,  and,  in  order  to  maUc  he  be- 
ginning regular,  they  formed  cycles  of  eight  and  nineteen  years,  intercalating 
three  months  for  the  first,  or  seven  for  the  second.  The  month  was  divided 
into  decades,  and  the  days  were  counted  from  the  beginning  for  the  first  two 
decades,  and  from  the  beginning  or  end  for  the  last.  Thus  the  second  of  the 
month  was  the  second  of  the  opening  month.  The  eleventh  was  l\ie  first  of  the 
middle  of  the  month,  and  the  twenty-first  was  either  lYte  first  after  the  twentieth, 
or  tlie  tenth  from  the  end  of  the  month,  or  the  ^rs<  of  the  closing  month.  The 
day,  like  that  of  the  Jews  and  Mahometans,  began  at  sunset. 

In  classifying  the  year,  like  the  Spartans  and  Romans,  they  used  the  name 
of  the  presiding  magistrate  ;  so  that  Athenian  chronology  was  counted  by 
Archons.  The  Olympiad  was  first  used  by  Timajus  of  Sicily,  the  historian, 
in  the  fifth  century  before  Christ. 

The  Olympic  games,  the  great  national  festival  of  Greece,  were  celebrated 
every  five  years.  The  first  authentic  Olympiad  is  known  as  the  Olympiad 
of  Coroebus  the  Elean,  who  gained  the  prize  in  the  foot-race  in  the  year  776 
before  Christ.  But  modern  writers  have  adopted  the  more  convenient  method 
of  calculating  events  by  the  year  before  and  after  Christ ;  a  system  which  has 
the  great  advantage  of  being  equally  applicable  to  the  history  of  every  nation. 


TABLE  OF  GRECIAN  CHRONOLOGY  BY  PERIODS,  COMPARED  WITH 
THAT  OF  RO.ME,  ETC. 

First  Period. 

MYTHICAL  AGE  OF  GREECE.— 1184  to  776  B.C. 

This  period  begins  with  the  conjectural  date  of  the  capture  of  Troy,  1184 
B.C.,  and  ends  with  the  first  Olympiad,  776  B.C. 


B.C.  GREECE. 

1000. 
878. 

850.  Homer — by  conjecture — 850. 
776.  Lycurgus — 776? 

Second  Period. 

'GROWTH  OF  THE  GRECIAN  STATES.— 
776  B.C.  TO  594  B.C. 

776.  Restoration  of  the  Olympic  games  and  vic- 
tory of  Coroebus. 
753. 
747.  Phidon  of  Argos. 


ROME,    PERSIA,    ETC. 

Solomon — 1004. 
Carthage— 878  ? 


Rome  founded. 
-Era  of  Nabonassor. 
Isaiah. 


SYNCHRONISTIC  TABLES. 
Third  Period. 
594  B.C.  TO  501  B.C. 


621 


B.C.  GREECE. 

594.  Solon  archon  and  legislator  of  Athens. 


560.  Pisistratus  usurps  the  government  at  Athens. 
559.  Anacreon  begins  to  be  distinguished. 


532.  Polycrates  becomes  Tyrant  of  Sardis. 

Pythagoras  flourished. 
529. 

527.  Death  of  Pisistratus. 
525.  .^schylus  born. 

Anacreon  and  Simonides  come  to  Athens 

Choerilus  of  Athens  first  exhibits  tragedy. 
518.  Pindar  born. 
510.  Expulsion  of  Hippias. 

Ten  tribes  instituted  by  Clisthenes. 
501. 


500.  Ionian  revolt. 


Fourth  Period. 


PERSIAN  WAR. 


499.  Sardis  burnt. 
494. 


490.  Battle  of  Marathoiu 

485. 


484.  Birth  of  Herodotus. 


-500  TO  BATTLE   OF   PLJiTJEA, 

479. 


480.  Invasion  of  Xerxes. 

Thermopyla; — Artemisium — Salamis. 
479.  Battle  of  Plataea. 


Fifth  Period. 

SUPREMACYOF  ATHENS,  WHICH  LAST- 
ED   ABOUT    SEVENTY    YEARS.— from 

the    B.\TTLE    of    PLAT.IEA,  479,  TO    THE    PEACE 
OF  CIMON,  449. 

478.  The  maritime  allies  place  themselves  under 

the  supremacy  of  Athens 
471.  Themistocles  ostracised. 


ROME,    PERSIA,    BTC. 

Tarquin  the  Elder,  king 
of  Rome,  and  Ncbu- 
cbadnezzarof  Babylon. 

Cyrus  in  Persia. 

End  of  the  Median  em- 
pire. 

Servius  TuUius  king  of 
Rome. 


Death  of  Cyrus. 

Cambyses  conquers 
Egypt. 

Expulsion  of  Tarquin. 

Titus     Lartius     Flavus 
first  Dictator  of  Rome. 


Institution  of  the  tribunes 
of  the  people  at  Rome. 

Xerxes  succeeds  Darius. 

Gelon  becomes  master  of 
Syracuse. 

Spurius  Cassius,  who 
the  preceding  year  had 
proposed  the  first  Agra- 
rian law,  condemned 
to  death. 

Egypt  reconquered  by  the 
Persians. 

Fourth  year  of  war  with 
Veii. 

The  Fabia  Gens  take 
their  station  on  the 
Cremera. 


Hieron   succeeds  Gclon 
at  Syracuse. 


622 


AI'I'KNDIX. 


B.C.  aiCEECE. 

471.  Tliucydidcs  horn. 

Pausanias  j)Ul  lo  dtath. 

'I'iiiioleoii  ol  Rhodes,  iho  lyric  j)oet,  flour- 
ished. 
468.  Arislidc's  dies. 

Socralcs  horn. 

Sophoch'S  gains  his  first  prize  in  tragedy. 

Myccnu!  destroyed  ljy  the  Argives. 
407.  Simonidos  dies,  aged  90. 

Andocidcs  the  orator  born. 

461.  Cimon  ostracised.     Pericles  at  the  head  of 
adairs  in  Athens. 

460.  First  year  of  the  Egyptian  war,  which  lasts 
six.     The  Athenians  send  aid  to  the  Egyp- 
tians. 
Democritus  and  Hippocrates  born. 
449.  Death  of  Cinion. 

Peace  with   Persia — improperly  called  the 
Peace  of  Cimon. 

Sixth  period. 

fkom  the  peace  of  cimon,  449,  to  the  first 
year  of  the  peloponnesian  war,  431. 

448.  Sacred  War    between    the    Delphians   and 

Locnans. 
445.  Tlurty   years'   truce    between    Athens    and 

Sparta. 


443.  The  Athenians  send  a  colony  to  Thuni  in 
Italy,  which  Herodotus,  Bet.  41,  accompa- 
nied, and  Lysias,  a;t.  15. 

439.  Athens  at  the  height  of  her  glory.  Pericles 
at  the  head  of  affairs. 

432.  The  Corinthians  defeated  by  the  Corcyraeans 
and  Athenians. 
Revolt  of  Potidfea. 
Congress   of  Peloponnesians  to  decide  on 

war  against  Athens. 
Prosecution  of  Ana.xagoras  and  Aspasia. 
Prosecution  and  death  of  Phidias. 
431. 


Seventh  Period. 

from  the  first  year  of  the  peloponnesian 
war,  431,  to  the  fifty  years'  truce,  421. 

430.  Plague  at  Athens. 

429.  Athenians  take  Potidsa. 

Death  of  Pericles. 

Birth  of  Plato. 

Eupolis  and  Phrynicus,  comic  poets,  exhibit. 


BOME,    PEUStA,   ETC. 


Antium  taken  by  the  Ro. 
mans. 


Death  of  Hieron. 

The  Romans  send  a  col- 
ony to  Aiitiuin. 

Contests  concerning  the 
Tercntillian  law  at 
Rome. 

The  Capitol  seized  by 
Herdonius. 


The  Decemvirs  deposed. 
Virginia. 


Lex  Trebonia. 

Lex  Canuleia,  establish. 
ing  connubium  be- 
tween Patricians  and 
Plebeians.  P'lrst  Mil- 
itary Tribunes. 

Institution  of  the  Censor- 
ship. Victory  over  the 
Yolscians. 

Spurius  Melius  killed 
by  Q.  Servilius  Ahala, 
Master  of  the  Horse. 


Great  victory  over  the 
.-Equians  and  Volsci 
ans  at  Mount  Algidus. 


SYNCHRONISTIC  TABLES- 


623 


B.C.  GREECE. 

427.  Fourth  invasion  of  Attica. 

Gorgias  ambassador  from  Leontini  to  Athens. 

Aristophanes  first  exhibits. 
423.  Thucydides  banished. 

Truce  for  a  year. 

The  Clouds  of  Aristophanes. 
421.  Truce  for  fifty  years — which  lasts  only  to 
414 — with  frequent  hostilities  all  the  while. 


Eighth  Period, 
from  the  fifty  years'  truce,  421,  to  the 

"FOUR   hundred"  at  ATHENS,  411. 

415.  Athenian  expedition  against  Sicily. 
414. 

412.  Alcibiades  sent  by  the  Lacedaemonians  to 
make  a  treaty  with  the  Persians. 

Andromeda  of  Euripides. 
411.  "The  Four  Hundred"  at  Athens. 

Recall  of  Alcibiades. 

The  Lysistrata  and  Thesmophoriazusse  of 
Aristophanes. 

Lysias  returns  to  Athens. 
409. 

406.  Naval  victory  of  the  Athenians  off  the  Ar- 
ginussae  islands. 
Dionysius  master  of  Syracuse. 
Death  of  Euripides  and  Sophocles. 

404.  End  of  the  war. 

The  Thirty  Tyrants  at  Athens. 
Death  of  Alcibiades. 

Ninth  Period. 

SPARTAN  SUPREMACY.— 34  years,  from 
the  batlle  of  ^gospotami,  405,  TO  the 
battle  of  leuctra,  371. 

403.  Thrasybulus  obtains  possession  of  Athens. 

Thucydides  returns  to  Athens,  aet.  68. 
401. 

399.  Death  of  Socrates. 

396.  First  campaign  of  Agcsilaus  in  Asia. 

394.   Battle   of  Cnidus    deprives    Sparta   of  her 

maritime  supremacy. 
390. 

387.   Peace  of  Antalcidas. 


384.  Aristotle  born. 

382.  First  year'of  the  Olynthian  war. 

Phoebidas  seizes  the  citadel  of  Tlitbes. 
Birth  of  Demosthenes. 


ROME,    PERSIA,    ETC. 

War  declared  against 
Veil. 

War  with  the  Volscians. 

Vulturnum  taken  by  the 
Samnites. 

The  number  of  the  Quae- 
stors increased  from 
two  to  four. 


War  with  the  .^Equians. 


Three  plebeians  chosen 
to  th(^  ([uaestorship. 

War  witli  the  Volscians. 

Anxur  (Terracina)  ta- 
ken. 

Roman  soldiers  receive 
pay  for  the  first  time. 

An  eclipse  of  the  sun  re- 
corded in  the  Annalcs 
Maximi. 


Expedition  of  Cyrus  the 

Younger. 
Plague  at  Rome.     First 

Lcctistnrniurn. 
Veil  taken  by  Camillus. 
Peace  with  the  Falisci- 

Rome     taken     by     the 

Gauls. 
Roman  tril)es  increased 

from     twenty-one     to 

twenty -five. 
Manlius  thrown  from  tho 

Tarp'^ian  rock. 
War  v.ith  Praeneste. 


624 


ATPENDIX. 


II. C.  GREECE. 

378.  Alliance  between  Athcii.s  and  Thebes  against 
Sparta.  Date  of  a  new  political  combina- 
tion in  Greece. 

376. 

371.  Peace  of  Callias. 
Battle  of  Leuctra. 

Tenth  Pekioh. 

THEBAN  SUPREMACY.— FKOM  the  battle 
OF  leuctka,  371,  TO  the  battle  of  man- 
tinea,  362. 

367.  Embassy  of  Pelopidas  to  Persia 

366. 

365.  War  between  Arcadia  and  Elis. 

362.  Battle  of  Mantinea. 


Eleventh  Period. 
MACEDONIAN    SUPREMACY.— from  the 

ACCESSION  OF  PHILIP,  359,  TO  THE  DEATH  OF 
ALEXANDER,  323. 

359.  Accession  of  Philip. 
357.  Social  war. 
Sacred  war. 


356.  Second  year  of  the  social  war. 

Birth  of  Alexander. 

Philip  takes   Potidaja  and  gives  it   to   the 
Olynthians. 
352.  The  first  Philippic. 


347.  Olynthus  taken  by  Philip. 

Plato  dies,  aet.  82. 
346.  Peace  between  Pliilip  and  the  Athenians. 


343.  First  Samnite  war. 

342.  Philip's  expedition  into  Thrace. 

Aristotle  at  the  court  of  Philip. 

Birth  rf  Epicurus. 
338.  Battle  of  Chajronea. 

Philip  master  of  Greece. 

Death  of  Isocrates. 
336.  Assassination  of  Philip,  and  accession  of 

Alexander. 
335    Destruction  of  Thebes. 
333.   Battle  of  Issus. 
332.  Alexander,  king  of  Epirus,  makes  a  treaty 

with  the  Romans. 
330.  Alexander   takes    Ecbatana.     Demosthenes 
on  the  crown. 


ROME,   PERSIA,   XTC. 


Rogationcs  Licinia;  pro- 
posed. 


Dionysius  the  elder  dies. 

First  plebeian  Consul. 

Plague  at  Rome. 

Death  of  Carnillus. 

Half  of  the  Military  Tri- 
bunes chosen  by  the 
people. 

Earthquake  at  Rome. 


Duilian  and  Macrian 
laws  restoring  the  rate 
of  interest  fixed  bj'  the 
Twelve  Tables. 

Dionysius  the  younger 
expelled  from  Syra- 
cuse by  Dion. 

F'lrst  plebeian  Dictator. 

Quinqueviri  Mensarii 
appointed  for  a  general 
liquidation  of  debts. 


Second  celebration  of  the 
Ludi  Sa?culares.  War 
with  the  Volscians. 


Latium  subdued. 

Peace  with  the  Gauls. 
Cales  taken. 


Revolt  of  Fundi  and  Pri 
vcrnum. 


SYNCHRONISTIC  TABLES. 


625 


B.C.  GREECE. 

329.  Battle  of  Arbela. 

323.  Death  of  Alexander. 
Death  of  Diogenes. 

Twelfth  Period. 

from  the  de.4.th  of  alexander  to  the  rise 
of  the  ach^an  league,  323  to  280. 

323.  Lamian  war. 

322.  End  of  the  Lamian  war,  and  death  of  De- 
mosthenes. 
Death  of  Aristotle  at  Chalcis. 
32L 
311.  General  peace. 

306.  Defeat  of  Ptolemj-  by  Cassander. 

Antigonus,  Ptolemj',  Seleucus,  Lysimachus, 

and  Cassander  assume  the  title  of  king. 
Epicurus    settles    at    Athens,   and   teaches 
there  3C  years. 
301.  Battle  of  Ipsus. 

280.  Rise  of  the  Acha;an  league. 

279.  The  Gauls  under  Brennus  invade  Greece. 

278.  Pyrrhus  passes  into  Sicily. 

264.  First  Punic  war. 

241.  Death  of  Agis  IV.  of  Sparta. 


225.  Reforms  of  Cleomencs  at  Sparta. 


220.  Beginning  of  the  social  war. 

216.  Philip  V.  of  Macedon  concludes  a  treaty 

with  Hannibal. 
211.  Treaty  between    Rome    and  llie   .lEtoliaus 

against  Philip. 


197.  Battle  of  Cynosccphala;. 
183.  Death   of  Philopcemen,      'The    last   of  the 
Greeks." 


ROME,    PERSIA,    ETC. 

Privernum  taken. 
Colony  sent  to  Anxus. 


168.  Defeat  of  Perseus. 
146.  Corinth  destroyed. 

Greece  a  Roman  province. 


2  E 


Samnites  defeated. 


The  "Caudine  Forks." 

The  Etruscans  defeated. 

Samnites  defeated. 

Insurrection  and  subju- 
gation of  the  Herni- 
cans. 


War  with  the  Marsi  and 
Etruscans. 

Romans  defeated  by  Pyr- 
rhus near  Heracleia. 

Victory  of  Pyrrhus  near 
Asculum. 

Romans  triumphant  in 
Southern  Italy. 

Last  year  of  the  First 
Punic  war.  Sicily  a 
Roman  province. 

Warwith  the  Gauls.  Q. 
Fabius  Pictor  and  L. 
Cincius  Alimentus, 
historians,  flourished. 

Via  Flaminia  and  Circus 
Flaminius. 

Battle  of  Cannas. 

Eighth  year  of  the  second 
Punic  war.  Hannibal 
fails  in  his  attempt  to 
raise  the  siege  of 
Capua. 

War  against  the  Ligu- 
rians  continued.  Death 
of  Scipio  Africanua. 
Death  of  Hannibal. 

Carthago    destroyed    by 

Scipio. 
Cassius  Hcmina  and  C. 

Fannius,      historians, 

flourished. 


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GENERAL  EXAMINATION  aUESTIONS. 

1.  The  original  population  of  Greece. — Pelasgi. — Hellenes. 
— Foreign  colonies. 

2.  History  and  character  of  the  Heroic  age. — Invasion  and 
conquest  of  the  Dorians. — Greek  colonies  in  Europe,  Asia,  and 
Africa. — Homer. — The  Olympiads. — General  character  of  our 
knowledge  of  these  subjects. 

3.  History  of  Athens  from  the  early  traditions  to  the  first 
Persian  invasion. — Who  formed  the  Athenian  people  ? — How 
were  they  divided  ? — The  Eupatrids. — Government. — The  Ar- 
chonts. — Legislation  of  Draco  and  of  Solon. — Constitution  of 
Athens  at  the  epoch  of  the  Persian  Avars. 

4.  Early  history  of  Sparta. — "Who  formed  the  Spartan  peo- 
ple ? — Tire  Tribes. — The  Spartans. — Periceci  and  Helots.-- 
Constitution  and  legislation  of  Lycurgus. 

5.  State  of  Northern  Greece  and  the  Pelopomiesus  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Persian  war. 

6.  Sketch  of  Persian  history,  and  cause  of  the  Persian  in- 
vasion of  Greece. — Relative  strength  of  the  two  nations,  and 
military  reputation  of  each  on  the  first  invasion. 

7.  History  and  results  of  the  first  invasion  ; — internal  and 
external. 

8.  History  and  results  of  the  second  invasion  ; — internal  and 
external. 

9.  Eminent  men,  and  chief  battles  of  the  first  and  second 
invasions. 

10.  Position  of  Greece  after  the  second  repulse  of  the  Per- 
sians. 

11.  Causes,  character,  and  duration  of  the  Athenian  su- 
premacy. 

12.  History  of  the  Athenian  supremacy. — Its  influence  upon 
the  intellectual  and  artistic  development  of  Greece. 

13.  Administration  of  Pericles.— Its  alleged  efiects  upon  the 
Athenian  character. 

14.  Internal  history  of  Greece  from  the  Persian  to  the  Pe- 
loponnesian  war. 

15.  Causes  and  character  of  the  Peloponncsiau  war 

16.  Division  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.— Pnncipal  battles. 
• — Leading  men. — Chief  incidents. 

2e* 


r,34  APPENDIX. 

17.  The  Sicilian  expedition. 

18.  Close    and   consequences  of  the    Peloponnesian   war. — . 
State  of  Athens. — Sparta. — Other  states  and  the  colonies. 

19.  History,    duration,    and    character    of  the    Spartan    su- 
premacy. 

20.  Historj',    duration,    and    character    of   the    Theban    su- 
premacy. 

21.  Retreat  of  the  Ten  Tliousand,  and  its  consequences. 

22.  State  of  Greece  at  the  accession  of  Phihp  of  Macedon. 

23.  Rise  of  the   Macedonian  power,  and   character  of  the 
opposition  of  Demosthenes. 

24.  State  of  Greece  at  the  accession  of  Alexander. 

25.  Personal  history  and  character  of  Alexander. 

26.  Alexander  as  a  Greek. 

27.  State  of  Persia  at  the  accession  of  Alexander. 

28.  Historj'  of  the  conquests  of  Alexander. 

29.  Character  of  Alexander  after  the  conquest  of  Persia. 

30.  Results  of  his  conquests. 

31.  The  successors  of  Alexander. — Different  and  final  dis- 
tribution of  his  empire. 

32.  The  Achsean  and  ^Etolian  leagues,  and  general  history  of 
Greece  till  the  Roman  conquest. 

33.  Sketch  of  Greek  literature  by  divisions. — Epic  poetry, 
Lyric  poetn,',  Dramatic  poetry,  history,  philosopny,  kc. 

34.  Sketch  of  Greek  philosophy. 

35.  Sketch  of  Greek  art. 


THE  GREEK  LANGUAGE  AND  ITS  DIALECTS. 

(FROM  DONALDSON.) 

Art.  1.  The  Greek  L.vnguage  {(ptovr)  'EkXrjviKTj)  is  that 
which  was  anciently  spoken  througliout  the  Avliole  extent  of 
Greece  or  Hellas  ('EAAaf),  a  term  which  included  all  the  Greek 
colonies  (Herod.  II,  182).  But  there  were  two  countries  to 
which  this  name  was  applied, — that  which  still  hears  the  name, 
and  which  was  distinguished  as  rj  dpxaici  'E/i/idg  (Plut.  Tunnl. 
c.  37),  or  Grcecia  Antiqua ;  and  the  south-east  of  Italy  with 
Sicily,  which  was  called  i]  [xeydXT]  'EAAaf  (Strabo,  p.  253),  or 
Grcecia  Magna. 

2.  It  was  in  the  former  of  these,  or  Greece  Projjcr,  as  it  is 
sometimes  designated,  that  this  language  was  formed  by  a  fusion 
of  different  tribes ;  and  though  the  colonists  in  Asia  Minor  and 
Magna  Grcecia  contributed  largely  to  the  development  of 
Greek  literature,  the  intellectual  energies  of  the  people,  and  con- 
sequently the  living  excellence  of  the  language,  were  always 
most  conspicuous  in  the  mother-country  ;  and,  in  the  end,  all 
the  scattered  Greeks  had  learned  to  speak  the  language  of 
Attica. 

3.  The  ancient  Greek  language  is  a  member  of  the  great 
Indo-Germanic  family,  and  is  therefore  intimately  connected 
with  the  old  languages  of  the  Indians,  Persians,  Celts,  Sclavo- 
nians,  Germans,  and  Italians.  It  belongs  to  the  science  of 
Comparative  Philology  to  point  out  the  nature  and  extent  of 
this  connection. 

4.  Confining  our  attention  to  the  Greek  language,  we  find 
that  this  language,  as  we  have  it,  consists  of  two  elements — the 
Pelasgian  and  the  Hellenic ;  and  Herodotus  has  informed  us, 
that  the  Hellenes  or  Greeks  owed  their  greatness  to  a  coalition 
with  the  Pelasgians  (I,  58.  Varronianus,  p.  14).  The  Pelas- 
gians  (IleA-acryoi,  or  Ile/loTre^,  "swarthy  Asiatics,"  or  "dark- 
faced  men."  Varron.  p.  24.  Kenrick  rhil.  Mns.  II,  '35:1)  were 
the  original  occupants  and  clvilizers  of  the  Peloponnese,  which 
was  called  after  their  name,  and  also  of  many  districts  in  nortli- 
ern  Greece.  These  were  afterwards  incorporated  with  the  Hel- 
lenes ('EXXriveg,  "  the  warriors :"  comp.  the  name  of  their  god 
•^.TTeXX(ov,  Muller,  Dor.  II,  6,  ^  0),  a  cognate  martial  tribe  from 
the  mountains  in  the  north  of  Thessaly.  In  proportion  as  the 
Hellenic  or  Pelasgian  element  in  this  admixture  predominated 


686  APPENDIX. 

in  ])articul;ir  districts,  the  tribes  wore  called  Doriiuis  (^G)Qulr, 
"  lli^r|il.iii(|crs,"  from  6a  and  opor,  Kunrick,  Ifcrod.  p.  i.xi.),  or 
lonians  ('loji'tr,  "  men  of  the  coast,"  'Ihovia  ;  also  Xlyuiknc^ 
"  Beach-inen,"  or  'Axaioi,  "  Sea-men  :"  Kenrick,  l^hil.  Mus.  11, 
p.  367).  And  these  appear  in  historical  times  as  the  two  grand 
subdivisions  of  the  Hellenic  race  (Herod.  1,  <5G). 

5.  When,  however,  the  Dorians  or  "  Hifrhlanders"  first  de- 
scended from  their  mountains  in  the  north  of  Thessaly,  and  in- 
corporated themselves  with  the  Pelasgians  of  the  Thessalian 
plains,  they  were  called  JEoUans  [AloAelc,  "  mixed  men"*), 
and  this  name  was  retained  by  the  Thessalians  and  Bctotians 
long  after  tlie  opposition  of  Dorian  and  Ionian  had  establi.shed 
itself  in  other  parts  of  Greece.  The  legend  states  this  fact  very 
distinctly,  when  it  tells  us  that  "  Hellen  left  his  kingdom  to 
tEoIus,  his  eldest  son,  while  he  sent  ibrth  Dorus,  and  Xuthus, 
the  father  of  Ion,  to  make  conquests  in  distant  lands,"  (Apollod. 
I,  7,  3,  1.     Thirl  Avail,  I,  p.  101). 

6.  Hence  we  thid  that  of  the  Greek  colonies  settled  on  the 
western  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  the  earliest  and  most  northerly, 
which  started  from  Boeotia,  called  themselves  jEolians ;  that 
those  who  subsequently  proceeded  from  Attica,  and  occupied  the 
central  district,  called  themselves  lonians;  while  those  who 
finally  sailed  from  Argos,  and  took  possession  of  the  southern 
coast,  bore  the  name  of  Dorians. 

7.  The  cultivation  of  Lyric  poetry  by  the  JEolians  of  Lesbos, 
the  choral  poetry  of  the  Dorians,  and  the  epic  poetry  of  the 
lonians,  gave  an  early  and  definite  expression  to  certain  provin- 
cial varieties  which  were  called  Dialects  {didXcKTOi),  and  the 
energetic  and  intelligent  branch  of  the  Ionian  race  which  occu- 
pied Attica  ('Arriiii'i  or  "Kktiki),  "  the  Promontory-Land '),  sub- 
sequently gave  such  a  distinctive  character  to  their  own  idiom, 
that  the  Attic  (r/  'Ardiq)  was  considered  a  fourtli  Dialect  by 
the  side  of  the  Doric  {rj  Ao}pig),  the  jEoIic  {rj  Aio/Jc),  and  the 
Io?iic  {rj  'lag). 

8.  As  ever)'  dialect  or  provincial  variety  is  such  with  refer- 
ence to  some  standard  of  comparison,  and  as  the  Attic  in  the 
end  became  the  general  language,  or  "  common  Dialect"  {kou'T] 
did/.£KTog)  of  all  the  Greeks,  (xrammarians  have  always  esti- 

*  The  proper  meaning  of  Ai6?.oc  is  "particoloured,''  and  it  is  used 
especially  to  designate  alternations  of  black  and  white  in  stripes:  thus, 
the  cat  is  called  ai/iovpog  [alo/Mvpo^]  from  the  stripes  on  its  tail:  and 
for  the  same  reason  aio/lof  is  a  constant  epithet  of  the  serpent.  It  is 
the  opposite  of  utt/Ioi'c:  so  Athen.  XIV,  622,  c.  u-?.ovv  pvd/iov 
xiovTeg  al6  7.ui  fieXei.  We  do  not  agree  therefore  with  Dr.  Thirlwall 
(I,  p.  102),  that  AtoAof  is  a  by-form  of  *E?./l7/i>. 


APPENDIX.  637 

mated  the  ^Eolic,  Doric,  and  Ionic  dialects  by  their  deviations 
from  the  Attic  standard. 

9.  Considered,  however,  in  themselves,  the  four  Dialects 
may  be  divided  into  two  gi'oups,  corresponding  to  the  two  main 
divisions  of  the  Hellenic  nation  (art.  4).  For  there  is  rinich 
truth  in  Strabo's  remark  (p.  333),  that  the  ancient  Attic  was 
identical  with  the  Ionic,  and  the  Jiolic  with  the  Doric. 

10.  The  Doric  and  iEolic  Dialects  agreed  in  representing 
the  Pelasgo-Hellenic  language  in  its  first  rude  state  of  juxta- 
position. And  if,  on  the  one  hand,  tlie  Hellenic  element  was 
more  strongly  pronounced  in  its  roughness  and  broadness  of  ut- 
terance, on  the  other  hand,  the  pecidiarities  of  the  Pelasgian, 
which  were  lost  in  the  further  development  of  Hellenism,  were 
still  preserved  in  the  iEolic,  and  to  a  certain  extent  in  the  Doric 
also. 

11.  Although  the  lonians,  as  such,  contained  the  Pelasfgian 
element  in  greater  proportion  than  the  iEolo-Doric  tribes,  tlieir 
language  gives  less  evidence  of  the  lost  Pelasgian  idiom  than 
those  of  the  more  northern  tribes.  The  reason  of  this  is  plain. 
In  their  case  there  was  no  longer  juxta-position,  but  fusion  ;  and 
the  irreconcileable  peculiarities  of  the  Pclat-giau  and  Hellenic 
idioms  had  been  mutually  resigned.  The  lonians,  whose  ear 
did  not  repudiate  a  concurrence  of  vowels,  omitted  the  harsh 
consonants  of  the  Pelasgian  idiom,  and  the  Athenians  carried 
this  a  step  further,  by  contracting  into  one  the  syllables  which 
produced  an  hiatus. 

12.  The  Attic  Greek  is  the  richest  and  most  perfect  lan- 
guage in  the  world.  It  is  the  only  language  which  has  attained 
to  a  clear  and  copious  syntax,  without  sacrificing  its  inllexions 
and  power  of  composition.  It  is  the  language  of  Sophocles, 
Aristophanes,  and  Plato.  It  had  become  the  language  of  He- 
rodotus ;  and  even  Homer's  Poems,  as  they  have  descended  to 
us,  are  to  a  large  extent  Atticized. 

13.  Those  who  learned  Attic  Greek  as  a  foreign  or  obsolete 
idiom,  were  said  to  Atticize  {drTtKiL,eiv),  and  there  is  a  large 
class  of  later  writers  who  are  called  Alticists  {'ArTiKiarai). 
But  those  foreigners  who  spoke  Greek  irom  the  ear,  and  with- 
out any  careful  observation  of  the  rules  of  the  Attic  idiom,  and 
who  consequently  mixed  up  with  their  Greek  many  words  and 
dictions  which  were  of  foreign  origin,  were  said  to  Ilrllcnize 
{kXXrivi^ELv) ;  and  there  is  a  large  class  of  writers,  including  the 
authors  of  the  New  Testament,  to  whom  we  give  the  name  of 
Hellenists  {'EAXrjviOTai).  It  is  the  object  of  the  Greek  scholar's 
studies  to  make  him  not  a  Hellenist,  but  an  Atticist,  in  the  high- 
est sense  of  the  word. 


638  APPENDIX. 


ORIGIN  AND  ARRANGEMENT  OF  THE  LETTERS. 

1  Mythology  attributes  to  the  Phfjcnieian  hero,  Cadmus,  tho 
introduction  into  Greece  of  an  original  alphabet  of"  sixteen  let- 
ters ;  and  the  old  gramnnarians  have  supposed  that  these  six- 
teen were  the  following  : — a,  3,  y,  6,  e,  i,  k,  A,  /i,  v,  o,  n,  p,  a, 
r,  V  [Schol.  Dion.  Thr.  p.  7b  1).  There  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  Grreek  alphabet  is  of  Semitic  origin,  and  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  it  originally  consisted  of  lour  quaternions 
of  letters :  but  it  is  a  sound  theory,  which  has  been  confirmed 
by  the  independent  investigations  of  at  least  four  or  five  differ- 
ent scholars,  that  for  i,  k,  p,  and  v  in  the  above  list,  we  must 
substitute  ?],  6,  and  the  two  obsolete  characters*  r  {i3av)  and  Q 
(KOTTTTa),  which  are  still  retained  as  numerical  signs  after  e  and 
TT  respectively,  and  that  the  original  arrangement  of  these  six- 
teen letters  was  as  follows  : 

A.    BFA.    E.    FHe.    AMN.    2.    0.    H^T. 

This  order  is  artificial  and  systematic,  as  we  shall  see,  if  wc 
consider  the  original  value  of  these  characters.  For  A,  E,  and 
0,  were  originally  the  representatives  of  breathings  of  which  A 
was  the  lightest,  E  the  heaviest,  and  O  of  intermediate  weight : 
^  was  an  aspirated  labial,  H  an  aspirated  guttural,  and  9  an 
aspirated  dental :  so  that  the  nine  mutes  stood  thus,  each  set 
being  preceded  by  its  appropriate  breathing  or  vowel : 

Breathings, 

nfterwards  Labials.  Gutturals.  Dentals. 

vowels. 

A  B  r  A         Mediae 

E  F  H  e         Aspiratae 

O  n  O  T  Tenues, 

and  the  liquids  A,  M,  N,  2  stood  between  the  aspiratje  and  the 
tenues,  because  they  probably  completed  a  still  shorter  Semitic 
alphabet  of  only  twelve  characters. 

2.  When  F  fell  out,  and  H,  the  double  aspirate,  was  taken 
to  represent  the  double  e,  the  first  letters  added  to  the  above 

*  They  are  still  found  in  inscriptions,  tlie  (iav  before  both  consonants 
and  vovrels  (Bockh.  C.  /.  No.  11),  the  Ko-nra  only  before  o  (id.  ibid 
No.  29,  37,  166). 


APPENDIX.  639 

were  v  and  0,  two  representatives  of  F,  and  X'  the  substitute  lor 
H  in  its  original  use.  The  other  additional  letters  were  bor- 
rowed, as  their  names  denote,  from  corresponding  letters  in  the 
Hebrew  alphabet,  and  from  this  was  also  taken  the  obsolete 
2av,  of  which  we  have  spoken  above.  The  Greeks  added,  for 
their  own  convenience,  a  double  o  (called  u  fieya,  and  written 
w),  and  two  combinations  of  'Liyfia  or  'Lav  with  Ili,  in  one  of 
which  the  ir  preceded,  while  in  the  other  it  followed  the  sibi- 
lant. These  combinations  were  called  -il  and  lajiirl,  and  were 
represented  by  the  same  sign  in  difierent  postures,  it  preceded 
and  I,a/Lim  followed  'i2.  Under  the  form  "\\^ ,  the  lan~l  was 
used  to  represent  the  number  900. 

3.  The  lonians  in  Asia  Minor  were  the  first  to  adopt  the 
complete  alphabet  of  twenty-four  letters,  arranged  as  we  now 
have  it.  The  Samians  have  the  credit  of  being  the  earliest 
employers  of  this  extension  of  the  written  characters,  and  it  was 
from  them  that  the  Athenians  derived  the  additional  letters, 
although  they  were  not  used  in  public  monuments  until  the 
Archonship  of  Euclides,  01.  94,  2.  B.C.  403.  Hence  we  read 
of  TO,  y^dfifiara  ra  drr'  'EvKXeiSov  dpxovroq.  Of  course  He- 
rodotus, who  was  an  important  contributor  to  the  literary  inter- 
course between  Samos  and  Athens,  had  brought  the  improved 
alphabet  into  use  among  men  of  education  at  a  much  earlier 
period,  and  Euripides  expressly  distinguishes  between  ?/  and 
e  as  vowels  in  spelling  the  name  07]0£vg  (ajmd  Athcn.  p. 
454  c). 

4.  The  earliest  extant  approximation  to  anything  like  a 
handwriting  is  the  inscription  on  the  prize  vase  brought  from 
Athens  by  Mr.  Burgon,  which  cannot  be  later  than  600  B.C. 
The  only  abbreviation  observable  in  this  is  the  omission  of  e  in 
the  termination  -dev.  Tiie  later  Greeks  used  a  number  of  con- 
tractions in  their  MSS.,  which  were  adopted  in  the  early  edi- 
tions, but  are  universally  rejected  by  modern  editors. 


640  APPENDIX. 


P.  198. 


TmiKK  ships,  one  Alhenitm,  one  of  Tra'zen,  and  one  of  yEpina 
had  been  stationed  oil  Sciathus  to  g\\c  advice  ol  tlie  riiovennnta 
of  the  enemy.  They  lied  when  the  Persians  came  in  sitrlit : 
and  the  Trcezenian  and  yEginetan  were  taken.  The  Athenian 
ran  ashore  at  the  mouth  of  the  Peneus,  and  abandoning  their 
ship,  made  their  way  home  overland.  But  wdiat  makes  this 
afiair  the  more  interesting:,  is  the  well  attested  fact  that  the  Per- 
sians chose  out  the  comeliest  man  among  tlie  Trcezenians,  and 
oHercd  him  as  a  sacrifice  for  victory  at  the  prow  of  his  ship. 
A  collection  of  aP  the  instances  of  human  sacrifice  among  the 
more  civilized  nations  of  antiquity  \\ould  form  a  sad  chapter 
even  in  the  history  of  superstition. 


ATHENIAIN'  LOVE  FOR  HIGH  BIRTH— P.  322. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  high  birth  among  the  Greeks 
implied  a  heroic  or  divine  origin,  thus  connecting  the  individual 
with  some  object  of  public  or  private  worship.  Indeed  nothing 
is  more  important,  and  perhaps?,  at  the  same  time,  more  difficult, 
in  the  study  of  history,  than  to  keep  constantly  in  mind  the 
peculiar  manner  in  which  the  religious  belief  of  a  country  atlects 
its  ideas  upon  every  other  subject. 


SOCRATES. 

I  TRANSLATE  from  Constant's  great  work  on  Religion  the  fol- 
lowing admirable  appreciation  of  Socrates  : 

"  Long  before  our  era  polytheism  had  reached  its  highest 
point  of  relative  perfection ;  but  relative  perfection,  like  every 
thing  which  partakes  of  human  weakness,  is  transient  in  its  na- 
ture. Polytheism,  imperfect  in  iEschylus,  perfect  in  Sophocles, 
began  to  decline  at  the  very  moment  of  its  perfect  development, 
for  the  germs  of  its  decay  are  already  manifest  in  Euripides. 
The  gods  had  been  multiplied  to  infinity  by  personifications  and 
allegories  ;  and  hence  a  strange  confusion  in  doctrines,  fables  and 
practice.  Such  was  the  state  of  religion  in  Greece.  In  the 
fourth  century  the  so])hists  had  neglected  the  method  of  obser\-a- 
tion,  and  seem  to  have  been  so  far  from  suspecting  the  import- 
ance of  ethics,  that  they  scarcely  mentioned  it ;  devoting  their 
lessons  to  abstract  speculations,  remote  from  practical  life.     Soc- 


APPENDIX.  641 

rates  founded  his  precepts  upon  conscience,  upon  self-knowledge ; 
and  thus  created  the  science  of  morals,  which  he  taught  in  his 
lessons  and  exemplified  hy  his  life.  He  knew  nothing  of  rhe- 
torical forms  :  usnig  only  a  simple,  laconic,  and  close  logic. 
The  details  of  his  doctrines  are  little  known  ;  yet  there  is  no 
douht  but  what  they  taught  practical  morality,  founded  upon 
the  inspirations  of  conscience  and  the  pleasures  of  virtue  ;  the 
existence  of  a  supreme  governor  of  the  universe  ;  and  the  inunor- 
tality  of  the  soul.  Thus  the  necessity  of  unity  was  felt  both  in 
politics  and  in  religion,  and  while  states  were  preparing  for  cen- 
tralization, religion  was  upon  the  point  of  being  purified  and 
made  one. 


LAWS  OF  DIOCLES.— P.  487-497. 

Although  we  know  little  more  of  this  code  than  what  is 
contained  in  some  very  unsatisfactory  passages  of  Diodorus,  yet 
it  was  evidently  well  adapted  both  to  the  character  and  the 
wants  of  the  Syracusans,  ibr  they  continued  to  hold  to  it  with 
undiminished  veneration  as  long  as  they  were  allowed  to  be 
governed  by  laws  of  their  OAvn.  Subsequent  legislators  were 
regarded  as  mere  expounders  of  the  law,  whi.le  the  title  of  law- 
giver w^as  reserved  ibr  Diodes.  Diodorus  tells  us  that  it  was 
severe  but  discriminating,  proportioning  the  punishment  to  the 
crime,  and  drawn  up  with  conciseness  and  precision.  It  has 
been  supposed  with  great  apparent  probability  that  Diodes  took 
for  models  the  laws  of  Zaleukos,  Chavondes  and  Pythagoras. 
V.  Wachsmuth  Hellenische  Alterthumskunde,  v.  i.  pp.  741-2, 
«  85,  2d  ed. 


THE  ART  OF  WAR  IN  GREECE. 

Upon  this  interesting  subject  the  reader  will  do  well  to  con- 
sult the  twelfth  section  of  Heeren's  Pohtics  of  Ancient  Greece,  in 
which  he  will  thid  the  leading  questions  discussed  with  the 
characteristic  precision  of  that  admirable  writer.  Those  who 
have  not  that  work  at  hand,  should  bear  in  mhid  that  the  char- 
acter of  Grecian  warfare  must  necessarily  have  partaken  largely 
of  the  general  characteristics  of  mountain  warfare.  If  be  has 
studied  his  map  attentively,  he  will  have  seen  that  there  was 
very  little  room  in  those  narrow  limits  for  the  movement  of 
large  masses  :  that  a  march  of  a  few  miles  always  led  to  sonic 


642  APPENDIX. 

mountain  pass  or  dangerous  defile  :  that  there  were  no  strong 
and  extensive  bases  of  operation  hke  those  ol'  the  Adige  and  the 
Mincio  in  Loinbardy,  and  eonsequently  lew  occasions  lor  the 
display  of  strategic  skill.  The  early  battles  of  the  Greeks  were 
desperate  encounters  of  hand-to-hand,  displaying  judicious  tactics 
in  the  arrangement  of  the  troops,  but  peculiarly  fitted  to  turn  to 
account  the  p(3rfect  gymnastic  training  of  the  rnen ;  a  fact  which 
will  explain  the  superiority  of  the  Spartans  during  the  early  and 
middle  periods  of  Grecian  history.  Epaminondas  was  the  first 
to  discover  the  great  principle  of  concentrating  the  weight  of 
your  own  army  upon  the  weakest  point  of  your  enemy's,  in 
which  the  secret  of  the  art  consists.  The  battle  ofLeuctra  was 
the  opening  of  a  new  era  in  the  art  of  war,  which  was  soon  de- 
veloped upon  a  vast  scale  by  Philip  and  Alexander. 


Hcrologium  of  Andronicus  Cyrrhestes  at  Athens.     (See  p.  585  ) 


I  N  D  E  X. 


A. 

Abdera,  158. 
Abrocomas,  423. 
Abydus,  battle  of.  423. 
Academy,  the,  399,  596. 
Acarnania,  0. 
Acha!ans,  12,  sq. 
Achaean  league,  568,  sq. 
Acha;us,  12. 
Achaia,  6,  57. 

,  a  Roman  province,  578 

Acharnae,  280. 

Achelous,  4,  9. 

Achilles,  22. 

Achradina,  344. 

Acrisius.  18. 

Acropolis,  Athenian,  382.  392. 

Acusilaus  of  Argos,  234. 

Adimantus,  200. 

Admetus,  248. 


Adrastus,  22. 

Aeetes,  20 

^Eg,T,  523. 

jEgaleos.  Mt.,  Xerxes  at,  209 

iEgeus,  19. 

iKgina,  7  ;  described,  181  ;  taken  by  ihs 
Athenians.  287. 

jEginetan  scale.  59;  sculpture'.  149. 

j?5gin(;tans  submit  to  the  Spaitans,  172. 

jEgospotami.  battle  of,  368. 

jEgyplus,  15. 

Cohans,  13. 

jBolic  migration,  35. 

jEoIus,  12 

jEschines,  512;  Amphictyonic  deputy, 
518;  accuses  Demosthenes,  553;  re- 
tires to  Rhodes,  554  ;  account  of  his 
life,  591. 

jEschylus,  178  ;  account  of,  403,  sq. 

^symnetes,  8 

.£tolia,  6. 


CM 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


JFAnhnn  lonpiip,  S71. 

^".IciliariH  reduced,  574. 

A).'aiiieiiilioii,  Iti,  '2'i. 

Afiallioii,  587. 

AgflHdas,  HH7. 

Agcsdaus  becomcH  kitiR  of  Sparla,  43()  ; 
character,  ih. ;  Ins  cxiicdiiioii  asaiiist 
the  I'crsiaiis,  43U  ;  attacks  rhartial)a7.u.s, 
440  ;  routs  the  Persians  on  th(f  I'aclo- 
lus,  tti.  ;  hi.s  jn'erview  with  I'hariia- 
bazus,  441;  recalled,  442;  homeward 
march,  446  ;  oIl'eriiiK  at  Delphi,  4 17  ; 
takes  l,ech!Bum,  449  ;  invades  Uwolia, 
40-4  ;  attacks  Maiitinea,  474  ;  saves 
Sparta,  47fi,  485  ;  expedition  to  Eirypt, 
480  ;  death,  ib. 

Agesipolis,  445  ;  death,  459. 

Agis,  307,  32f.,  435. 

IV. ,570. 

Agnon,  2C9. 

Agora,  26. 

,  Athenian,  398. 

Agrigentum,  118,  488. 

Agyrrhius,  452. 

Aimnestus,  224. 

Ajax,  22. 

Alaric,  396. 

Alcffius,  132. 

Alcibiades,  character  of,  322  ;  deceives  the 
Spartan  ambassadors,  324 ;  at  Olympia, 
325 ;  attacks  Epidaurus,  ih. ;  in  Sicily, 
329;  accused  of  mutilating  the  Ilermn;, 
331  ;  arrest  and  escape  of,  335  ;  con- 
demned, lb. ;  goes  to  Sparta,  336  ;  e.\- 
ciles  a  revolt  of  the  Chians,  348;  dis- 
missed by  the  Spartans,  349  ;  flies  to 
Tissaphernes,  350;  intrigues  of,  351; 
proceedings  at  Samos,  3.54  ;  arrested  by 
Tissaphernes,  359  ;  defeats  the  Pelopon- 
nesians  at  Cyzicus,  360 ;  returns  to 
Athens,  361  ,  dismis.sed  from  the  com- 
mand of  the  Athenian  tleet,  363  ;  flies  to 
Pharnabazus,  376  ;  murdered,  ib. 

Alcidas,  300,  304. 

Alcmaeon,  88. 

AlcmKonidae  banished,  93. 

Alcman,  130. 

Alcmena,  15. 

Aleuada",  507. 

Alexander,  King  of  Macedon,  217. 

Ale.xander  of  Pherae,  480 ;  defeated  by 
Pelopidas,  482  ;  subdued,  483 

Alexander  the  Great,  522  ;  education,  526  ; 
accession,  ib.;  overawes  the  Thebans 
and  Athenians,  527  ;  generalissimo 
against  Persia,  ib.  ;  interview  wih 
Diogenes,  528  ;  expedition  against  tht 
Thracians,  &c  ,  tb. ;  reduces  the  The- 
bans to  obedience,  tb. ;  demands  the 
Athenian  orators,  529  ;  crosses  to  As.a, 

530  ;  forces  the  passage  of  the  Granicus, 

531  ;  progress  through  Asia  Minor,  ib. ; 
cuts  the  Gordian  knot,  542  ,  dangerous 
illness,  533  ,  defeats  the  Persians  at 
Issus,  lb  ;  march  through  Phcenicia. 
535 ;  besieges  Tyre,  536 ;  answer  to 
Parmenio,  537  ;  proceeds  to  Egypt,  ib. ; 
visits  the  temple  of  .\mmon,  538  ;  defeats 
Darius  lu  the  battle  of  Arbela,  539; 
enters  Babrlon,  ih.  ;  seizes  Suza,  540  ; 
marches    to    Persepolis,   ib. ;    pursues 


DariuH,  541  ;  invad'N  Hyrcania,  542; 
enters  Umlriii,  513 ;  deli-aiH  the  Scy- 
tlniinH,  lb.  ;  iiiarries  Koxuna,  544  ;  killH 
ClituH,  lb.  ;  plot  of  the  pages  againHC  bin 
life,  515  ,  crosMet)  the  indUM,  ib.  ;  van- 
quishes  I'oniH,  tb.  ;  rnarchcn  home- 
wards, .VU) ,  peril  at  .Malli,  ib  ;  arrives 
at  the  Indian  Ucean,  5-17  ;  march  throu|;b 
(Jedrosia,  ib.  ;  marries  Slatira,  54w ; 
(juells  a  mutiny  at  Opis,  ib.  ;  KoleriiniH(;>< 
the  festival  of  Dionysus  at  Ecbatana, 
549  ;  hm  ambitious  projects,  550 .  death, 
ib. ;  character,  ib. ;  estimate  of  his  ex- 
ploits, 551  ;  funeral,  553 ;  portraits  and 
statues  of,  562. 

.\lexander,  son  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
553,  561. 

Alexandria  in  Arachosia,  543. 

Alexandria  in  Ariorum,  542. 

.Mexandria  ad  Caucasum,  .543. 

Alexandria  in  Egypt,  founded,  537 ;  de- 
scription of,  584;  literature  at,  600. 

Alexandria  Eschate,  543. 

Alphabet,  lon.c,  introduced,  379. 

.Mpbeiis,  6,  7. 

Altis,  the,  52. 

Ambracian  Gulf,  4. 

Aminias,  211. 

Ammon,  Jove,  538. 

Amompharetus,  223. 

Amphipolis,  269,  503. 

Amphissians,  518. 

Amphitryon,  15. 

Amphictyonic  council,  its  or'gin  and  con. 
stitution,  49. 

Amphictyons,  decree  of  tho.  at  the  end  of 
the  second  sacred  Wjf,  bl?. 

Amyntas,  457 

Anacharsis,  84. 

Anacreon,  134. 

Anactorium,  125. 

Anaxagoras,  130  >  '.nurfe»,i  viiL  impiety, 
279 

Anaxlbius,  432  ;  blail,  453. 

Anaxicrates,  262. 

Anaximander,  136. 

Anaximenes,  136. 

Andocidtfs,  334.  590. 

.\ndro£,thenes,  38<^. 

Anniceres,  490. 

Antiilcidas,  peace  of,  454 ;  mission  to 
lersia,  457. 

A.itigonias,  Athenian  tribe.  562. 

Antigonus,  553,  558;  coalition  against, 
561 ;  assumes  the  title  of  king,  562 ; 
slain,  563. 

Antigonus  Doson,  570. 

Antigonus  Gonatas,  568. 

Antioch  founded  hv  Selcucus,  563. 

Antiochus,  363,  479. 

Antiochus  Soter.  567. 

Antiochus  III  .  574. 

Antipater,  defeats  the  Spartans,  553 ; 
defeated  at  the  Spercheus,  555  .  over- 
throws the  allied  Greeks  at  Crannon- 
556 ;  demands  the  Athenian  orators, 
557  ;  declared  regent.  55S  ;  death,  ib. 

Antiphon,  351.  355;  executed,  356;  char- 
acter as  an  orator,  590. 

Aniisthenes,  596. 

AnytQS,  417. 


INDEX. 


645 


Apaturia,  fostival  of,  306. 

Apelles,  5b2. 

Apollo  PylhEEus,  56 ;  Temnites,  337  ; 
Epicurius,  temple  of,  399. 

Apollodorus,  390. 

ApoUonia,  125. 

Appian,  601. 

Arachosia,  543. 

Aratus,  569. 

Arbela,  battle  of,  539. 

Arcadia,  6,  57. 

Arcadian  confederation,  474. 

Arcadians  transfer  the  presidency  of  the 
Olympic  games  to  the  Pisatans,  483. 

Arcesilaus,  596. 

Archelaus,  501. 

Archias,  557,  400. 

Archidamus,  278,  284,  285,  287,  288 ;  be- 
sieges Platwa,  293. 

Archilochus,  129. 

Architecture,  141,  584. 

Archon,  80  ;  Athenian,  88 ;  cponymus 
and  basileus,  91. 

Areopagus,  court  of,  91  ;  reformed  by  Peri- 
cles, 256  ;  hill  of,  382,  398. 

ArginussB,  battle  of,  365. 

Argives  and  Spartans,  struggles  between, 
78. 

Argolis,  7. 

Argonauts,  20. 

Argos,  7,  13,  15,  57  ;  progress  of,  257  ; 
head  of  a  new  confederacy,  321. 

Ariadne,  19. 

Ari;eus,  426. 

Ariobarzanes,  540. 

Arion,  131,  402. 

Aristagoras,  163,  sq. 

Aristarclius,  600. 

Aristides,  character  of,  183 ;  recalled 
from  exile,  203  ;  defeats  the  Persians, 
212  ,  organizes  the  confederacy  of  Delos, 
242  ,  change  in  his  views  ;  245  ;  death, 
250 

Aristippus,  595. 

Aristocrates,  76. 

Aristodernus  of  Messenia,  74. 

Aristodemus  of  Sparta,  226. 

iristogeiton  (v.  Ilarmodius). 

Aristophanes,  his  politics,  302  ;  account 
of,  408,  sq. 

Aristophanes  of  Byzantium,  000. 

Aristomenes  of  Messenia,  75. 

Aristotle,  526  ;  account  of,  597  ;  method 
and  philosophy,  598. 

Arrian,  601. 

Arsinoe,  566. 

Art,  Greek,  30  ,  140,  sq.  ;  Athenian,  380, 
sq.  :  Greek,  579,  sq.  ;  decline  of,  585. 

Artal);i7.us,  riMrcat  of  225 

Artaphenies,  1(14,   173. 

AnaMTxes,  219,  420 

Artennsia,  206  ;  her  prowess,  211. 

Artemisium,  battle  of,  199. 

Asia  Minor,  Greek  colonies  in,  35. 

Asopius,  299 

Aspasia,  279. 

Assyrian  empire,  152. 

Astacus,  287. 

Asty,  the,  384. 

Astyochus,  349. 

Atheas,  518. 


Athena,  20;  statue  of,  395. 
Athenun  navy,  299. 

Athenians,  dfvidod  into  four  classes,  97; 
assist  the  lonians,  106 ;  war  with 
-1-;gina,  181  ;  abandon  Athens,  202  ; 
reject  the  Persian  alliance,  217;  ronsti- 
tuliori  more  democratic,  245 ,  form  an 
alliance  with  Argos,  257  ;  assist  Inarus, 
258  ;  defeat  the  .tjginetans,  259 ;  con- 
quer Ilteotia,  261  ;  reduce  A'gjna,  ib.  ; 
lo.se  their  power  in  Utt'olia,  263  ;  des- 
potic power  of,  271  ;  mate  peace  with 
I'ersia,  262  ;  conclude  a  thirty  years' 
truce  with  Sparta,  £04 ;  subjugate 
Samos,  271  ;  form  an  alliance,  with 
Corcyra,  275  ;  their  allies  and  resources 
in  the  Peloponnesian  war,  283 ;  their 
fleet  annoys  the  Peloponnesus,  287 ; 
ravage  the  Megarid,  ib.  ;  their  decree 
against  the  Mylileneans,  .302 ;  take 
Pylus,  307;  expedition  against  iloeolia, 
315  ;  conclude  a  truce  with  Sparta,  318  ; 
peace  of  Nicias,  320  ;  refuse  to  evacuate 
Pylus,  322  ;  treaty  with  Argos,  324  ; 
con(iiier  Melos,  327  ;  massacre  the  in- 
habitants, 328;  interfere  in  Sicilian 
allairs,  ib.  ;  expedition  to  Sicily,  329  ; 
progress  of,  333  ;  ii.sult  the  coasts  of 
Laconia,  340 ;  send  a  fresh  fleet  to 
Sicily,  341  ;  defeated  Lt  .sea  by  the  Sy- 
racusan.«,  342  ;  retreat  from  .Syracuse, 
343  ;  defeated  by  the  Lacediemoiuans  off 
Eretria,  350  ;  gain  a  naval  victory  at 
Cynossema,  358  ;  at  Abydus,  359  ;  at 
Cyzicus,  300  ;  regain  possession  of  the 
Bosporus,  lb.  ;  totally  defeated  at  ,'Egos- 
potanii,  308  ;  ally  themselves  with 
Thebes,  444  ;  form'  a  league  with  Cor- 
inth and  Argos  against  Sparta,  445  ; 
lose  the  command  of  the  ilellcppont, 
454  ;  head  of  a  new  confederacy,  463  ; 
declare  war  against  Sparta,  ib. ;  per.ce 
with  Sparta,  408  ;  form  an  alliance  with 
the  Peloponnesian  States,  474  ;  send  an 
embassy  to  Persia,  479;  support  Alex- 
ander of  Pherae,  480  ;  their  desire  to 
seize  Corinth,  481  ;  reviving  maritime 
power  of,  482  ;  deceived  by  I'liilip,  504  ; 
coalition  against,  505  ;  send  an  embassy 
to  liini,  512;  court  Philip,  513;  semi  a 
fleet  to  relieve  By/.antiiim,  517  ;  their 
alarm  at  the  approach  of  Philip,  519  ; 
prostrated  by  the  battle  of  Chieroiiea, 
520  ;  their  piratical  expedition  to  Oropiis, 
577  ,  condemned  in  .500  talents  by  the 
Romans,  ib. 
Athens,  its  origin,  15,  19  ;  early  consti- 
tution of,  90;  taken  by  ihe  Persians, 
205  ;  second  occupation  of,  by  the  I'er- 
sians,  218  ;  rebuilding  of,  244  ;  long 
walls  of,  259  ;  incipient  ilerlino  o(\ 
203;  crowded  state  of,  during  Ihe  Pe- 
loponnesian war,  280;  plague  al,28.''; 
dismay  at,  347 ;  oligarchy  established 
at,  353 ;  invested  by  the  Peloponne- 
sians,  371  ;  famine  al,  ib. ;  surrender 
of,  372 ;  Spartan  garrison  al,  ,374  ; 
democracy  restored  at,  379  ;  description 
of  the  city,  382,  sq.  ;  origin  of  its  name, 
383  ;  rebuilt,  384  ;  walls,  ib.  :  harbours, 
lb.  ;  streets,  &c.,  385;  population,  ib  : 


646 


niSTOUY  OF  CMiKECE. 


lonp  walls  rebuilt,  447;  ciipturtd  by 
Dt'iiiclruiK,  bt'iC) 

AllioH,  Muiiiit,  caiiul  al,  IbT. 

AllaKiniiH,  TM). 

Attic  tribes,  four,  80  ;  increased  to  ten, 
108. 

Attica,  5  ;  early  history  of,  88 ;  three  fac- 
tions in,  'J5. 

P.. 

Babylon,  153  ,  taken  by  Cyrus,  108  ;  sub- 
mits to  AlcMimler,  5:i'J. 

Babylonians,  the,  153  ;  Aristofihanes' 
comedy  of,  302. 

Baci'lua(l;r,  oliyarcliy  of  the,  383. 

Bacclolidcs,  •r.a. 

Bad,  tlie,  85. 

Barbarian,  meaning  of  the  term,  48. 

Barca,  124. 

Bards,  ancient,  30. 

Bardylis,  5U2. 

Baxikiis,  what,  26. 

Bclus,  temple  of,  530. 

Bessus,  541  ;  put  lo  death,  543. 

Bias,  135. 

Bion,  000. 

Boar's  grave,  battle  at  the,  76. 

Bceolarchs,  restored,  461. 

Bceotia,  description  of,  5. 

BcEotians,  inmiigration  of  the,  32  ;  their 
confederacy  restored,  4G6. 

Boges,  243. 

Bosporus,  Athenian  toll  at  the,  360. 

Boule.  20. 

Brasidas,  308  ;  his  e.xpedition  into  Thrace, 
317  ;  death,  319  ;  honours  paid  to  his 
memory,  320. 

Brennus,  567. 

Bribery  among  the  Greeks,  199. 

Bryas,  327. 

Bucephala,  founded  by  Alexander,  546. 

Byzantines,  erect  a  statue  in  honour  of 
Athens,  518. 

Byzantium,  125  ;  taken  by  the  Athenians, 
240  ;  second  capture  of,  272  ;  third  cap- 
ture of,  361  ;  besieged  by  Philip,  516  ; 
reheved  by  the  Athenians,  518. 

c. 

Cadmea,  or  Theban  citadel,  seized  by  the 
Spartans,  458 ;  recovered,  462. 

Cadmus,  16. 

Cadmus  of  Miletus,  234. 

Calamis,  387. 

Callias,  peace  of,  468. 

(^allias  of  Chalcis,  517. 

Callicrates,  576. 

Callicratidas,  363. 

Callimachus,  000. 

Callippus,  494. 

Callirrhoe,  fountain  of,  104. 

Callistratus,  463. 

Callixenus,  366. 

Cambunian  mountains,  2. 

Cambyses,  158 ;  conquers  Egypt,  159 : 
death,  ib. 

Canachus,  387. 

Carduchi,  429. 

Carneades,  596: 


CaryatidcH,  397. 

CariliiiginianH  invade  Sicily,  215,  468. 

(Jaspian  gates,  541. 

Cassander,  559;  establihhcB  an  oligarchy 
at  Athens,  560,  takes  I'ydna,  lO  ,  kills 
Koxana  and  her  son,  561. 

(lasting,  art  of,  148. 

Catana,  surprised  by  the  Atheniaiis,  334. 

Calha-i,  546. 

(Jaucones,  14. 

(,'ecropida;,  383. 

Cecrops,  15. 

Cells  invade  Macedonia,  507. 

Ciphallenia,  7,  287. 

Cepliissus,  the,  382. 

Ceraimcus,  the,  398. 

CeryrKs,  the,  351. 

Chabrias,  451.  463  ;  defeats  the  Lace- 
daemonian licet  at  Naxos,  465;  slain. 
505. 

Cha-reas,  354. 

Chierephon,  417. 

Cha-rilus,  402. 

ChH.-ronea,  first  battle  of,  263 ;  second 
batlle,  520. 

Chalcedon,  361. 

Chalybes,  tlie,  430. 

Chares,  481,  505,  517. 

Cliares  (sculptor),  585. 

Chancles,  340. 

Charidemus,  509. 

Charilaus,  61,  77. 

Chariots  of  war,  30. 

Charon  of  Lampsacus.  234. 

Charon  of  Thebes,  460. 

Chians,  revolt  of  the,  348. 

Chileos,  219. 

Chilo,  135. 

Chionides,  407. 

('hios,  attacked  by  the  Athenians,  505. 

Chirisophus,  431. 

Chremonidean  war,  568. 

Chronology,  Grecian,  ?8. 

Chryselephantine  statuary,  395. 

Cimon  of  Cleona',  150. 

Cimon,  son  of  Milliades,  242  :  his  cha- 
racter,  252 ;  assists  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians, 255  ;  banished,  257  ;  his  sen- 
tence revoked,  261  ;  expedition  to  Cyprus 
and  death,  262  ;  his  patronage  of  art. 
391. 

Cinadon,  conspiracy  of,  437. 

Cirrha>an  plain,  51,  505. 

Cithaeron,  Mount,  5. 

Cities,  independent  sovereignty  of,  54. 

Clearchus,  420,  425. 

Clearidas,  322. 

Cleippides,  298. 

Cleobulus,  135. 

Clcombrotus,  462  ,  assists  the  Phocians 
466;  invades  BcBotia,  470  ;  slain,  471. 

Cleomenes,  106,  111,  sq.  162. 

Cleomenic  war,  571. 

Cleon,  286  ;  character  of,  301  ;  his  vio- 
lence, 310 ;  his  expedition  a^ains\ 
Sphacteria,  311  ;  to  Thrace,  319,  flight 
and  death,  ib. 

Cleopatra,  Philip's  wife,  522. 

Cleopatra.  Philip's  daughter,  manie» 
.Alexander  of  Epirus,  523. 

Cleophon,  360. 


I.NDEX. 


MTt 


Clerucfii,  112,  268. 

Clisttieiies  of  Sicyon,  83. 

Clisthenes,   107  ;    his  reforms,  108  ;   Ihcir 

effects,  113. 
Clitus  saves  Alexander's  life,  531  ;  killed 

by  Alexander,  544. 
Cnemus,  291. 
Cnidus,  battle  of,  442. 
Codrus,  death  of,  88. 
Colchians,  the,  431. 

Colonies,  Greek,   115,  sq. ;  relation  to  the 
mother    country,    ib. ;     how     founded, 
116;    mostly    demo^^ratic,   lO. ;   in  Asia 
Minor,    117;    in    Sicily,    US;    in   Italy, 
120  ;  in  Gaul  and  Spain,  123  ;  in  Africa, 
124;  in  the   Ionian   Sea,  ib. ;  in  .Msce- 
donia   and  Thrace,    125  ;    progress   of, 
228. 
Comedy,  old  Attic,  408  ;  new,  588. 
Conon,  supercedes    Alcibiades,    363 ;   de- 
feated   by    Callicratidas,    364  ;     accepts 
the  command  of  the  Persian  fleet,  439  ; 
ojcupies    Caunus,     441  ;     proceeds     to 
Babylon,  442  ;  defeats  the  Spartan  lleel 
at    Cnidus,   ib.  ;    reduces   the    Spartan 
colonies,  447  ;    takes  Cythera,   ib. ;  re- 
builds the  long  walls  of  Athens,  448  ; 
seized  by  Tiribazus,  451. 
Copais,  lake,  5. 
Corax,  5. 

Corcyra,   7,   121;   troubles  in,   304;  mas- 
sacre at,  313  ;  defended  by  an  Athenian 
fleet,  467. 
Corcyr«ans,  quarrel  with  Corinth,   273 ; 

send  an  embassy  to  Athens,  274. 
Corinna,  231. 

Corinth,  57  ;    despots  of,  83  ;    battle   of, 
445 ;   massacre  at,   449 ;    congress    at, 
521  ;  another  congress  at,  527  ;  destroy- 
ed by  Mummius,  578. 
Corinthian  gulf,  5. 
Corinthian  order,  145  ;  war,  445. 
Corinthians  assist  the  Epidamnians,  274  ; 
ally  themselves  with  Argos,  4-19  ;  con- 
clude a  peace  with  Thebes,  481. 
Coronea,  battle  of,  446. 
Conipedion,  battle  of,  566. 
Cottyus,519. 
Cotys,  576. 
Cranai,  383. 
Crannon,  battle  of,  556. 
Grantor,  596. 
Craterus,  546. 
Crates,  596. 
Cratinus,  408. 
Crete,  7,  38. 
Creusis,  470. 
Crimesus,  battle  of,  497. 
Crissa,  50. 
Critias,  372  ;  seizes  Salaniis  and  Kleusis, 

377  ;  slain,  37S. 
Crito,  418. 
Critolaus,  578. 

Crojsus,  150,  154;  fall  of,  157. 
Croton,  120. 
Cryptia,  64. 
Cumae,  118. 
Cunaxa,  battle  of,  424. 
Cyclades,  7. 
Cyclic  poets,  40. 
Cyclopean  walls,  142. 


Cyllene,  Mount,  6. 

Cylon,  conspiracy  of,  92. 

Cynics,  the,  596. 

Cynosarges,  the,  590 

CynoscephaliB,  battle  of,  482. 

Cynuria,  78. 

Cypselus,  83. 

Cyrenaic  sect,  595. 

Cyrene,  124. 

Cyrus,  empire  of,   155;  raptures  Sardis, 

156  ;  take.s  Uabylon,  158;  death,  ib. 
Cyrus  the  younger,  arrives  on  the  coast, 

362  ;  his  expedition  aeainst  his  brother 

Arta.verxes,  420  ;  march,  422,  sq. ;  slain, 

425. 
Cythera,  7. 
Cyzicus,    117,     359;    recovered    by    the 

Athenians,  360. 

D. 

Dfpdalus,  148. 
Damocles,  story  of,  490. 
Danae,  15. 

Uanai,  15. 

Uanaus,  15,  18. 

Darius,  159;  his  administration,  ICl  ; 
Thracian  expedition  of,  ib.  ;  extorts  the 
submission  of  the  Macedonians,  102  ; 
death,  180. 

Darius  Codomanus,  defeated  by  Alexander 
at  Issus,  533  ;  overthrown  by  Alexander 
at  Arbela,  539  ;  murdered,  543. 

Datis,  173. 

Dccarchies,  Spartan,  370,  43". 

Decelea,  340. 

Delium,  Athenian  expedition  against,  315  j 
battle  of,  316. 

Delos,  confederacy  of,  241  ;  tribute,  269; 
synod  removed  to  Athens,  270 ;  lustra- 
tion of,  307. 

Delphi,  temple  of,  50;  oracle,  54;  taken 
by  the  Phocians,  500  ,  oracle  of  concern- 
ing Pbilip,  523. 

Demades,  557. 

Demaratus,  182. 

Demes,  Attic,  108. 

Demetrias,  Athenian  tribe,  502. 

Demetrius  of  Phalcrus,  560  ;  character  of, 
561  ;  retires  to  Thebes,  502. 

Demetrius  Poliorcetes,  501  ;  besieges 
Salamis,  562  ;  besieges  Rhodes,  ib. ; 
takes  Athens,  565  ;  king  of  Maccdon. 
ib. ;  death,  506. 

Demetrius  of  Pharos,  572. 

Demiurgi,  20. 

Democracy,  80 ;  Athenian,  progress  of, 
301. 

Demosthenes  (general),  307,  311. 

Demostbenes  (orator),  account  of,  508; 
PliiltppKS,  lb. ;  first,  509 ;  Oli/nthiacs, 
510;  embassy,  512;    second   i'lnlippic, 

515  ;  oration  on  the  Peace,  ib. ;  mission 
into  Peloponnesus,  ib.  ;   third  Philippic, 

516  ;  oration  on  the  Chersonese,  ib.  j 
presented  with  a  golden  crown,  517  : 
goes  envoy  to  Thehes,  519 ;  fights  at 
Cha>ronea,  520 ;  his  conduct  after 
Philip's  death,  526  ;  proposes  religious 
honours  for  Philip's  assassin,  li. ;  his 
opinion   of  Alexander,  527  ;    exertions 


64(5 


lllSTOKV  OF  GREECE. 


to  rouse  Greece,  tb.  ;  cmbaHsy  to  Alex- 
ander, lb  ;  accused  by  jTiscliiries— 
8pei;cli  on  the  (.'rowii,  551  ;  coiiilenined 
oi' corruption,  555;  recalli.'il  from  exile, 
550  ;  demanded  by  Antipaler,  557  , 
escapes  to  Calaurea,  ib.  ;  deulli,  ib  ; 
character  as  an  orator,  592. 

Dercyllidas,  438,  447. 

Diacria,  95. 

DiTBUs,  577. 

Diasia,  93. 

Dicasteries,  256. 

Uinarchus,  593. 

Dioi-lcs,  4H7. 

Diodorus  Siculus,  001. 

Diodotus,  303. 

Diogenes,  his  interview  with  Alexander, 
527. 

Dion,  489 ;  patriotic  projc':ts  of,  491  ; 
exiled.  492  ;  takvis  Syracu.se,  493 ;  as- 
sassinated, 494. 

Dion  Cassius,  601, 

Dionysius  the  older,  tyrant  of  .Sy- 
racuse, 483,  sq.  ;  death  and  character, 
490. 

Dionysius  the  younger,  490  ;  expelled  by 
Dion,  493  ;  retires  to  Corinth,  490. 

Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  001. 

Dionysus,  theatre  of,  at  Athens,  397. 

Diopithes,  510. 

Dithyramb,  invention  of  the,  132 ;  the 
source  of  tragedy,  402. 

Dodona,  orac'.e  of,  14. 

Dorcis,  241. 

Dorians,  12,  13 ;  in  Peloponnesus,  32 ; 
migrations  of  the,  37  ;  three  tribes  of,  02. 

Doric  Hexapolis,  37  ;  order,  144. 

Doris,  5. 

Dorus,  12. 

Draco,  laws  of,  92. 

E. 

Ecclesia,  the,  109. 

Education,  Spartan,  60  ;  Athenian,  413. 

EgestEeans,  the,  deceive  theAthenians,  329. 

Egypt,  its  influence  on  Greece,  15. 

Eion,  Athenian  colony  at,  253. 

Eispkora,  the,  463. 

Elea,  founded,  158. 

Eleans,  34  ;  attack  the  Arcadians  at 
Olympia,  483. 

Eleusinians,  condemned  to  death  by  the 
3000  at  Athens,  378. 

Eleutheria,  festival  of,  227. 

Elis,  7,  57  ;  reduced  by  the  Sparlans.  43.J. 

Embassy  of  the  three  philosophers  to 
Rome,  577. 

Embroidery,  30. 

Ennea  Ilodoi,  253. 

Epaminondas,  460 ;  named  Bteotarch, 
461  ;  his  character,  464  ;  embassy  to 
Sparta,  408;  military  genius  of ;  defeats 
the"  Spartans  at  Leuctra,  471  ;  invades 
Laconia,  475  ;  establishes  the  Arcadian 
conlederation,  and  restores  the  Messe- 
nians,  470  ;  again  invades  Peloponnesus. 
478  ;  saves  the  Theban  army,  480  ;  res- 
cues Pelopidas,  ib. ;  naval  expedition  of, 
482 ;  last  invasion  of  Peloponnesus,  484  ; 
death  of,  4S6. 


Epariti,  470. 

Epeans,  34. 

EphesUH,  117. 

Ephctar,  92. 

Epliiultes,  195. 

Ephialtes  (the  friend  of  Pericle.,)   256. 

Ephors,  04  ;  power  of  the,  C5. 

i'.\)U:  poetry,  40. 

EpicliariNUs,  401. 

Epicnemidian  Locrians,  5. 

Epicurean  sect,  590. 

Epicurus,  565,  590. 

Epidamnus,  125,  273. 

Ejjidaurus,  7. 

Epigoni,  22. 

Epimenidcs,  94. 

Epipolffi,  337. 

Epirus,  4. 

Epitadas,  311. 

Epyaxa,  422. 

Equals,  Spartan,  438. 

Erectheum,  268. 

Eretria,  capture  of,  174. 

Eteocles,  22. 

Eutephnus,  73. 

Euba-a,    7 ;    revolt    from    Athena,    20-. 
second  revolt  of,  356. 

Euboic  scale,  59. 

Euclides,  archon,  380. 

Euclides  of  Megara,  595. 

Euclides  of  Alexandria,  OCO. 

Eudamidas,  458. 

Eumenes,  553. 

Eumenes,  King  of  Pergamus,  576. 

Eumcnides  of -^schylus,  256. 

Eumenides,  cave  of  the,  398. 

Eumolpida?,  335,  351. 

Kupatrida,  20 ;  nature  of  their  govern- 
ment, 91. 

Euphaes,  73. 

Euphranor,  581. 

Euphrates,    surveyed  by  order  of  Alex- 
ander, 550. 

Eupolis,  408. 

Eiipompus,  582. 

Euripides,  account  of,  406 ;  character  as  a 
poet,  407. 

Euripides  the  younger,  587. 

Eurybiades.  193. 

Eurydice,  560. 

Eurotas,  7. 

Eurvmedon,  battle  of  the,  252. 

Eurymedon,  307,  313  ;  banisftied,  328. 

Eurystheus,  18. 

Evagoras,  439. 


Farnesian  bull,  586. 

Fathers,  Greek,  603. 

Few.  the.  266. 

'  Five  Thousand,'  the,  353,  355. 

Flaminius,  T.  Q.,  575. 

'  Four    Hundred,'    Athenian    Senate    or 

Council  of,  98  ;  enlarged  to  five  hundred, 

109;    their   judicial   power    abrogated, 

256. 
'  Four  Hundred,'  conspiracy  of  the,  S33  ; 

put  down,  3.i6. 
Franchise,  Athenian,  restricted,  380. 
Freemen,  27. 


INDEX. 


649 


G. 

Galatia,  567. 

Galen,  602. 

Gargaphia,  fountain  of,  220. 

Gaugamela,  battle  of  (v.  Arbela). 

Gelon  of  Syracuse,  192,  215. 

Generals,  10  Athenian  condemned,  367. 

Geomori,  20,  80,  8U. 

Geranean  mountains,  5. 

Genista,  Spartan,  65. 

Good,  the,  85. 

Gordian  knot,  the,  512. 

Gorgias,  328,  414,  500. 

Government,  in  the  heroic  age,  25. 

Granicus,  battle  of  the,  531. 

Graphe  paranomo/i,  repealed,  353. 

Greece,  Ibrm  of,  2  ;  physical  features  of, 
7,  sq. ;    climate,  9,  si].  ;  products,  ib.  ; 
reduced  to  a  Roman  province,  578. 
Greek  language,  13,  48  ;  history,  early, 
48. 

Greeks,  character  of  the,  8  ;  causes  which 
united  them,  48  ;  disunion  of,  on  the 
approach  of  Xerxes,  191  ;  celebrate 
the  battle  of  Salamis,  214  ;  expedition 
of  the  Ten  Thousand,  422  ;  retreat  of, 
426,  sqq.  ;  arrive  at  the  Euxine,  430  ;  at 
Byzantium,  432. 

Gyges,  153. 

Gylippus,  arrives  in  Sicily,  339  ;  captures 
the  fort  of  Labdalum,  ib. 

H. 

Hamilcar,  215. 

Hannibal,  572. 

Harmodius  and  Aristogiton,  conspiracy  of, 
105. 

Ilarmosts,  Spartan,  370,  437. 

Harpagus,  158. 

Harpalus,  554. 

IlecatKUs,  165,  234. 

Ilegias,  387. 

Helen,  22. 

Helieea,  110. 

Helicon,  5. 

Hellanicus,  234. 

Hellanodicae,  51. 

Hellas,  2. 

Hellen,  12. 

Hellenes,  2. 

Hellenotamiap,  242. 

Hellespont,  bridge  over  the,  187. 

Helots,  origin  of,  34  ;  condition,  63  ;  re- 
volt of,  254  ;  massacre  of,  314. 

Hephaestion,  546  ;  marries  Drypetis,  548  ; 
death,  549. 

Heraglidse,  return  of  the,  32. 

Heraclitus,  136. 

Hercules,  18. 

Herman,  mutilated,  330- 

Hermione,  7. 

Hermippus,  279. 

Hermocrates.  328,  487. 

Hcrmolaus,  545. 

Herodotus,  235  ;  account  of  his  work,  236, 
sq.  ;  at  Thurii,  269. 

Heroes,  17. 

Heroic  age,  18  ;  manners  of,  27.  t.j. 

HMiod.  127 


Hetaerffi,  279. 

Hicetas,  494,  496. 

Hiero  of  Syracuse,  231,  232. 

Hieromncmon,  49. 

Hipparchus,  104  ;  assassinated,  105. 

Hipparinus,  494. 

Hippias,  104  ;  expelled  from  Athens,  106. 

Hippocrates,  315. 

Hippodaniiis  of  .Miletus,  384. 

HistKEus  of  .Miletus,  162  ;  crucified,  168 

History,  rise  of,  233. 

Homer,  39  ;  his  identity,  41  ;  date,  ib. 

Homeric  poems,  their  value,  24  ;  preserva- 
tion of,  42  ;  arranged  by  Pisastratus,43, 
poetical  unity  of,  46. 

Horologium,  tlie,  585. 

Hyperbolus,  murdered,  351. 

Hyperides,  555,  593. 

Hyphasis,  the,  546. 

I. 

Iambic  verse,  129. 

Ibycus,  233. 

Ictinus,  263,  394. 

llissus,  382. 

Ilium,  or  Troy,  23. 

Inaros,  revolt  of,  358. 

Ion,  12. 

Ionia,  subjugated  by  the  Persians,  170. 

lonians,  12,  13  ;  four  tribes  of,  89  ;  revolt 
of  the,  165;  defection  from  Sparta,  241. 

Ionic  migration,  36. 

Ionic  order,  145. 

lophon,  587. 

Iphitus,  51. 

Iphicrates,  tactics  of,  450  ;  successes  of, 
541  ;  recalled,  ib. ;  defeats  the  Lacede- 
monians near  Abydus,  453;  indicted,  505i 

Ipsus,  battle  of,  563. 

Ira,  fortress  of,  76. 

Isaeus,  591. 

Isagoras,  107,  111. 

Ismenias,  479,  480. 

I.socrates,  591. 

Issus,  battle  of,  533. 

Isthmian  games,  50,  51,  53. 

Ithaca,  7. 

Ithome,  becomes  subject  to  Sparta,  74  •. 
Mount,  470. 

J. 

.Tason,  20. 

Jason  of  Phene,  472  ;  assassinated,  473. 

Jerusalem,  Alexander's  reported  visit  to. 

537. 
Jocasta,  21. 
Josephus,  601. 
Jove,  temple  of,  at  Olynipia,  399. 

K. 

Kings,  Grecian,  25. 
Knights,  Athenian,  97. 
A>iiS/i<sofAristophane-»,  extract  from,  400 

L. 

Lacedaemonians  fv.  Sparta/. 
Lacedajmonius,  275. 

F 


650 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


LarlinroB,  505. 

Lai-Diiin,  7  ;  irduccd  by  the  SpartuilM,  71  ; 
iiorlliLTn  frontier  of,  77. 

LacotiizcrH,  wliiil,  '257. 

LadO,  baltlc  of,  KiH. 

LmvinuH,  M.  Val.,  572. 

LaiuH,  21. 

LariiaoliuH,  329 ;  adviscH  an  attack  on 
Syracuse,  .133;  slain,  33B. 

Lamian  war,  550. 

LainpsacuH,  307. 

Laocoon,  5bG. 

Larissa,  429. 

Lasus  of  Hermiono,  230. 

Lauhuiii,  9  ;  silver  mines  at,  163. 

LegiMids,  heroic,  their  value,  24. 

Lelejjes,  14. 

Leonidas,  194  ;  his  death.  190. 

Leonnatius,  553. 

Leontiades,  458. 

Leontines,  328. 

Leotychides,  182,  227  ;  treachery  of.  254. 

Leosthenes,  555. 

Lesbos,  confiscation  of,  303;  revolt  of, 
348. 

Lesche,  at  Delphi,  390. 

Leucas,  125. 

Leuctra,  battle  of,  471. 

Lichas,  349. 

Literature,  Greek,  history  of,  126,  229, 
400,  587  ;  revival  of  in  the  West,  603 

Locrians,  5  ;  Epizephyrian,  121. 

Loeris,  0. 

Long  walls,  Athenian,  384  ;  rebuilt,  448. 

Lucian,  602. 

Lycabettus,  362. 

Lycambes,  129. 

Lyceum,  399,  597. 

Lycians,  destruction  of  the,  158. 

Lycomedes,  king.  20. 

Lycomenes  of  Mantinea,  474,  477  ;  defeats 
the  Spartans,  478,  480. 

Lycon,  417. 

Lycophron,  84. 

Lycortas,  575. 

Lycurgus  (legislator),  60. 

Lycurgus  (orator),  593. 

Lydian  monarchy,  153. 

Lygdamis,  103,  235. 

Lyric  poetry,  )28;  occasions  of,  129;  de- 
velopment of,  229. 

Lysander,  appointed  Navarchus,  362  ; 
Epistoleus,  307 ;  intrusted  by  Cyrus 
with  his  satrapy,  ib. ;  his  proceedings 
after  the  victory  of  ^Egospotanii,  370; 
blockades  Piranis,  ib. ;  takes  possession 
of  Athens,  372  ;  establishes  the  Thirty 
Tyrants,  373  ;  triumph,  ib. ;  honours. 
377  ;  re-enters  Athens,  378  ;  his  ambi- 
tious schemes,  436  ;  despatched  to  the 
Hellespont,  140  ;  expedition  into  Ba'otia, 
444  ;  slain,  ib. 

Lycias,  269,  591. 

Lysicles,  521. 

Lysicrates,  choragic  monument  of,  584. 

Lysimaehus,  553,  566  ;  slain,  307. 

Lysippus,  582. 

M. 

Macedonia,  description  of,  500. 


Macedonian    i-mpirc,    partition    of,    553, 

overthrow,  570. 
MacedonianH,  their  origin,  501. 
.MachaiiidaH,  573. 
Macroiies,  the,  431. 
Magi,  1.53. 
Magna  (Jra'cia,  120;  cauHes  ol  llie  iltciine 

of  itH  cities,  123. 
.Magon,  496. 
Malian  (;uir,  4. 
Mahi,  the,  510. 
Mantinea,  57  ;  battle  of,  320  ;  taken  by  the 

Spartans,  3h5  ;   rebuilt,  474  ;   battle  of, 

4h5  ;  third  battle  of,  573. 
.Mantineans,    invoke    the   aid    of   Sparta 

against  the  Thebans,  484. 
Marathon,  battle  of,  176. 
Mardians  subdued  by  Alexander,  5-12. 
Mardontes,  227. 
Mardonius,   171  ;    adroit  flattery  of,  212; 

negotiations  with  the  Athenians,   217  ; 

marches  against  Athens,  218  ;  retreats, 

219  ;  death,  224. 
Masistius,  220. 
Massagetae,  156. 
Massalia,  123. 
Mausoleum,  the,  580,  584. 
Mausolus,  505. 
.Ma/.auis,  540. 
.Medea,  21. 
Medes,  the,  152. 
-Media,  wall  of,  427. 
.Medon,  first  Athenian  archon,  bfl. 
Megabazus,  162. 
.Megabyzus,  258. 
Megacles,  83,  93,  101,  103. 
Megalopolis  founded.  476  ;  battle  of.  553. 
Megara,  57  ;  revolutions  of,  85  ;  long  walls 

at,    257 ;     revolts    from    Athens.    264 ; 

complains    of  .A.thens,   277 ;    Athenian 

expedition  against,  314. 
Megaric  sect,  595. 
Megaris,  5. 
Melcart,  539. 
Melesander.  292. 
Meletus,  417. 
Melos,  327. 
Mciialeidas,  577. 
Menander,  588. 
Mende,  318. 
Menelaus,  22. 
.Menon,  428. 
M.sscne,  58. 
.Messene  founded,  476  ;  taken  by  Lvcortas, 

575. 
Messenia.  7. 
.Messenian   war,    first,   73 ;    second,   75 ; 

third.  254. 
Messenians  conquered  by  the   Spajtanu, 

74  ;  subjugated,  77. 
Mespila,  429. 
Mcthone.  507. 
Meiellus,  576. 
.Metoii.  330. 

Miletus,  117:  fall  of,  169;  revolt  of.  348. 
.Milo  the  Crotoniate,  121. 
Miltiades,  174 ;  accusation  and  death  oi; 

IK). 
Mindarus.  358. 
Minos.  18,20. 
.Minotaur,  19. 


IxXDEX. 


651 


Minyans,  38. 
Mnaseas,  511. 
Mnasippus,  407. 
Morea,  6. 
Mosclms,  600. 
Mosynaeci,  432. 

Muminius,  578  ;  liis  ignorance  of  art,  ib. 
Munychia,  384. 
Museum,  362. 
Mycale,  battle  of,  227. 
Mycenae,  13,  16;  ruins  of,  29,  141. 
Myron,  389. 
Myronides,  259. 

Mytiiene,  naval  eiiKacenient  at,  304. 
Mytileneans,  revolt  of  tlie,  298  ;  embassy 
to  Sparta,  299;  capitulate,  300. 

N. 

Nauclides,  281. 

Naucrary,  90. 

Naupactus,  33  ;  taken  by  the  Athenians, 
261. 

Navarchia,  Spartan,  358. 

Naxos,  Spartan  expedition  against,  164  ; 
•revolt  of,  252  ;  battle  of,  465. 

Neapolis,  337. 

Nearchus,  voyage  of.  547. 

Nemean  games,  51,  53. 

Neodamodes,  04. 

Nicffa,  founded  by  Alexander,  546. 

Nicias,  310  ;  reduces  Cythera,  314  ;  con- 
cludes peace  with  Sparta,  320  ;  appoint- 
ed commander  in  Sicily,  329  ;  his  dilatory 
proceedings  there,  335  ;  desponding 
situation  of,  340;  indecision,  341  ;  sur- 
render, 344  ;  death,  345  ;  character,  iO. 

Nicostratus,  304. 

Nike  Apteros,  temple  of,  391. 

Nimroud,  429. 

Nineveh,  429. 

Nisasus,  494. 

Nobilior,  M.  Fulv.,  574. 

Nobles,  27,  80. 


0. 


Oceanus,  30. 

Odeum,  267,  399. 

(Edipus,  21. 

CEnophyta,  battle  of,  261. 

CEta,  Mount,  4. 

Oligarchy,  80. 

Olympia,  7  ;  temple  of,  plundered  by  tho 
Arcadians,  484. 

Olympiad,  first,  12. 

Olympian  Jove,  14. 

Olympias,  522  ;  takes  refuge  with  Alexan- 
der in  Epirus,  522 ;  whether  concerni'd 
in  Philip's  assassination,  524  ;  puts 
Eurydice  to  death,  560  ;  murdered,  ib. 

Olympic  games,  51. 

Olympus,  4. 

Olynthiac  orations  of  Demosthenes,  510. 

Olynthian  confederacy  dissolved,  457  ;  its 
extent,  510. 

Olynthus,  457  ;  taken  by  the  Spartans, 
459. 

Onatas,  387. 

Onomarchus,  507 

Opuntian  Lorrians,  5. 


Oracles,  54. 

Orators,  Athenian,  demanded  by  Alex- 
ander, 529  ;  ten  Attic,  Alexandrian 
canon  of,  590. 

Oratory,  Greek,  rise  and  progress  of,  589. 

Orchomenos,  326,  466,  473. 

Orders  of  architecture,  144. 

Oropus,  481,  577. 

Orthagoras,  82. 

Ortygia,  3;i6. 

Ossa,  4. 

Ostracism,  introduced  by  Clisthenes,  110. 

Othryades,  78. 

Otlirys,  .Mount,  4. 

Oxyartes,  514. 

Ozohan  mountains,  5. 


Paches,  300,  304. 

Pactolus,  the,  154. 

P.T0nians,  502. 

P.estum,  120. 

Painting,  origin    and   progress  of,    150 ; 

development  of,  389 ;  Sicyonian  school 

of,  582. 
Pamisus,  river,  7. 
Pamphilus,  582. 
Panathen;ea,  19. 
Pancratium,  52. 
Panga-us,  Mount.  253,  504. 
Pan-Ionic  festival,  36. 
Parabasis,  comic,  409. 
Parali,  95. 
Paris,  22. 
Parmenio,   537;    |)Ut   to  death   by   Alcx- 

der,  543. 
Parnassus,  .Mount,  5. 
Panics,  Mount,  5. 
Pariion,  Mount,  7. 
Paropamisus,  543. 
Parrhasius,  391. 
Parthcniic,  123. 
Parthenon,  267,  394. 
Parysatis,  queen,  427,  441. 
Pasargadie,  541. 
Paulus,  L.  JEm.,  576. 
Pausanias,   king    of   Sparta,   vanity  and 

treason   of,   240 ;    recall   and   impeach- 
ment, 247  ;  conviction  and  death,  248. 
Pausanias  (second),  378  ;  expedition  into 

BoEOtia,  444  ;  condemned  to  death,  583. 
Pausanias  assassinates  Philip,  523. 
Pausanias  (historian),  002. 
Pedieis,  95. 
Peers,  Spartan,  438. 

Pelasgians,  14.  „ 

Pelasgicon,  the,  260.  ,g( 

Pelion,  4.  ^  ,J74 

Pclopidas,    character    of,    460 ;    ^fiipp  hv 

victory  at  Tegyra,  466  ;  Bubduf,.,  phjio- 

ander  of  PheriC,   478  ;    impr 

Alexander,     460  ;      defeats  ,_    ..    .  „ . 

482;  slain,  463.  ^     tnonev  '  "O 

Peloponncsian    confedera^^  f- v/i.-us, '  360  '. 

2.7;    decides  for   «a  urates.  450. 

278  ;  war    commen  ;^^j,^_   ,, 

vasion    of  Atlic!; 

character  of  the 


r  kings,  79  :  overthrow 

„  ,  . .  send  an  embassy  to  ( 'y- 

'  'j°',?""ooft""  onduct  of.  at  Thermopyl;p, 

n  conduct  of,  202  ;  their  apa- 


neiis,  298. 


662 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Peloponnesus,  0. 

PflO|(S,  If.. 

Pent'us,  4. 

J'lMij-al),  the,  545. 

Pcntacosioinedimni,  97. 

Pcntatlilum,  52. 

Perdiccas,  270. 

Perdiccas  (Alexander's  general),  552  ; 
marches  against  Ptolemy,  558;  aHsas- 
sinated,  jb. 

Periandcr,  83  ;  his  cruelty,  84  ;  abilities 
and  power,  ib. ;  and  Anon,  131. 

Pericles,  eharacler  of,  255  ;  innovations 
of,  256 ;  his  administration,  257  ,  re- 
duces EutKca,  2(14  ;  plans  lor  adorning 
Athens,  2ri7  ;  his  banishment  denmiidtd 
by  the  Laceda'inonians,  27'.)  ;  ijieads  for 
Aspasia,  ib.  ;  persuades  a  war,  2M  ; 
funeral  oration  by,  2bH  ;  accused  of  pec- 
ulation, 289  ;  death  and  character,  290. 

Pericles,  age  of,  character  of  art  in,  3!;6. 

Perinthus,  siege  of,  510. 

Periccci,  02. 

Peripatetics,  590. 

Perscpolis,  taken  and  burnt  by  Alexan- 
der, 541. 

Perseus,  18. 

Perseus,  575  ;  defeated  by  the  Romans,  576. 

Persian  Gates,  540. 

Persians,  155 ;  their  cruelties  towards 
the  Ionic  Greeks,  169;  invade  Greece, 
171  ;  demand  earth  and  water  from 
the  Grecian  States,  172  ;  second  inva- 
sion of  Greece,  173  ;  land  at  Marathon, 
174 ;  third  invasion  of  Greece,  lbs  ; 
their  number  under  Xerxes,  189  ;  de- 
struction of  their  lieet  by  a  storm,  198  ; 
their  progress,  203  ;  attack  Delphi,  204  ; 
take  Athens,  ib. ;  retreat  of,  214  ;  their 
fleet  reassembles  at  Samos,  216. 

Phoedo,  Plato's,  418. 

Phalanx,  Macedonian,  503. 

Phalaris  of  Agrigentum,  119. 

Phalerum,  384. 

Pharnabazus  assists  the  Lacedemonians, 
360  ;  magnanimity  of,  442. 

PhayUus,  507,  511. 

Pherecydes  of  Syros,  234. 

Phidias,  267  ;  accused  of  peculation,  280  ; 
his  style,  388 ;  his  statue  of  the  Olym- 
pian Jove,  399. 

Phidon,  58. 

Phigalian  marbles,  399. 

Philemon,  588. 

Philip  of  Maccdon,  carried  to  Thebes  as  a 
hostage,  478  ;  education  of,  501  ;  cha- 
racter, 502 ;  defeats  the  lUyrians,  503  ; 
issumes  the  crown,  ib.  ;  takes  Amphi- 
3»iis  and  Pydna,  504 ;  takes  part  in 
tioi«acred  war,  507  ;  loses  an  eye,  ib.  ; 
Helless  Thessaly.  508  ;  expedition  into 
444;  sli.7,'». ;  takes  Olynthus,  511;  oc- 

Lycias,  269,iphi,    513;    overruns  Illyria. 

Lysicles,  521.1    expedition    into    Thrace, 

Lysicrates,  choi)  to  the  Athenians,  517  ; 

Lysimachus,  553,  icuate  the  Chersonese, 

Lysippus,  562.  into     Scythia,     7*.  ; 

^c  war  ajtainst  Am- 

I^J.  ''atea.  ib. ;  defeats 

■i.ins  at  Cha;ro- 

Macedonia,  description  of,  t^er  the  battle, 


521;    clemency   towardw   Athcnii,    tb.; 

appointed  geiieralisHiiiio  aeaiiiHt  I'erBia. 

522  ;  tliHHliseH  the  Sparluns,  ib.  ;  luiiiily 

It'iids,   lb   ;    ornenM  ol    Ins  death,  523; 

nssHHHinaled,  lO. ,  character,  524. 
I'hilip  IV.,  565. 
I'hilip  v.,  571  ;  asHists  the  Acha-ann,  573 ; 

forms  an   alliance  wjlh   Hannibal,  it  ; 

ilileated  hy  the  KomaiiH,  574. 
Philip  Arrhida-us,  553. 
Philippi  Ibundcd,  504. 
Philippics    of    Ucmosthcnes,    50ft  ;    first, 

509  ;  second,  515  ;  third,  510. 
Philocrates,  452. 
Philomelus,  5C0  ;  slain,  ,507. 
Philopwmen,   573  ;     takes    Sparta,    575  ; 

taken  and  put  to  death,  ib. 
Philosophy,  Greek,  origin   of,  136  ;    Ionic 

school    of,    lb. ;     Eleatic    school,    137  ; 

Pythagorean      school,     ib.  ;      various 

schools,  596. 
Phocaeans,  158. 
I'hocians,  505 ;  defeated  by  the  Thebans, 

507  ;  reduced  by  Philip,  513. 
Phocion,   465  ;     character    of,    510  ;    his 

expedition  to  Euhofa,  516  ;   10    Byzan- 
tium, 517  ;  his  rebuke  of  Demosthenes, 

520  ;  refuses  Alexander's  presents,  229  ; 

accusation  and  death,  559. 
Phocis,  5. 
I'ha-bidas,  465. 
Phoenicians,  16. 
Phormio,  victories  of.  297. 
Phoros,  the,  242. 
PhratriiE,  90. 
Phryne,  581. 
Phrynichus,  351,  355. 
Phrynichus  (dramatist),  his  Fall  of  Mile. 

tus,  169  ;  account  of,  402. 
Phvllidas,  460. 
Phtjlo-basilcus.  90. 
Pinacotheca,  393. 
Pindar,  231  ;    his   style,  233  ;    his  house 

spared  by  Alexander,  529. 
Piiidus,  Mount,  4. 
I'ineus    fortified,    245,    268 ;    rc-fortitied. 

447  ;  surprised  by  Teleutias,  453. 
Pirithous,  20. 
Pisa,  7. 
Pisander,  442. 
Pisistratus,  usurpation  of,  101  ;  his  strata. 

gem,  1C3  ;  death  and  character  of,  104. 
Pissuthncs,  271. 
Pittacus,  135. 
Plague  at  Athens,  288. 
Platjpa,   battle   of,   221  ;    surprised,    262  ,■ 

besieged   by  the  Peloponnesians,  293  ; 

surrenders,    295  :    destroyed,   16. ;    re- 
stored   by    the    Laceda-nionians,    456  ; 

again  destroyed  by  the  Thebans,  467. 
Plata>ans  join  the  Athenians,   176  ;  mas- 

sacre  of  the,  295. 
Plato,  visits  Sicily,  489  ;  sold  as  a  slarc, 

490  :   second  visit  to   Sicily,  401  ;    life 

of.  593  ;  philosophy,  594. 
Pleistoanax.  264. 
Plutarch,  601. 
Pnvx,  the,  382.  398. 
Pocrile  Stoa.  the.  392,  599. 
Poetry.  Greek.  40. 
Poleinarch,  91. 


INDEX. 


653 


Polemon,  596. 

Polus  of  Agrigentum,  414. 

Polybius,  577,  601. 

Polybus,  21. 

Polychares,  73. 

Polycletus,  388. 

Polycrates  or  Samos,  ICO. 

Polygiiotu.s,  3»9. 

Polynices,  22. 

Polysperchon,  558 ;  e.xpedition  to  Pelo 
poniiesus,  563. 

Porus,  545. 

Potidifa,  276,  292,  457,  504. 

Pratinas,  402. 

Praxias,  388. 

Praxitas  defeats  ttie  Corinthians,  449. 

Probuli,  347,  352. 

Prodicus,  590. 

Prodicus  of  Ceos,  414. 

Pro.?e  composition,  origin  of,  233. 

PropylsRa,  26S,  393. 

Protagoras  of  Abdera,  414,  590. 

Prytaneum,  99. 

Prytanies,  109. 

Prytanis,  80. 

Psammetichus  of  Corintli,  65. 

Psyttaleia,  209. 

Ptolemies,  patronize  learning,  600. 

Ptolemy,  558  ;  defeated  at  Salamis,  502. 

Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  566,  567. 

Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  566. 

Pydna,  560 ;  battle  of,  576. 

Pviagors,  49. 

Pylus,  307. 

Pvrrhus,  565  ;  king  of  .Macedonia,  566. 

Pythagoras,  121,  137. 

Pythagorean  clubs  suppressed,  139. 

Pythia,  54. 

Pythian  gamss,  51. 

PythoJorus,  328. 

Pythomcus,  331. 

R. 

Rhapsodists.  42. 

Rhegium,  121. 

Rhetra  of  Lycurgus,  61. 

Rhodes,  7  ;  siege  of,  562  ,  colossus  at,  585 

Rhcecus,  148. 

Romans,  direct  their  attention  towards 
Greece,  573 ;  declare  war  against  Philip 
v.,  574  ;  proclaim  the  freedom  of  Greece, 
lb. ;  declare  war  against  Perseus,  '576  , 
spoliation  of  Greek  works  by,  586. 

Royalty,  abolished  in  Greece,  79 ;  cau.se 
of  Its  abolition,  80. 

Roxana,  married  by  Alexander,  544  ;  mur- 
dered, 561. 

s. 

Sacred  Band,  Theban.  463. 

Sacred  war,  first,  51  ;  second,  505  ,  bar- 
barity of,  507;  progress  of.  511  ;  termi- 
nation, 513  ;  results,  514 

Sages,  the  seven,  134. 

SaliEthus,  300,  301. 

Salamis,  7;  acquired  by  the  Athenians, 
95  ;  battle  of,  209. 

Salamis  (in  Cyprus),  battle  of,  562. 

Samos,  revolt  of.  271  ;  subdued.  ;*  ;  its 
importance  to  Athens,  348  :  revolutions 
at,  354 ;  subdued  by  I.ysander.  373 


Sappho,  133. 

Sardis,  153  ;  burnt,  166. 

Saronic  gulf,  5. 

Scarphea,  battle  of,  578. 

Scione,  318. 

Scopas,  220. 

Scopas  (sculptor),  580. 

Scyros,  reduction  of,  242. 

Scythini,  the.  430. 

Sedition,  Solon's  law  respecting,  99. 

Seisactheia,  the,  96. 

Seleucus,  558  ;  founds  Antioch,  563  ;  sue 
ceeds  to  the  greater  part  of  the  Macedo 
nian  empire.  567  ;  assassinated,  ib. 

Selinuntiiie  sculptures,  149. 

Sellasia,  battle  of,  571. 

Selymbra,  125. 

Sestos,  reduced  by  the  Athenians,  228. 

Seuthes,  433. 

Sicilian  expedition.  332,  termination  of,  344 

Sicily,  dis.sensions  in,  328. 

Sicyon,  7  ;  despots  in,  82. 

Silver  mines,  9. 

Simonides  of  Amorgos,  130. 

Simonides  of  Ceos,  230. 

Sinope,  117. 

Sisygarnbis,  534. 

Sitalces,  287,  292,  297. 

Slaves,  i27. 

Smerdis,  159. 

Smilis,  148. 

Smyrna,  36. 

Social  war,  504  ;  ill  effects  of  the,  505 ; 
second,  572. 

Socrates,  at  Delium,  316;  Ins  opinion  of 
the  Sicilian  expedition,  330 ,  opposes 
the  condemnation  of  the  ten  generals. 
366 ;  refuses  to  obey  the  commands  of 
the  Thirty.  374  ;  sutninoned  belbrc  (hem, 
375;  sketch  of  his  life,  415  ;  liis  teaching 
and  method,  416;  how  he  differed  from 
theSopliists,ji.;  wisdom  of,  417;  unpopu- 
larity and  indictment  of,  li.  ;  condemned. 
lb.;  refuses  to  escape.  418  ;  death,  i6. 

Sogdiana,  fortress  of,  taken,  544. 

SoUiurn,  287. 

Solon,  94 ;  legislation  of,  96 ;  supposed 
interview  with  Crcesus,  100  ;  laws  of. 
brought  down  into  the  Agora,  256. 

Sophists,  prohibited  from  teaching,  375  . 
description  of  the,  413. 

Sophocles,  at  Samos,  272  .  account  of,  405 . 
character  as  ;-.  poet,  406. 

Sparta,  13,  57  ;  landed  property  in,  69  , 
power  of,  78  ;  head  of  the  Grecian  Stales. 
172  ;  earlh(|iiake  at,  253  ;  allies  of  in  the 
Pelopnnncsian  war,  283  ;  introdiii'lion 
of  gold  and  silver  at,  437  ;  league  against 
445  ,  congress  at.  467  ;  rapid  fall  of,  474  . 
entered  by  Epaminondas,  Ab'j  :  taken  by 
Antigonus  Doson,  571  ;  taken  by  Philo- 
pcemen,  575. 
Spartan  constitution.  62  ,  tribes,  ih. ;  rd 
ueation,  66;  women.  68;  money,  VO . 
fleet  totally  defeated  at  Cy/icus,  300 
7nnra  defeated  by  Iphicrates.  450. 
Spartans,  make  war  on  Arcadia.  77 . 
alone  retain  their  kings,  79  :  overthrow 
the  despots,  82  ;  send  an  emha.ssy  to  Cy- 
rus, 157  ;  conduct  of,  at  Therinopylip, 
195  .  selfish  conduct  of,  202  .  their  apa- 


604 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


thy,  2IH;  dismiss  thn  Athtmians,  255; 
oppose  the  Altieniaiis  ill  Ilo-olia,  260  , 
require  the  Athenians  to  withdraw  the 
decree  nt;ainsl  Megara,  2Nt ;  invade  At- 
tica, 285  ;  reject  tlie  advances  ol"  Alcibi- 
ades,  323  ;  send  an  enihassy  to  Atliens, 
lb.;  invade  Argos,  325;  force  the  Ar- 
givesto  an  alliance,  327  ;  establish  them- 
selves at  Decelea,  340  ;  invade  Elis,  435  ; 
duration  of  their  supremacy,  ib.  ;  assist 
the  Phocians  against  the  Thebans,  444  . 
defeated  at  Ilaliartus,  ib. ;  lose  their  col- 
onies, 447  ;  proclaim  the  independence 
of  the  Bicotian  cities,  456;  garrison  Ur- 
chomenus  and  Thespiae,  ib.  ;  assist 
Amyntas  aaainst  the  Olynthians,  457  ; 
height  of  their  power,  450 ;  expelled 
from  Btpotia,  466  ;  attack  (^orcyra,  467  ; 
solicit  the  aid  of  the  Athenians,  477  ;  de- 
feat the  Arcadians,  478 ;  send  an  embassy 
10  Persia,  479  ;  excluded  from  the  Am- 
phictyonic  council,  513 ;  attempt  to 
throw  oir  the  Macedonian  yoke,  553  ; 
their  decline  and  degradation,  569  ;  call 
in  the  Romans,  578. 

Speusippus,  596. 

Sphacteria,  blockaded,  309  ;  captured,  312. 

Sphodrias,  462. 

Sporades,  7. 

Statira,  534, 548;  murdered  by  Roxana,  553. 

Statuary,  30  ;  progress  of,  148  ;  schools 
of,  149,  387,  579. 

Stesichorus,  132. 

Sthenelaidas,  278. 

Stoics,  596. 

Strabo,  601. 

Strategi,  Athenian,  110. 

Stratonice,  565. 

Sunium,  fortified,  347. 

Susa,  treasures  at,  540. 

Susarion,  402. 

Svbaris,  its  luxurv,  120;  destroyed,  121. 

Sybarites,  269. 

Sybota,  naval  battle  off,  275. 

Syennesis,  422. 

Syntaxis,  the,  463. 

Syracusans,  th;ir  vigorous  defence,  336. 

Syracuse,  118;  description  of.  336;  naval 
battle  at,  340 ;  engagement  in  the  Great 
Harbour  of,  342  ;  constitution  of,  487. 

Syssitia,  68,  438. 

T. 

■'  Table  Companions,"  the,  425. 

Taenarum,  7. 

Tanagra,  battle  of,  260. 

Taochi,  the,  430. 

Tarentum,  123. 

Taygetus,  Mount.  7. 

Tearless  battle,  the,  478. 

Tegea.  57  ;  reduced  by  the  Spartans,  78. 

Teleclus,  73. 

Teleutias.  452.  453. 

Temenus,  58. 

Tempe.  4  :  pass  of.  192. 

Temples.  Greek,  description  of.  143:  of 
Diana  at  Ephesus.  146;  of  .luno  at  Sa- 
mos.  147  :  of  Delphi,  ib. ;  of  the  Ohin- 
pian  Jove.  ib. :  at  Pa?stum,  ib. ;  at  Se- 
linus,  tb.  ,  in  .Egina.  ib. 


"  Ten  Thousand,"  expedition  and  retroa: 
of  the.  419.  »77. 

"Ten  'I'housand.'"  the  Arcadian,  476. 

Tens,  revolt  of,  348. 

TerillUH,  215. 

Tcrpander,  128. 

Tetralogies,  403. 

Thais,  5-tI. 

Thales  of  .Miletus.  136. 

Tha.sos,  reduced,  253. 

Theapenes  of  .Megara,  85. 

Thebans,  surprise  l'lat«a,  281  ;  expel  king 
Agis  from  Aulis.  440  ;  invade  Phocis, 
444  ;  form  an  alliance  with  Athens,  ib. ; 
forced  intoLacediemonian  alliance,  459; 
rise  of  their  ascendency,  473 ;  defeated 
by  Alexander  of  PhersE.  480;  fit  out  a  lleet, 
482  ;  their  proceedings  at  Tegea,  484  ; 
ally  themselves  with  the  Athenians 
against  Philip,  519  ;  humbled  by  Philip, 
521  ;  rise  against  the  .Macedonians,  528. 

Thebes,  Seven  against.  22. 

Thebes,  16;  reduced  by  Pausaniaa,  227;  lib- 
erated from  the  Spartans,  461  ;  declared 
head  of  Greece  by  the  Persians,  479  ;  dc- 
strojed,  529  ;  restored  by  ( 'assander,  560. 

Themistocles  proposes  a  fleet,  165  ;  his 
character.  183 ;  his  advice  to  fight  at 
Salamis,  206 ;  his  stratagem  to  bring 
on  an  engagement,  207  ;  his  message  to 
Xerxes,  213;  his  rapacity,  ib. ;  re- 
warded by  the  Spartans,  214  ;  his  views, 
243,  sq. ;  goes  ambassador  to  Sparta, 
244  ;  corruption  of,  246  ;  ostracised,  ib. ; 
flight,  248 ;  reception  in  Persia,  249  ; 
death,  lb.  ;  tomb,  250. 

Theocritus.  600. 

Theodorus  of  Samos,  148. 

Theognis.  85. 

Theopompus,  74. 

Theramenes,  355.  371,  373  ;  his  death,  375. 

Thermopyla-,  4  ;  pass  of,  193  :  battle  of.  195. 

Theron  of  Agrigentum,  215. 

Thespis,  229,  402. 

Theseum,  the,  392. 

Theseus,  18,  19,  88  ;  bones  of  brought  to 
Athens,  242. 

Thessalians,  32. 

Thessaly.  4  .  submits  to  Xerxes,  192. 

Thesmo'thetjp.  91. 

Thessalus,  335. 

Thetis.  27,  97,  245. 

Thimbron,  433,  438  :  defeat  and  death,  452. 

Thirty  years'  truce.  264. 

Thirty 'Tyrants  at  Athens.  373;  pro- 
scription of  the.  374  :  defeated  by 
Thrasybulus.  377  ;  deposed  by  the 
Spartans.  379. 

Thrasybulus  of  Miletus.  84. 

Thrasybulus,  354  :  takes  Phyle,  377  ; 
seizes  Pira-us,  378 ;  defeats  the  Thirty, 
lb. ;  defeated  by  Pausanias.  379' ; 
marches  into  Athens,  ib. ;  commands  aii 
Athenian  fleet.  452;  restores  theAthenian 
power  in  the  Hellespont,  xb. ;  slain,  ib. 

Thrasvllus.  354. 

Thrasymelidas.  308. 

Thucy'dides  (states.), 265;  ostracised,  267. 

Thucydides  (the  historian),  in  Thrace, 
318;  banished,  ib.  ;  account  of,  410;  his 
history,  411. 


INDEX. 


656 


Thurii.  236,  269. 

Thyrea,  reduced,  314. 

Tigranes,  227. 

Timocrates,  443. 

Timogenidas,  226. 

Timolaus,  445. 

Timoleon,  character  of,  494  ;  expedilion 
to  Sicily,  495  ;  defeats  the  Cartha- 
ginians, 497  ;  becomes  a  Syracusan 
citizen,  498. 

Timotheus.  463  ;  his  success  on  the  west- 
ern coasts  of  Thrace,  465  ;  attacks  Za- 
cynthus,  466,  successful  naval  expedition 
of,  482  ;  indicted  and  condemned,  505. 

Tiribazus,  429,451. 

Tiryns,  remains  of,  29,  141. 

Tissaphernes,  348  ;  359,  420,  428  ;  attacks 
the  Ionian  cities,  438;   beheaded,  441. 

Tithraustes.  441,  443. 

Tolmides,  261,  263. 

Torone,  318. 

Tragedy,  Greek,  origin  of,  402. 

Trapezus,  431. 

"Treasury"  of  Atreus,  142. 

Triparadisus,  treaty  of,  558. 

Trilogies,  403. 

Triphvlian  cities,  474,  479. 

Thtty's,  90. 

Troezen,  7. 

Trojan  expedition,  22. 

Trov  captured,  24. 

Tyc'he,  337. 

Tyrant,  value  ot  the  term,  81. 

Tvre,  besieged  bv  Alexander,  536. 

Tvrtseus,  75,  13o'. 


u. 


Ulysses,  22. 
Uxians,  the,  540. 


Venus  de"  Medicis,  586. 

Wolf,  Homeric  theory  of,  44. 
Writing,  use  of,  44. 


Xanthian  marbles,  149. 

Xanihippus,  180;  recovers  the  Thraclan 
Chersonese,  228. 

Xenocrates,  596. 

Xenophanes,  137. 

Xenophon,  account  of,  412;  his  works, 
ib. ;  accompanies  Cyrus,  422  ;  his 
dream,  428  ;  saluted  General  of  the  Ten 
Thousand,  tb.  ;  returns  lo  Athens,  433  ; 
joins  Agesilaus,  446. 

Xer.xes,  character  of,  180;  subdues  Egypt, 
tb.  ;  chastises  the  Hellespont,  187  ; 
marches  towards  Greece,  188  ;  reviews 
his  troops,  ib. ;  crosses  the  Hellespont 
189  ;  number  of  hiu  host,  ib.  ;  takes 
.\thens,  209  ;  his  alac.ti  and  retreat,  212. 

Xuthus,  12. 


Zacynthus,  7. 
Zaleucus,  laws  of,  12i 
Zea,  384. 
Zeno,  598. 
Zeu^tce,  97. 
Zetis  Eleuthertos,  226. 
Zeuxis,  390. 
Zoroaster,  153. 


suicide,  123. 


Calliope,  the  Muse  of  Epic  Poetry. 


QUESTIONS 

ON 

DE.  WILLIAM  SMITH'S  HISTOEY  OF  GEEECE 

By  Rev.  CHARLES  BICKMORE. 


INTRODUCTION. 

OUTLINES    OF    GRECIAN   GEOGKAPIIT. 


§  1.  Describe  the  three  peninsulas  in  the  South  of  Euro))*. 

§  2.  What  is  the  h\titude,  and  what  are  the  names,  of  the  chain  of 
3j0untains  bounding  Greece  to  the  North  ? — Wluit  advantages  of  position 
hrfd  Greece  ? 

■5  3.  AVhat  are  the  extreme  latitude  and  longitude  of  Greece,  and  what 
its  dimensions  and  extent  ? — What  do  you  observe  of  the  political  state 
of  Greece  in  ancient  times: — Whence  arose  its  celebrity? 

§  -t.  How  did  the  Greeks  call  themselves  and  their  country  ? — Whence 
have  we  the  names  Greeks  and  Greece  1 — What  was  llie  original  extent 
of  the  name  Hellas? — What  tribes  were  not  reckoned  Hellenes ." — What 
was  the  north  boundary  of  Hellas  proi)er? — In  what  more  extended  sense 
was  the  word  Hellas  used  ? — What  countries  would  thus  be  included  in 
it? 

§  5.  Below  the  map  are  the  names  of  22  countries  ;  name  these,  and 
note  their  position. — Give  a  rough  sketch  of  this  ma])  and  its  jiriucipal 
features. — What  mountain  chain  in  Greece  corresj)onds  to  the  Apennines 
in  Italy  ? — What  are  the  North  and  South  boundaries  of  Thessaly  ? — 
What  are  the  position  and  height  of  the  European  Olympus  ? — What 
other  Olympus  was  there? — What  other  mountains  are  on  the  coast  of 
Thessaly? — What  break  is  there  in  these  mountains?— Wiiat  gives  ce- 
lebrity to  the  opening? — What  separates  Thessaly  from  Ejiiius? — Con- 
trast the  two  countries.— Which  is  the  largest  river  in  Greece? — Where 
does  it  flow? 

§  6.  Name  and  describe  the  two  gulfs  north  of  Central  Greece. — 
Name  the  countries  of  Central  Greece. — Describe  the  jjosition  of  Mounts 
Tymphrestus,  Othrys,  and  CEta. — What  names  do  the  mountains  wliich 
branch  from  the  Southeast  of  Findus  bear  ? — What  mountains  branch 
from  its  Southwest? 

§  7.  Describe  Doris  and  its  position. — Wiiat  river  rises  there  ? — Name 
and  distinguish  the  several  Locrians,  stating  their  position. — Descrilio 
Phocis. — Name  its  chief  mountain,  stating  tlie  heiglit. — Wluit  are  the 
boundaries,  character,  and  extent  of  Baotia? — Name  the  river  and  lake 
of  Bceotia. — Describe  Attica. — What  se])arates  it  from  the  rest  of 

2  k* 


658  QUESTIONS  ON  liwK  I. 

Greece? — Wliat  is  its  South  proniontorv  ? — What  country  comes  be- 
tween Atticii  iuul  Corintli  ? — Wliat  Kn"'s  docs  tlie  Isthmus  sejiuratc ? — 
Describe  tliciii.  —  How  wide  is  tiie  Isthmus,  and  wliat  is  its  diaractcr? 

§  S.  Wliat  ((uiiitrii's  t'orni  tlie  west  of  Central  Greece? — State  the  chief 
peculiarities  of  lhe>e  countries. 

§  !).  Whence  came  the  name  I'do/Kinnesiis? — What  several  natural 
objects  is  it  conceived  to  resemble? — Wliat  is  the  central  region  of  the 
Pelojionncsus? — Wiiicli  is  the  chief  river  of  the  I'clojionnesus,  and  where 
does  it  flow? — Where  and  of  what  height  is  Mount  Cyllene? 

§  10.  What  countries  besides  Arcadia  did  the  rdoponnesus  contain; 
— Describe  Achaia. — N'ame  the  states  comprised  in  Argolis,  stating  their 
several  ])ositions. — \\'hat  gulfs  enter  or  border  on  this  country? — Which 
arc  the  most  Southern  (irecian  states? — What  divides  them  ? — What  was 
Tainarum ? — What  its  modern  name? — What  is  the  river  ofLaconia? 
— What  river  drains  Messenia? — Describe  Elis. — Whence  its  chief  ce- 
lebrity ? 

§  11.  What  were  the  jiosition,  extent,  and  character  of  Kubeca? — 
Where  were  tlio  Cydades,  and  whence  their  name  ? — What  does  Sjiorades 
mean? — Where  were  the  islands  so  called? — Where  were  Crete  and 
Rhodes? — Name  the  isles  W.  of  Greece. — Where  was  Cythera  ? — What 
islands  occur  to  you  as  similarly  situated  ? 

§  12.  AYhat  political  intiuencc  had  the  jihysical  features  of  Greece? — 
Name  its  chief  mountain-])asses,  and  state  the  military  advantages  they 
afforded.— Show  by  comjjarison  the  great  extent  of  coast  in  Greece. — 
Of  what  advantage  was  this? 

§  13.  What  effects  had  the  several  natural  peculiarities  of  Greece  on 
the  character  of  its  j)C"0])le  ? 

§  14.  W/int  is  the  nutural  defidency  of  Greece? — How  is  this  caused? 
What  was  the  agricultural  produce  of  ancient  Greece  ? — What  were  it>s 
mineral  products? 

§  15.  Give  sonic  account  of  the  climate  of  Greece. 


BOOK   I. 

THE  MYTHICAL  AGE. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE    EARLIEST   INH.VBITANTS    OF   GREECE. 

§  1.  What  is  the  character  of  the  earliest  statements  relative  to  Greek 
history? — AVhat  general  rule  may  be  laid  down  with  regard  to  the  cred- 
ibility of  history? — When  did  the  Greeks  begin  to  emjiloy  writing  for 
recording  events  ? — Why  should  we  read  traditions  in  connection  wtfi 
history  ? 

§  2.  What  descent  did  the  Greeks  claim  for  the  ancestors  of  their 
tribes  ? — Give  the  supposed  genealogy  of  the  four  great  divisions  of  the 
Greek  race. 

Note. — This  genealogj'  would  be  most  easily  given  and  remwDbercd  in  such  a  form 
as  follows : 


Chap.  II.  SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  65'J 

Deucalion — Pyrrha 


I 
Ilellen 


Xiithus  JEiolua 


II  I  i 

The  Dorians  Ion  Achseus  Tlie  ^olian* 

I  I 

Tlie  loniana  The  Achacnns. 

The  young  student  will  do  well  to  consult  Dr.  Smith's  Classical  Dictionarj',  and  read 

diere  the  legends  concerning  the  mythic  characters  here  mentioned,  and  trace  up  their 

genealogy  to  tlie  gods  of  Greek  worsliiij. 

§  3.  Wliere  was  the  traditional  seat  of  Hcllen's  kingdom  ?— Wliat  does 
the  author  tell  us  respecting  the  ^olians  ? — Name  some  of  their  cities. 
•—What  is  recorded  of  the  Acha;ans  of  early  times? — Which  became  in 
historic  ages  the  more  imjiortant  tribes  ? — What  were  the  two  famous 
states  descended  from  these  ? 

§  4.  What  is  the  great  guide  in  tracing  the  origin  of  nations  ? — What 
are  the  Asiatic  and  what  the  European  branches  of  the  Indo-European 
race  ? 

§  5.  What  traces  exist  in  legends  concerning  the  language  and  coun- 
tries o?  the  Pelasi/ians  ? — What  is  known  of  the  mode  of  life  and  religion 
of  the  Pelasgians? — W^hat  account  is  given  of  the  division  of  the  IV-lasgi 
into  tribes,  and  of  the  rise  of  the  Hellenks? 

§  6.  On  what  grounds  does  the  author  discredit  the  traditions  of  an 
Oriental  origin  for  Greek  civilization  ? 

§  7.  Give  the  tradition  respecting  the  foundation  of  an  Egyptian  col- 
ony in  Attica. — Record  the  story  of  Danaus. — In  what  various  countries 
are  pyramids  found  ? 

§  8.   Tell  the  stories  respecting  Prxops. 

§  9.  Why  does  the  author  assign  more  credit  to  the  legends  of  I'hop 
nician  colonies? — Whence  and  whither  is  Cadmi'S  said  to  have  come? 
— From  whom  did  the  Greeks  gain  the  art  of  writing? — What  proves 
this  ? 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE    GRECIAN   HEUOES. 

§  1.  During  what  period  and  between  what  events  is  the  Homeric  age 
reckoned? — Name  the  three  most  celebrated  Grecian //eroe.v,  stating  some 
distinguishing  circumstance  resjiccting  each. 

§  2.  What  was  the  jjarcntage  of  Hekcules? — Wiiat  goddess  was  op- 
posed to  him,  and  whom  did  she  set  over  him  ? — Name  the  12  labors  of 
Hercules. — State  the  legend  relative  to  his  death. 

§  3.  What  was  the  parentage  of  Tin-:si;rs  ? — Record  some  of  his  ex- 
ploits.— Relate  the  story  of  his  adventures  in  connection  with  Crete. — 
What  Attic  institutions  are  assigned  to  Theseus? — Who  was  tlie  greal 
friend  of  Theseus  ?— What  were  their  joint  exiiloits?— Where  and  how 
is  Theseus  said  to  have  ]ierislied  ? 

§  4.   State  the  origin  of  Minos  and  the  legends  concerning  him. 

§  5.  Which  are  the  three  most  celebrateil  of  the  exi'editions  of  the 
Heroic  or  Mythic  age  ? 

>fOTE.— If  the  reader  will  consult  Dr.  Smith's  Classical  Dictionary,  articles  Calydon, 
Meleager,  and  Atalanta,  he  will  find  an  account  of  another  scarcely  less  famous  join* 
exploit.  The  Hunt  of  the  (Jalvdonian  Boab. 


nr,(>  QUP:STI0NS  on  Bwk  I 

— Tfll  the  story  of  tiie  AiuiONAtrxic  Exi'EniTiON,  naming  its  leader,  its 
object,  iiiid  tliL'  cliiff  lieroes  en;;a)4ed  in  it. 

§  (!.  Wluit  remark  is  made  respecting  the  ancient  royal  family  of 
Thebes  ill  coiiiKMtioii  with  literature ? — What  cireumstaiices  attended 
the  birth  and  nurture  of  (Kihits  ? — Hecount  his  subsequent  history-. — 
What  arc  the  particulars  of  the  first  expedition  af;ainst  Theljcs? — What 
was  the  war  of  the  Kpiguni,  and  what  its  result  ? — Find  in  a  cla.-sical 
dictionary  and  state  the  country  and  jjarentage  of  Hklen  and  the  par- 
iiculars  of  her  maniaj!;e. 

§  7.  What  caused  the  Tro.ian  wAit? — Wliat  was  the  numbc'r  of  the 
Grecian  fleet? — Who  were  the  piincipiil  (Jreek  heroes  in  thc'JVojan  war, 
and  for  what  was  each  famous? — Who  were  the  chief  men  amon^'  the 
Trojans  ? — Read  in  a  classical  dictionary  the  articles  Au/i.s  and  I/i/ii;/e7tia, 
and  state  the  result  of  vour  reference. — State  brief! v  the  argument  <jf  ihj 
Iliad. 

§  H.  Relate  the  adventures  of  Aniin.LKS  aft?r  the  close  of  the  Iliad. — 
What  are  the  legends  concerning  the  fall  of  Troy  ? 

§  9.  What  after  the  fall  of  Troy  were  the  adventures  oi  Agamemnon, 
of  (Jfij.sse.i,  of  Diom'-dps,  of  Jdomeupus? — Where  the  histoiT  does  not  help 
you,  refer  to  the  classical  dictionary. 

§  10.  Who  has  fixed  the  commonly  received  date  of  the  fall  of  Troy, 
and  to  what  year  ? 

§11.  State  the  author's  views  with  regard  to  the  real  or  fictitious  char- 
acter of  events  and  personages  assigned  to  the  Heroic  ages. 

§  12.  What  amount  of  truth  and  what  value  is  undoubtedly  assignable 
to  the  Homeric  poems  ? 

CHAPTER  III. 

STATE    OF    SOCIETY    OF    THE    HEROIC    AGE. 

§  1.  What  was  the  government  of  Greece  in  the  Heroic  age  ? — What 
were  the  position,  rights,  and  duties  of  the  King? — What  qualities  was 
he  obliged  to  have  in  order  to  keep  his  power? — What  bodies  acted  as  a 
cheek  on  his  absolute  sway? 

§  2.  Who  formed  the  fSovXt)  ? — What  power  had  this  council  ? 

§  3.   Describe  the  ayopa,  and  its  uses  in  the  Heroic  age. 

§  4.  What  distinction  had  the  noli/es  in  Heroic  times? — What  varions 
occupations  prevailed  among  the  freemen :' — In  what  condition  were  the 
slaves  ? 

§  5.  Mention  the  more  favorable  circumstances  in  the  social  life  of  the 
Heroic  age. — State  the  various  features  which  then  disfigured  the  aspect 
of  society. 

§  6.  Give  examples  of  the  great  simplicity  of  manners  which  then  pre- 
vailed as  shown  in  the  proceedings  of  the  men  and  of  the  women. 

§  7.  Mention  some  circumstances  which  show  advancement  in  arts 
and  civilization  in  the  Heroic  age.  — What  urchitccturul  remains  belong  to 
this  time  ? 

§  8.  Who  were  the  c\\\Qi  traders,  and  how  did  they  conduct  their  com- 
merce ? — How  far  had  the  Jine  arts  advanced? — How  was  jioetry  culti, 
vated  ? 

§  9.  What  were  the  ideas  and  knowledge  prevalent  as  to  natural  phe- 
nomena  and  geogrcip/ri/  ? 

§  10.  Describe  the  style  of  warfare,  and  the  arvis  of  the  Heroic  age*;. 


Uhap.  v.  smiths  history  OF  GREECE.  6GI 


CHAPTER  IV. 

RETURN   OF   THE    HERACLID^   INTO   PELOPONNESUS,   AND   FOCNDATION 
OP    THE    EARLIEST   GREEK    COLONIES. 

§  1.  How  far  must  we  receive,  and  in  what  respects  must  we  dis- 
credit, the  legends  respecting  the  population  of  Peloponnesus  and  Asia 
Minor? 

§  2.  At  what  date  and  under  what  circumstances  arc  the  Boeotians 
said  to  have  occupied  the  country  to  wliich  they  gave  name? 

§  3.  What  date  is  assigned  to  the  Dorian  conquest  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesus?— Why  is  it  jirobable  that  tlie  Dorian  conquest  is  much  later  than 
the  date  thus  assigned  ? — State  what  may  be  regarded  as  certain  re- 
specting the  Dorian  conquest. 

§  4.  What  mythic  name  is  given  to  this  conquest,  and  why? — Name 
the  leaders  of  tlie  successful  enterjjrise. — Where  is  Naupartus,  and  whence 
its  name? — What  is  it  now  called? — Wiiom  had  the  Ileradeids  to  op- 
pose, and  with  what  success? — What  migrations  resulted  to  tiie  Aduvans 
and  lonians  ? 

§  5.  Specify  the  countries  of  the  Peloponnesus  given  to  each  of  tin-  in- 
vading chiefs. — Name  the  cliief  towns  of  Argolis  acquired  by  Temenus 
and  his  successors. — Which  town  of  Laconia  resisted  the  Dorians,  and 
what  was  the  consequence? — Wliere  were  Amycla;  and  Ileios? — Wiio 
migrated  from  Mcssenia  on  the  Dorian  conquest? — Wiio  founded  the 
Dorian  power  in  Corinth,  and  what  race  were  then  exjjciled  ? 

§  6.  On  wliat  grounds  does  the  author  reject  the  mythic  legend  of  the 
Dorian  conquest? 

§  7.  What  Greek  trib2s  settled  in  the  W.  of  Asia  Minor?— "VNTiat  por- 
tion of  it  did  they  respectively  occu]iy? 

§8.   Which  were  the  chief  ^/-'o/m;  colonies? 

§  9.  Who  is  said  to  have  led  the  lonians,  and  from  what  countr}-  did 
thev  sail?— Wliat  rivers  bounded  the  country  of  the  Ionic  colonics?^ 
Name  the  v\\\ci  Ionian  colonics. — What  islands  did  they  also  occupy? 

§  10.  Give  an  account  of  the  most  celebrated  Z>onc  mip-ation. — State 
what  cities  were  thereby  founded,  and  where  they  were  situated. 

§  11.  What  islands  were  ])co]jled  by  Doric  colonies?— Give  an  account 
of  the  Mimjan  expedition  lo  Crete.— State  the  cities  thus  founded. 

§  12.  How  long  a  period  was  the  INIythical  age  earlier  tluui  the  com- 
mon date  given  for  the  first  Olymi.iad"?- Show  that  early  tireek  chro- 
nology can  not  bi  authentic. 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE    POEMS    OF    HOMER. 

§  1.  State  several  circumstances  which  show  the  importance  of  the 
Homeric  Poems. — Name  these  works. 

§  2.  Was  prose  or  jiocln/  earlier  cultivated?— What  were  the  earliest 
poems  ?— What  evulence  "have  wc  of  the  existence  of  poems  before 

Homer?  ,        ,     t        <-.  o 

§  3.   What  events  mark  the  beginning  and  cud  of  the  Knc  (  ycle  .  — 

Who  arranged  the  poems  which  describe  the  events  it  comprises?— How 

came  the  term  ''Ci/c.Hc  writer''  to  imply  contemjit  ? 

§  4.  Recite  the  couplet  naming  the  cities  which  chum  Homer  as  a 


662  QUESTIONS  ON  Rook  II. 

native. — "What  Icjrctid.s  arc  told  of  liirri? — What  was  his  prohabie  time? 
— (live  reasons  for  the  hclicf. 

§  5.  Contrast  tlic  condition  of  literatinx-  in  the  early  times  of  Greece 
witii  that  of  our  own  time. — II(j\v  and  on  wliat  oeeasions  were  the  Iliad 
and  Odyssey  lirst  indiiisiicd  to  mankind  ''. — (jive  an  aceount  of  tiie  K!iai> 
Bodies,  and  state  tiie  ))rohabIe  derivati(jns  of  the  term. 

§  G,  When  did  eojjies  of  the  Homerie  poems  hefiin  to  he  found? — 
How  eame  variations  to  be  made  in  the  text? — What  fjreat  persona^rcs 
are  said  to  have  directed  their  attention  to  their  collection  and  arrange- 
ment ? 

§  7.  With  what  critics  did  the  ojiinion  arise  that  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey 
were  not  originally  xiiKjIc  /locms^ — State  liicNXi.KY's  views. — What  was 
Wolfe's  hyjwthpsis? 

§  8.  What  jiroofx  show  tliat  the  Homeric  Poems  were  originally  not 
written? — What  is  the  i)roof  from  tlie  tlirfdiinna? 

§  9.  What  reasons  render  it  probable  that  the  poems  may  hare  been 
,«membered  without  writing? 

§  10.  Wiiat  does  Dr.  tmith  state  to  be  the  usual  conclusion  of  the  best 
modern  scholars? 


BOOK   II. 
GROWTH  OF  THE  GRECIAK  STATES. 

(B.C.  7T6-500.) 
CHAPTER  VI. 

GENERAL    SURVEY    OF    THE    GREEK    I'tOPLE. 

§  1.  What  compass  of  time  does  Book  II.  embrace? — What  circnm- 
Btance  materially  adds  to  the  difficulty  of  Grecian  his'ory  ? — What  great 
event  first  taught  the  Greeks  the  necessity  of  union  ? 

§  2.  What  ties  united  the  Greeks? — What  did  th«  word  jiap^apoQ 
mean  in  a  Greek's  mouth. 

§  3.  What  twofold  origin  was  there  to  meetings  ? — G»ve  instances  of 
each  kind. 

§  4.  Give  two  derivations  for  the  word  rt/i^ijcnioi'ia.'  -How  did  the 
most  celebrated  gain  its  importance  ? — Where  did  it  hold  its  meetings? — 
What  tribes  Avere  the  original  members  of  the  congress?  —What  were 
the  duties  of  the  Am])hietyonic  council? — What  was  the  date  and  cause 
of  the  First  Sacred  War? — State  its  duration  and  result. 

§  5.  Name  the  four  f/ re  at  Grecian  fextlvnh. — Where  were  the  Olympic 
Games  held? — What  is  the  date  of  the  first  regular  Olympiad? — When 
was  the  festival  established,  and  by  whom  ? — State  some  circumstances 
Jhat  show  the  imjiortance  in  which  it  was  held. — What  exercises  and 
J'aces  were  practiced  there? — What  prize  and  what  honoi^s  wert^  gi%tn  to 
die  victors  ? 

§  6.  Give  an  account  of  the  constitution  of  the  Pi/thian  Games. — "Where 
wei'e  they  held  ? — Where  were  the  2\'eiiiean  and  Isthmian  Games  respect- 
brely  celebrated  ? — In  whose  honor  in  each  case  ? 

§  7.  What  advantages  arose  from  the  great  festivals  and  games  ? 

§  8.   What  may  we  rockdii  tlie  tliivd  bond  of  union  among  the  Greeks' 


Chap.  VII.         SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  663 

— Which  was  the  most  celebrated  Grecian  oracle  ?— Give  a  detailed  ac 
count  of  it. 

§  9.  Mention  some  practices  inconsistent  with  civilization  from  which 
the  Greeks  were  free. 

§  10.  What  remaric  must  be  carefully  borne  in  mind  respecting  tlie 
political  relations  of  the  Greeks? — How  far  did  they  carry  their  patrioU 
ism  and  their  divisions  ? — What  resulted  from  this  ? 

CHAPTER   VII. 

3ARLT    HISTORY    OF    I'ELOPOSNESCS,  AND    LEGISLATION    OF    LYCURGCS. 

§  1,  Name  some  princes  with  their  cities  famous  in  the  Peloponnesus 
in  the  Heroic  age. — How  were  their  houses  displaced? — What  states 
were  included  in  Elis,  and  from  whom  was  the  population  of  each  de- 
scended?— What  were  the  limits  and  position  of  ^W-haia? — What  was 
the  name  and  character  of  the  central  region  of  the  Peloponnesus? — 
What  its  cities? 

§  2.  Name  the  Dorian  states  in  the  Peloponnesus. — Whence  aroso  the 
power  of  Argos  in  early  times  ? 

§  3.  At  what  time  and  where  did  Plildon  flourish  ? — Give  an  account 
of  his  exploits. — What  institutions  of  a  permanent  character  are  stscribed 
to  him? 

§  4.  To  whom  did  the  ancients  refer  the  Spartan  laws? — Why  can  not 
we  be  certain  of  the  truth  of  this? 

§  5.  What  date  docs  the  author  ascribe  to  LYCURGUS  ?— Wliat  is 
the  commonly  received  date? 

NoTE.^In  the  common  chronology  b.o.  834  is  the  d.ate  for  Lycur^is,  which  may  l)c 
remembered  as  Uiree  eights  nearly.  The  date  in  Dr.  Smith's  te.xt  is  also  tliat  of  the 
regular  Olympiad,  or  nearly  three  sevens.  It  is  twenty-three  years  earlier  than  the 
foundation  of  Kome,  29  years  before  the  a>ra  of  Nabonassar  and  the  end  of  the  firrit  Aj- 
f-yrian  monarchy.  See  Comparative  Tables  of  History  and  Clironology  by  W.  E.  Hick- 
more,  published  by  Bell  and  Daldy. 

— What  disinterested  conduct  is  recorded  of  Lycurgus  in  his  early  life? 
- — What  countries  is  he  said  to  have  visited  ? — What  sanction  did  he  gain 
for  his  laws? — Under  what  circumstances  did  he  leave  Sparta? 

§  6.  What  was  the  position  of  the  Spartans  in  their  country? — What 
the  special  object  of  Lycurgus's  laws  ? 

§  7.  How  was  the  population  of  Laconia  divided? — Who  were  the 
S/>artans,  and  what  their  condition  ? — How  did  inequality  among  them 
arise  ? 

§  8.  What  were  the  condition,  privileges,  and  employments  of  tlie  /V- 
riceci  ? 

§  9.  What  were  the  condition  and  employments  of  the  Ilclntx? — 
What  accounts  ai"c  given  of  the  origin  of  these  ]jeo])le  and  of  their  name  f 
— How  did  they  dress,  and  what  treatment  did  they  receive? — (Jive  an 
account  of  the  Cnjpt'm. — Exj)lain  the  word  Neodainddcs,  and  its  ajjpli- 
cation. 

§  10.  What  various  powers  had  a  nominal  or  real  share  in  the  Spnr- 
tan  government? — How  did  it  hap])!'ii  there  were  tiro  kings? — What 
power  had  the  kings  at  various  times? — WliMt  ]>rivilegcs  did  they  always 
retain? — What  was  the  Senate  called?— What  jiower  had  they?— Wliat 
influence  had  the  po/ndar  assembly/ — What  jjowi-r  had  the  JCphors  orig- 
inally and  subsequently  ? — What  then  was  the  true  character  of  the  Spar- 
tan government  ? 

§  11.  What  was  the  relation  between  a  Spartan  citizen  and  tlie  state? 


604  QUESTIONS  ON  Book  II. 

— How  were  the  hnlies  tieiitcil? — How  were  tlio  young  hoys  trained? — 
What  literary  eiiUiiri!  had  tlie  young  Sjiartans':' — J  low  did  the  yrown 
men  live  and  occtipy  themselves?  —  l)eseril)(!  the  Sijssitiu. 

§  12.  How  were  tlic  S/iiirt(tu  f/irls  i)njiight  up? — Give  instances  of  the 
patriotism  antl  hardness  of  ,S/iartfin  iiiot/ir.rs. 

§  ilJ.  What  re}fiilalion  is  erroneously  ascrii)e(l  to  Lycurgus  respecting 
the  land? — Why  is  this  diseredited? — When  and  how  did  the  notion 
probably  arise  ? 

§  14.  What  vioiicy  had  the  Spartans? — Show  that  this  did  not  come 
from  Lyeiir};as's  institution.  —  Did  it  secure  honesty? — State  and  give  in- 
stances of  two  cliaracteristie  (|iialitir's  of  the  Sjtaitans. 

§  l.">.  Describe  the  ])osition  of  Sparta. 

§  1 G.   State  the  efiect  and  results  of  Lycurgus's  legislation. 

CHAPTER   VIII. 

HISTORY   OF    SPARTA.       THE  MESSKNIAN,   ARCADIAN,   AND   ARGIVE    WARS. 

§  1.  Against  what  powers  were  the  early  wars  of  Sparta  waged? — 
With  what  results? — From  what  sources  have  we  the  account  of  ihc 
two  first  Messenian  wars? — What  dates  are  assigned  to  them  ? 

§  2.  What  origin  is  assigned  to  the  first  Messenian  war? — Give  the 
two  accounts  of  the  story. — What  ])rivate  (piarrel  brought  on  the  war? 
— How  did  it  begin? — How  did  Euphaes  conduct  the  war? — What 
strong  ])ositions  did  the  Messenians  occupy? — What  sacrifice  did  the 
oracle  declare  necessary? — Who  succeeded  Euphaes? — What  was  his 
fate? — How  and  wiien  did  the  war  end? — What  became  of  the  Messe- 
nians ? 

§  3.  How  long  an  interval  was  between  the  first  and  second  Messenian 
wars? — Who  was  the  great  hero  of  the  second  war? — How  were  the 
Pelojjonncsian  states  divided  in  the  struggle? — Wliat  were  the  earliest 
exploits  of  Aristo.mknes  ? — What  leader  did  the  Sjiartans  oljtain,  and 
how  did  he  aid  them  ? — What  great  battle  did  Aristomenes  gain  ? — How 
was  his  subsequent  defeat  occasioned? — What  fort  did  he  fortify? — Ke- 
count  some  of  his  subsequent  adventures. — Where  did  he  end  his  days? 

Note. — Tlie  onfl  of  tlie  second  Messenian  wnr  may  be  rememl)ered  by  0(56,  wbicb  Is 
the  time  of  TuIIuh  llo-tiliii-*,  fourth  king  of  Rome,  and  GO  years  before  the  captivity  of 
"ihe  Jew.s  under  Nebuchiulnezzar. 

§  4.  Mention  some  particulars  of  the  struggle  between  the  Sjiartans 
and  Tegea. — State  its  result. 

§  5.  Relate  the  history  of  the  combat  in  which  Oturyadks  gained 
renown. — What  did  Sparta  thereby  gain? 

CHAPTER   IX. 

THE    AGE    OF   THE    DESPOT.-S. 

§  1 .  How  does  the  author  account  for  the  abolition  of  royalty  in  the 
jrreck  states? — What  magistrates  took  the  jilace  of  kings? 

§  2.  Distinguish  betwen  Ollt/arcfiy  and  Democracy,  exjilaining  the  der- 
iTation  of  the  words. — AVhat  does  Geiimori  mean  ? — What  rulers  over- 
threw the  oligarchies? 

§  3.  How  does  the  Greek  word  Tvoarvoi;  differ  in  sense  from  the  En- 
glish word  Tyrant? — What  word  does  the  author  use  to  express  Ti''pav- 
voQ? — How  did  these  rulers  most  commonly  rise  to  power? — What  was 
the  usual  progress  of  events  under  the  despots? 


Chap.  X.  SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  GG3 

§  4.  What  part  did  Sparta  take  witli  regard  to  the  desjiots? — Whicli 
party  did  she  wish  to  favor '/ — Show  that  the  result  was  not  always  ac- 
cording to  her  views. 

§  5.  Where  is  Sicyon? — Who  founded  the  despotic  dynasty  there? — 
Who  was  the  last  of  that  dynasty? — State  the  chief  events  in  the  his- 
tory of  this  Clisthenes  of  Sicyon. — What  other  Clisthcnes  was  descended 
from  him  ? 

§  6.  Who  founded  the  dynasty  of  the  despots  of  Corinth  ? — What  fam- 
ily did  he  overthrow,  and  when? — ^^'hence  did  he  have  his  name? — 
Who  succeeded  him? — What  was  the  nature  of  Pekianuku's  rule? — 
What  anecdotes  are  told  of  him  ? — What  was  the  condition  of  Corinth 
under  him  ? — What  were  his  domestic  troubles  ? 

§  7.  What  poet  gave  an  accountof  the  Megarian  revolutions? — What 
was  the  course  of  events  there  ? 

CHAPTER  X. 

EARLY  IIISTOEY  OF  ATHENS  DOWN  TO  THE  USURPATION  OF  PISISTRATUS. 

§  1 .  Wliat  is  the  subject  of  Chap.  X.  ? — What  characters  arc  famous 
in  early  Athenian  history,  and  for  what? 

§  2.  Tell  the  story  of  Codrus. — What  office  was  substituted  for  that 
of  king? — What  successive  changes  were  made  in  the  office? — Was 
Athens  under  a  democrary  or  an  aristocracy  during  this  time  ? 

§  3.  What  orders  of  people  existed  at  Athens  under  its  oligarchy? — 
Compare  them  with  the  Roman  orders. — What  tribes  existed  in  Attica 
in  early  times? 

§  4.  Give  some  account  of  the  supposed  subdivision  of  the  Athenian 
tribes. — What  customs  were  connected  with  this  subdivision? 

§  5.  What  does  the  author  consider  the  fii'st  historical  date  in  the  af- 
fairs of  Athens  ?— How  many  archons  were  annually  chosen  ? — What 
various  duties  had  they? — What  is  the  origin  iii\.\:ft\sm\S.  Arenpa(jus? — 
Who  formed  the  council  that  met  there? 

§  0.  Who  was  the  earliest  Icyislator  of  Athens? — What  rendered  his 
appointment  requisite  ? — ^^^lat  was  the  nature  of  his  legislation  ? — Is 
the  popular  opinion  certainly  correct  ? 

§  7.  Did  Draco's  laws  secure  quiet  to  Athens? — Give  an  account  of 
the  origin  of  Cylon.,  and  of  the  distinction  lie  acquired. — What  was  the 
result  of  his  attempts  to  gain  jiower  ? — What  sacrilege  was  committed, 
and  on  whom  did  its  consequences  fall  ? — At  what  date  were  the  A/cina- 
onidce  expelled  ? 

§  S.  Whom  did  the  Athenians  invite  to  advise  them  relative  to  the 
purification  of  their  city  ?— Wiiat  i)hin  did  he  recommend  ? 

§  !).  Give  an  account  of  Solon's  parentage  and  early  lif>'. — How  did 
he  act  with  regard  to  the  recovery  of  Salamis,  and  with  what  success? 

§  10.  What  factions  divided  Attica  prior  to  Solon's  legislation? — 
What  was  the  condition  of  the  poor,  and  whence  did  it  arise? 

§  11.  When  was  Solon  chosen  Archon,  and  with  what  power? — Why 
did  he  not  make  himself  absolute  ? 

§  12.   What  were  his  first  measures  for  relieving  the  peojdc? 

§  1.3.  How  did  he  act  relative  to  Draco's  laws?— Kxphiin  OUgnrrhy 
jnd  Tivtocracy. — How  did  Solon  diviilc  the  Athenian  citizens? — What 
were  the  nanies,  the  proi)erty,  and  the  duties  of  each  class? — How  did 
he  greatly  extend  the  power  of  the  less  wealthy  classes? 

§  14.  "\Vhat  business  did  he  assign  to  the  new  Senate? — How  nrd 


666  QUESTIONS  OX  K<x>k  1L 

from  whom  was  this  body  chosen? — Wlint  duties  did  he  assign  to  the 
Areopagitt's  ? — Name  some  institutions  of  a  later  age  than  Solon. 

§  15.  Have  we  any  detailed  aceount  of  Solon's  laws? — State  some  of 
his  regulations  and  enactments,  speeifying  their  ohjeets. 

§  I(>.  What  leniark  did  Solon  make  on  his  laws? — What  countries 
did  lie  sid)se(|nently  visit? — Tell  the  storj'  concerning  his  supposed  con- 
versation \\itli  Crcesns. 

§  17.  Who  headed  each  of  flu;  three  factions  at  Athens  after  Solon's 
legislation? — What  ad\H»ntages  had  I'isistkatl's  ? — By  what  stratagem 
did  he  gain  a  force  for  his  defense? — Kelatc  the  close  of  Solon's  histor)'. 

CHAPTER  XI. 

IIISTOKV    OF    ATIir.NS    FROM    THE    USrRPATION    OK    PISISTRATfS    TO    TflE 
ESTABLISIIMIiNT    OE    THE    DEMOCRACY    BY    CLISTIIENES. 

§  1.  Give  tlie  date  of  Pisistratus's  usiu^patitin. — How  was  he  exfjelled? 
— By  what  stratagem  restored  ? 

§  2.  What  caused  his  second  ex])nlsinn  ? — By  what  means  and  under 
what  circumstances  did  he  finally  gain  power  ? 

§  3.  Describe  the  measures  lie  adopted  to  secure  his  rule. — Show  that 
his  government  was  not  oppressive. — Dcscril)e  some  of  his  great  public 
works. — Name  his  exertions  in  fiivor  of  learning. — What  great  Jiouuin 
has  been  comj)ared  to  him,  and  on  what  grounds  ? 

§  4.  W^ho  succeeded  Pisistratus  ? — State  seme  instances  of  their  taste 
and  good  government. — What  occasioned  the  conspiracy  oi  Hannodius 
and  Arislo()eiton? — State  what  then  occurred. — Wiiat  was  the  fate  of 
the  two  conspirators  ? 

§  .5.  What  change  in  Ilipjila.t  did  the  death  of  his  brother  occasion? 
— Wliat  alliances  did  he  contract? — What  family  attemjjted  his  over- 
throw ?— How  did  they  gain  the  aid  of  the  Spartans? — How  was  Hip- 
pias  finally  expelled  ? — Whither  did  he  retire  ? 

§  G.  W^hat  was  the  date  of  Hippias's  expulsion? — How  nearly  does 
this  synchronize  with  the  expulsion  of  the  Tarquins  from  Home?  (See 
Biekmore's  Tables  as  before.) — How  was  the  memory  of  the  Pisistratidie 
regarded,  and  why  ? — W^hat  honors  were  paid  to  the  descendants  of 
Harmodius  and  Aristogeiton  ? 

§  7.  Who  was  the  rival,  and  who  the  supporters,  of  Clisthexes  in 
his  changes  in  the  Athenian  constitution  ? 

§  8.  W^liat  was  the  most  important  change  made  by  Clisthenes  ? — 
Describe  it  minutely. — What  peculiar  arrangement  showed  his  sagacity  ? 
— Describe  the  Demes,  and  say  how  they  were  governed. 

§  9.  What  alteration  did  he  make  in  the  Senate  ? — What  were  the 
Pry'tanies  ? — What  divisions  were  there  of  the  Attic  year  and  senate  f — 
What  was  intrusted  to  the  Epistatcs  ? 

§  10.  Describe  the  ECCLESIA.— What  power  had  it?— What  was 
the  nature  of  the  constitution  of'  Clisthenes  f 

§  11.  What  change  did  Clisthenes  make  in  xho  jiulicial  power  of  the 
people  ? — How  did  he  alter  the  militfinj  urran<jements  of  the  state  ? — On 
what  occasion  did  this  system  prominently  appear? 

§  12.  What  was  the  etlect  of  the  ostracism? — Why  was  it  requisite, 
and  what  its  object? — What  precautions  were  taken  to  guard  against 
its  abuse? — Describe  the  method  of  voting  and  origin  of  the  name. — 
What  proves  its  utility  ? 

§  13.  How  did  Isagoras  and  liis  party  strive  to  destroy  the  power  of 


Chap.  XII.         SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  667 

Clisthenes  ? — "What  government  was  then  set  np  ?— How  did  the  Athe- 
nian  people  act? — What  was  the  final  result  of  these  attempts  ? 

§  14.  Why  did  Clisthenes  send  envoys  to  Sardis  ?— How  did  the  re- 
sult of  this  embassy  offend  the  Athenians? — Wiiat  measures  did  C!eo- 
menes  devise? — How  were  they  frustrated? — What  vengeance  did  the 
Athenians  take  on  the  Thebans  and  Chalcidians  ? — What  increase  of 
power  did  they  thus  gain? 

§  15.  Describe  the  third  attempt  of  the  Spartans  against  the  Athenian 
democracy. — How  was  it  frustrated  ? — Quote  the  language  of  the  Co- 
rinthian envoys. — To  what  places  clitl  Hipjiias  successively  go? 

§  16.  What  effect  had  the  estalilishment  of  democracy  on  the  Atiie- 
aian  character  ? 

CHAPTER  XII. 

HISTORY    OF    THE    GREEK    COLONIES. 

§  1.  What  is  the  subject  of  Chap.  XII.? — Where  was  Trajiezris? — 
Where  Massalia? — Is  it  always  so  spelt  in  ancient  writers? — Where 
was  Cijrene? — In  what  sense  were  these  places  in  Hellas? 

§  2.  Give  from  the«note  the  Greek  terms  connected  with  a  colony. — 
What  were  the  chief  causes  of  sending  out  colonies  among  the  (ireeks? 
— AVhat  was  the  relation  of  the  colony  to  the  i)arent  state  ? — What  me- 
morials were  maintained  of  their  connection? — What  notable  exception 
was  there  in  Greek  history  to  the  observance  of  this  connection  ? 

§  3.  What  remarkable  contrast  may  be  drawn  between  (ireek  and 
modern  colonies  ? — llow  did  a  Greek  colony  choose  its  site  for  a  city  ? — 
What  buildings  did  they  at  once  provide? — What  various  relations  sub- 
sisted between  the  Greek  colonists  and  the  aboriginal  inhabitants? — 
W^hat  effect  had  colonization  on  the  development  of  democracy  ? — Ac- 
count for  this. — Name  with  their  position  some  Greek  colonics  that 
gained  great  wealth. — Describe  the  four  groups  into  which  the  Greek 
colonics  may  be  divided. 

§  4.  What  thiee  Greek  tribes  founded  colonics  on  the  W.  coast  of 
Asia  Minor? — Which  of  these  became  most  eminent? — How? — Which 
Ionic  city  was  at  first  most  flourishing  ? — What  colonies  were  formed  by 
it? — What  Ionic  city  was  afterwanl  famous? — What  were  the  sources 
of  its  power  ? — What  famous  colony  did  the  Phocanms  plant  ? — Distin- 
guish the  Phocitans  from  the  P/iocians. 

§  5.  About  what  time  were  the  colonics  founded  whose  origin  we  can 
historically  trace? — With  what  events  tlicn  in  Roman,  Jewish,  and  As- 
syrian histories  would  their  foundation  1)C  nearly  contemporary  ?  (See 
Bickmore's  Tables.) — AVhat  was  the  oldest  Greek  colony  in  Italy? — 
Where  was  it  placed  ? — In  the  reign  of  what  Hebrew  king  would  this 
be? 

§  G.  What  tribes  and  settlements  were  in  Sicily  before  the  Greeks? — 
Which  were  the  two  most  powerful  Greek  cities  in  that  island  ? — De- 
scribe their  position. — Name  from  the  note  some  other  Cireek  cities  in 
Sicily. — What  extent  and  population  did  Syracuse  attain  ? — At  what 
time  and  under  whom  did  its  affairs  become  known? — (iive  some  ac- 
count of  agriculture. — What  is  known  concerning  Rlialaris? — AVliat 
celebrated  modern  controversy  is  connected  with  liini  ? — Uniw  a  mugli 
map  of  Sicily  with  the  positions  of  the  Greek  cities. — What  ]iower  subse- 
quently checked  their  ]>rogress? 

§  7.  What  name  given  to  S.  Italy  shows  the  importance  of  its  Greek 


6(>8  QIIKSTIONS  ON  Hook  II. 

settlements ?--\\'liiili  wore  the  two  most  jiowerfiil  fin-ek  eitics  in  S. 
Italy? — Dfscrilic  tlicir  ])osiii(>ii. — For  what  was  Sylmris  nfmsirkahle  ? — 
III  what  respeets  was  ( Proton  fainouM  ? — Dcscrihe,  with  its  particulars  and 
result,  tiu-  war  ht-twixt  them. 

§  H.  Naiuc  the  three  (Ircek  towns  in  S.  Italy  next  in  importance  to 
Svtmris  and  Croton,  and  state  their  ])r)sition. — Whence  arose  the  early 
celchrity  of  the  K])izephyrian  Locri  ? — Give  som<;  aeeount  of  Zaleuciis 
and  his  laws. — What  can  you  state  concerning  Hheffium  ? 

§  !).  When,  hy  whom,  and  under  what  circumstances  was  Tarentum 
founded? — What  advantages  had  it? — What  cireumstanccB  caased  tho 
decline  of  the  Greek  cities  in  S.  Italy? 

§  10.  Where  was  Ma-ssalia  ? — What  its  modern  name  ? — Wherein  lay 
its  iinportiuiee? 

§11.  When,  how,  and  from  w  hom  did  the  Greeks  ohtain  permission 
to  settle  in  N.  Africa? — Wiiat  were  the  two  most  important  Greek  cities 
in  N.  Africa? — Wiiat  advantages  liad  C'yrene? — How  was  it  long  gov- 
erned ? 

§  12.  Name  the  chief  Greek  cities  in  and  near  Epirns. — What  can 
you  state  with  regard  to  Gorcyra  ? — Which  were  the  chief  colonies  in 
Macedon  ? — What  were  the  most  flourisl:ing  colonics  in  Thrace  ? 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

UISTORY    OF    LITERATURE. 

§  1.  What  was  the  character  of  the  Greeks  as  respects  literature? — 
What  two  kinds  of  composition  were  alone  cultivated  hefore  the  historic 
ages? — Give  me  your  idea  of  the  nature  of  J'J/>ic  and  oi  Lyric  poetr}', 
and  of  the  qualities  j)redominant  in  each. 

§  2.  What  were  the  suhjects  of  the  Homeric  poems? — On  what  do 
ihose  aserihed  to  Hesiod  treat? — What  qualities  liave  the  poems  in  com- 
jnon  ? — Where  were  they  respectively  eomjiosed? 

§  3.  What  works  hear  the  name  of  Ilfsiod/ — What  do  we  learn  of 
Hesiod's  liistoryfrom  his  own  statements? — What  does  the  author  mean 
by  a  didactic  poem  ? — By  what  classes  were  Hesiod's  j)(K?ms  esteemed, 
and  where  were  they  desj)ised  ? — AVliat  opinions  have  been  held  as  to 
the  date  when  Hesiod  wrote  ? 

§  4.  Wliat  causes  temied  to  the  rise  and  advancement  of  Lyric  poetry? 
— On  what  occasions  did  the  Greeks  employ  it  ? 

§  5.  What  sorts  of  verse  did  Archilochus  invent? — What  is  said  of  his 
history  ? 

§  G.  What  writers  named  Simonidcs  require  to  Itc  distinguished  from 
each  other? — What  remains  are  extant  of  the  earlier  of  that  name  ? 

§  7.  What  Lyric  ))oets  did  Sparta  jiroduce  ? — What  notice  have  we 
already  had  of  one  of  tiiese? — What  can  you  tell  me  of  the  other? 

§  8.  What  two  poets  greatly  imjiroved  Cliorcd  ])oetry  ? — Tell  the  story 
of  virion. — Look  into  the  classical  dictionan'  for  Orion,  and  discriminate 
these  persons.— What  can  you  tell  of  the  JJitfii/nimb ? — Relate  what  is 
known  of  Slesic'.orus. — What  particular  improvement  is  a.scribed  to  him  ? 

§  0.  What  Lyric  writers  were  natives  of  Mitiilene  ? — What  character- 
istics are  common  to  tlieir  works? — Relate  the  history  of  Alraus. — What 
great  testimonies  were  given  to  the  excellence  of  Sappho's  poetry  ? — 
Wliat  legends  and  faets  are  extant  concerning  her  life  ? 

§  H).  When  and  where  <lid  Auturcon  flourish? — What  do  we  know 
of  his  life? — What  was  the  nature  of  his  poetry? 


Chap.  XIV.         SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  669 

§  11.  For  what  were  the  seven  Sages  renowned? — Give  their  names, 
countries,  and  sayings  as  commonly  reclvoned. 

§  12.  Which  were  the  earliest  schools  of  Greek  ])ldlosophij  ? — Who 
were  the  chief  philosophers  in  each  ? — Give  some  account  of  Tiiales. 
— Who  was  the  most  illustrious  of  the  Ionic  school  ? — Who  were  among 
his  hearers  ? — What  did  he  teach  ? 

§  13.   What  was  the  prevailiujj;  idea  oi  Xenophanes? 

§  14.  Where  and  when  was  Pythagoras  horn? — What  countries  did 
he  visit? — Do  you  know  the  word  Metemjisyc/iosis,  and  what  it  means? 
— What  Orientals  teach  this  doctrine  ? — What  sciences  did  Pytha;,'oras 
teach  ? — Where  did  he  chiefly  teach  ? — How  was  his  influence  in  this 
place  shown? — What  was  the  result  of  tlie  Crotoniat  conquest  of  SybariB 
to  the  Pythagorean  order  ? 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

HISTORY    OF    ART. 

§  1.  What  circumstances  evince  the  great  eminence  of  Grecian  art? 

§  2.   Whence  does  the  cultivation  of  Architecture  arise  ? 

§  3.  Where  are  found  the  earliest  productions  of  Grecian  builders  ? — • 
Describe  the  three  gradations  of  im])rovemcnt,  citing  an  instance  of  each. 
— Descril)e  what  is  called  the  Treasury  of  Atreus. 

§  4.  Whence  was  the  form  of  the  Greek  temple  derived? — What  may 
have  been  the  origin  of  the  coliuiin'/ — What  were  the  three  ])arts  of  the 
Greek  tem])le  ? — What  is  meant  by  I/ij/ntn/irdl  / — What  are  the  parts  of 
the  column'/ — What  of  the  entablature/ — What  arc  the  three  Greek  or- 
ders ? 

Note. —Writers  on  architecture  differ  .aa  to  wliether  the  idea  of  a  column  arose  from 
a  tree,  or  whether  tlie  Greeks  imitated  tlie  architecture  of  the  Kgy^itiins.  The  Roman 
copies  of  the  Grecian  orders  were  varied  in  many  particulars.  The  addition  of  the 
Tusmn  and  Composite  orders  complete  the  Five  Okdees  op  Systematic  Architec- 
ture. Tlie  Txisran  was  massive  and  simple,  bearing  much  resemblance  to  the  Doric. 
Tlie  Composite  was  even  more  ornamented  than  the  Corinthian. 

— W^hat  additional  orders  are  found  in  ancient  buildings? — What  ara 
their  characteristics? 

§  5.  Describe  tho  Doric  order. — What  are  tri(/l.i/f)hs  and  metopes? — 
Describe  the  Ionic  order.— What  especially  characterizes  the  Corinthian 
column  ? — Whence  did  this  ornament  arise? 

§  G.  Describe  the  famous  tem])le  at  E])hesus. — When  was  it  built?— 
When  and  how  destroyed? — In  what  jjart  of  Holy  Scripture  is  the  Ephe- 
sian  goddess  noticed  ?^Wlicre  had  the  goddess  Hera  a  famous  temple? 
— What  great  structure  did  Pisistratus  begin  ? — Who  completed  it  ? — 
What  great  ancient  Greek  temples  still  exist  entire  or  in  part? 

§  7.  Of  what  material  were  the  earliest  statues? — What  legendary 
names  are  assigned  to  the  families  of  the  earliest  sculptors  ? — When 
were  the  first  statues  in  marble  and  metal  made  ? 

§  8.  What  inventions  in  the  sixth  century  B.C.  occasioned  great  im- 
provement in  siatuary? — In  what  cities  were  the  earliest  schools  of  im- 
jiroved  sculpture  founded? — What  statues  of  men  were  the  earliest  pro- 
duced? 

§  9  Name  and  describe  some  specimens  still  extant  of  early  sculpture. 
— Where  were  they  found,  and  wiiere  are  they  now? 

§  10.  How  near  does  Homer  come  to  ihe  mention  of  jiainting?— 
What  was  the  earliest  use  o( /laintinff/- -What  instances  of  early  paint- 
ings and  painters  can  you  record? 


(570  QUESTIONS  ON  Bwk  111 


BOOK    III. 
•niE  PERSIAN  WARa 

(B.C.  500-47S.) 
CHAPTER  XV. 

THE    RISE    AND    GUOWTIt    OK    TIIK    PKUSIVN    KMPinE. 

§  1.  Wliat  is  the  subject  of  Book  III.  ? — Wliat  space  of  time  does  it 
embrace? — What  ciiaiige  appears  in  Grecian  liistory  at  this  time? 

§  2.  Wliat  was  tlie  capital  of  the  Assyrian  monarchy? — How  far  did 
that  empire  extend  ?- — What  strong  evidence  have  we  of  its  advance- 
ment?— What  monarchies  succeeded  it? 

§  3.  Where  was  Media,  and  what  its  cajiital  ? — What  was  the  lan- 
guage and  religion  of  the  Medes? — How  far  did  their  dominions  ex- 
tend?— At  what  date  did  they  take  Nineveh? — What  event  in  Sacred 
Historv  does  this  date  mark  ? — According  to  Herodotus,  who  were  kings 
of  Media  ? 

§  4.  Where  was  Dahylon,  and  what  the  limits  of  Babi/loma  ? — Describe 
the  city  of  Babylon. — What  authority  is  there  for  this  ? — What  conquests 
did  Nebuchddnezzai-  make? 

§  5.  What  third  kingdom  rose  on  the  ruins  of  the  great  Assyrian 
empire? — Where  was  it,  and  what  its  capital? — How  many  dynasties 
of  Lydian  kings  do  the  traditions  reckon  ? — Whom  may  we  call  the 
first  historic  kin</,  and  when  did  his  reign  begin  ? — What  was  the  char- 
acter of  the  Lydians  ? — What  invention  is  attributed  to  them  ? — What 
advantages  did  the  lunians  in  Asia  derive  from  the  Lydian  kingdom? 

§  G.  Who  was  the  last  king  of  Lydia  ? — For  what  is  his  name  pro- 
verbial ? — Describe  his  success  against  the  Ionic  cities. — How  did  he 
rule  them  ? — State  the  extent  of  his  dominions. — What  connection  had 
he  with  Greeks? — What  kings  were  his  allies? 

§  7.  Describe  the  usual  ri.se,  progress,  and  fall  of  Asiatic  kingdoms. — 
State  from  a  classical  dictionary  the  leading  points  of  the  legends  con- 
cerning the  elder  Cyrus. — Name  the  limits  of  his  empire. — Describe 
the  Persians  under  Cyrus  the  Great. — What  combination  of  figures 
makes  his  time  easily  rcmcmborod  ? 

§  8.  What  were  the  motives  of  Crcescs  in  going  to  war  with  Ctrcs  ? 
— What  advice  and  i)rophccy  did  the  oracles  give  him? — Where  and 
with  what  result  took  place  the  first  engagement? — What  was  Cra?sus"s 
subsequent  ])lan? — How  was  it  frustrated? — Under  wliat  circumstances 
did  the  Persians  take  Sardis? — How  did  Cra?sus  end  his  days? 

§  9.  What  conversation  occurred  between  Cyrus  the  elder  and  the 
Spartan  envoys  ? — Who  was  general  for  Cyrus  in  the  conquest  of  the 
Asiatic  Greeks? — State  some  particulars  of  the  fall  of  tlieir  cities. — 
W'hat  other  conquests  did  Harpagus  make  for  Cyrus  ? — How  did  C}tus 
take  Babylon? — Wiiat  was  his  o«ni  end? — In  what  prophetical  books 
is  he  mentioned? — How  did  he  act  to  the  Jews? — AA'ho  succeeded 
Cyrus  ? 

§  10.  Who  were  the  two  last  in  the  succession  of  the  native  kings  ot 
Egypt? — How  did  Cambuscs  act  in  Egypt? — What  revolution  occmred 


Ohap.  XVI.       SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  671 

in  Persia  while  Cambyses  was  in  Egypt  ? — How  did  Canibyses  meet  his 
death  ? — How  long  did  the  reign  of  the  false  Smerdis  hist  ? — Who  thea 
became  king  of  Persia,  and  at  what  date  ? 

§  11.  What  remarkable  man  was  despot  in  Samos  in  the  time  of 
Cambyses? — Give  some  instances  of  his  power  and  good  fortune. — Re- 
late the  story  told  by  Herodotus  of  his  correspondence  with  Amasis,  and 
its  results. — Conclude  the  history  of  Polycrates. — What  poets  did  he 
patronize? — What  great  works  did  lie  have  consti'ucted ? 

§  12.  What  revolts  had  Daeius  Hystaspes  to  quell  in  the  commence- 
ment of  his  reign  ? — What  expressive  comparison  did  the  Persians  in- 
stitute of  their  first  three  kings? — State  some  important  institutions  of 
Darius  Hystaspes. 

§  13.  What  was  the  first  great  expedition  and  conquest  which  Darius 
Hystaspes  projected? — How  was  his  naval  force  suiijilied,  and  what  its 
amount? — By  what  route  did  he  outer  Scythia? — What  orders  did  he 
leave  with  the  Greeks  under  his  command  ? — What  success  had  he  in  his 
invasion  of  Scythia  ? — Who  urged  the  Greeks  to  destroy  the  bridge  ? — 
How  was  this  advice  deprived  of  eftect  ? 

§  14.  What  general  was  left  by  Darius  in  Europe  ? — M'liat  conquests 
did  he  effect? — What  reward  was  given  to  Histiiccs? — How  were  his 
plans  of  acquiring  power  subsequently  defeated  ? 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE    IONIC     KEVOLT. 

§  1.  Whom  did  Darins  leave  to  govern  Asia  Elinor,  and  what  was  its 
capital? — Who  represented  Histi^us  at  Miletus? 

§  2.  How  was  Aristagoras  induced  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of 
Naxos  ? — How  did  he  obtain  aid  for  his  enterprise  ? 

§  3.  What  was  his  plan  against  Xaxos,  and  how  was  it  defeated? — 
What  then  was  the  result  of  the  undertaking  ? 

§  4.  What  troubles  pressed  on  Aristagoras  after  his  return  from  Xaxos  ? 
—What  method  did  he  devise  to  extricate  himself? — In  what  remark- 
able way  did  he  recejye  a  message  from  Histianis? — How  did  he  effect 
his  purpose  ? — What  remarkable  person  opposed  his  views  ? 

JCOTE. — Dr.  Smith  and  Bishop  Thirlw.ill  .=peak  of  letters  being  Iranded  by  Histiapus 
on  the  head  of  the  slave;  Mitford  of  the  writing  being  traced  in  an  indelible  xtain.  I 
doubt  if  either  of  the.-e  modes  would  be  effectual.  Herodotus  uses  the  word  t'onfe, 
from  wliich  I  conclude  that  the  skin  was  ptnictured,  and  coloring-matter  introduced 
into  the  openings.  This  would  be  a  species  of  tattooing.  The  noble  Tlu-acians  used  to 
tattoo  themsehes,  as  we  learn  from  Herodotus. 

§  5.  To  what  state  and  to  what  king  of  it  did  Aristagoras  apply  for 
aid  ? — What  arguments  did  he  use  to  persuade  him  ? — Detail  the  remain 
ing  incidents  of  his  stay  at  Sparta. — Whither  did  he  next  resort  ? — What 
special  motives  had  the  Athenians  to  aid  the  Icnians? 

§  ().  What  aid  from  European  Greece  joined  the  revolted  lonians? — 
Describe  the  progress  and  result  of  the  ex])editicn  of  the  :dlicd  troojis  into 
the  interior. — Give  the  date  at  which  Sardis  was  thus  htnuid. — Wherein 
consisted  the  importance  of  the  event? — How  did  Darius  di.-^play  his 
anger? — To  what  cities  did  the  revolt  extend? 

§  7.  How  and  Avhere  did  Aristagoras  perish  ? — On  what  pretext  did 
Histiteus  gain  permission  to  visit  Ionia? — What  observation  did  Arta- 
phernes  make? — Relate  his  subsequent  adventures  and  death. 

§  8.  What  was  the  object  of  Artapherncs  in  the  siege  of  Miletus?— 
What  plan  of  resistance  did  t^io  lonians  adopt  ? — What  was  the  strengtl 


G72  QUESTIONS  ON  Bwk  IIL 

ef  tlu;  opiMisiiif:^  fleets? — What  skillful  (uiinmniiiicr  was  piaeed  over  the 
loiiiaiis? — What  were;  his  iiicasiircs,  aiiil  wliat  their  result? — Who  hc- 
tnvyeil  the  (ireeks? — What  j/ortion  of  tin;  Ih-et  fouj,'ht  with  coura^^e? — 
Whcro  dill  the  aetioii  take  plaee  ? — What  geographical  change  occurred 
there  ? 

§  !).  In  what  singular  way  did  the  Athenians  show  tlieir  dihtress  on 
the  cajitnre  of  Miletus? — What  treatment  did  the  subdued  GrccivS  re- 
eeivo  from  the  Persians? 

ClIAPTKIi  XVII. 

Tin;    liATTI.E    OF    MAKATIION. 

§  1.  Whom  did  Darius  apfioint  to  avenge  him  on  the  Athenians? — 
What  route  did  this  general  jiursue  ? — What  disasters  befell  his  forces? 

§  2.  What  tlemaiul  did  Darius  make  from  the  Greek  cities  while  j)re- 
paring  to  renew  his  attenii)ts? — What  were  his  probable  motives? — How 
were  his  envoys  rceeiv.nl  at  the  several  states? 

§3.  Whom  did  Darius  set  over  Jiis  second  Grecian  expedition? — 
What  force  comijosed  it? — What  instructions  were  given  to  the  com- 
manders?— How  far  was  the  expedition  successful? — On  what  part  of 
Attica  did  they  land? 

§  4.  What  illustrious  Atlicnians  were  among  the  generals  at  the 
time  of  the  I'ersian  invasion? — llelate  the  previous  historv  of  MILTI- 
ADES. 

§  5.  Why  did  not  the  Spartans  come  to  aid  Athens? — What  difier- 
enee  of  opinion  jjrcvailed  among  the  Athenian  generals? — How  was  a 
preponderance  gained  by  tiie  more  spirited  of  them? 

§  G.  What  state  alone  sent  helj)? — How  many  did  this  make  the 
Greeks? — What  was  the  probable  number  of  the  Persians? — Describe 
the  plain  of  MAliATHOX. — What  was  the  arrangement  of  the  Per- 
sians?— By  wliat  dis))ositiun  did  Miltiades  remedy  his  inferiority  of 
numbers? — Wliat  feelings  may  we  suppose  to  have  ]>revailed  among  the 
Greeks,  and  why? — Deseribj  the  commencement  of  the  battle. — How 
was  the  repulse  of  the  Athenian  centre  remedied  ? — How  far  did  the 
Athenians  pursue? — Mention  the  losses  on  each  side. — Give  the  date 
of  the  battle. 

§  7.  What  attenii)t  did  the  Persians  make  ? — On  what  did  thoy  ground 
their  hop>?s  of  success? — How  were  they  frustrated? 

§  8.  With  what  feeling  was  the  victor}-  at  ^Marathon  regarded  by  the 
Athenians? — What  would  have  been  the  probable  result  of  a  ^■ictorT 
gained  by  the  Persians? — What  honor  was  paid  to  those  who  fell  at 
Marathon  ? 

Note.— Tlie  yonnj;  student  would  rend  with  both  pleasure  and  advantnp-e  the  iivclv 
narrative  of  tliir^  battle  in  Professor  Creasy'.^  deservedly  popular  work,  '•  The  Fifteen 
Decisive  Battles  of  the  World,  from  Marathon  to  AVaterloo." 

§  9.  What  honors  were  paid  to  Miltiades? 

§  10.  What  expedition  did  Miltiades  next  project? — What  were  Ws 
motives? — What  his  success? 

§  11.  Who  became  the  accuser  of  Miltiades' — To  what  penalty  wa.^ 
he  sentenced  ? — How  did  he  die? 

§  12.  What  circiunstance  gives  importance  to  the  war  between  Athens 
and  ^<^gina? — What  mythical  celebrity  had  that  island? — Whence  did 
the  iEginetans  acquire  their  wealth? — How  did  thev  use  it? 

§  13.   How  had  ill.;?  .Eginctans  ])rovoked  Athens?— What  motives  led 


Chaf.  XVIII.    SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  673 

its  rulers  to  submit  to  the  Persian  demand  .' — AVliat  peculiar  act  of  tht 
Athenians  claims  especial  notice  ? — What  dijputes  were  thus  pi-oduced  at 
Sparta? — What  Spartan  was  thus  driven  to  Persia? — What  was  the  is- 
sue of  the  expL'dition  against  ^Egina? 

§  14.  What  two  motives  prevailed  with  THEMISTOCLES  to  pro- 
pose the  formation  of  a  fleet? — Whence  was  the  money  procured? — 
What  obsei-vation  is  made  by  Herodotus  on  this  matter? 

§  15.  Dejiict  the  pood  and  bad  sides  of  the  character  of  Themistocles. 
— Contrast  with  this  the  conduct  of  AKISTIDES.— What  was  the  result 
of  their  opposition  ? 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE    BATTLES    OF    THERMOPYL^    AND    ARTEMISIfM. 

§  1.  What  events  prevented  Darius  from  renewing  his  attempts  against 
Greece  ? — How  was  the  death  of  Darius  advantageous  to  Greece  ? — Who 
was  the  successor  of  Darius  Hystuspes,  and  what  the  new  king's  char- 
acter?— How  was  Xekxes  induced  lO  invade  Greece? 

§  2.  Give  some  account  of  the  various  tribes  summoned  by  Xerxes  to 
form  his  armies. — State  some  other  particulars  of  his  preparations. 

§  3.  Describe  the  operations  at  the  Hellespont. — Of  what  absurd  con- 
duct was  Xer.xes  guilty  there  ? — What  other  great  work  was  accomplish- 
ed ? — Describe  this. — Is  there  any  proof  of  the  fact  ? 

§  4.  Where  did  Xerxes  pass  the  winter  prior  to  his  attemjit  on  Greece  ? 
— Describe  his  advance  from  that  place  to  Abydos. 

§  5.  Give  an  account  of  the  demeanor  of  Xerxes  at  Ab_ydos. — Describe 
the  passage  of  the  Hellespont. — How  does  the  vast  amount  of  the  anny 
b^^come  evident  ? 

§  G.  Where  and  how  did  he  number  his  army  ? — How  many  are  the 
fighting  men  said  to  have  been  ? — What  number  is  said  to  have  been 
made  up  in  all  ? — How  may  we  suppose  an  over-statement  to  have 
arisen  ? 

§  7.  Describe  the  route  and  progress  of  Xerxes  through  the  country  N 
of  Greece. 

§  8.  Where  did  the  congress  of  the  Grecian  states  assemble? — Whicli 
were  the  most  prominent  ? — What  states  N.  of  the  Isthmus  joined  to 
resist  the  Persians  ? — What  states  in  the  Peloponnesus  declined  to  join 
in  the  defense  of  Greece? — Detail  the  conduct  of  the  more  distant 
Greeks. 

§  9.  What  instances  of  patriotic  concession  did  the  Athenians  show? 
— Describe  the  pass  of  Tempe,  naming  its  river  and  mountains. — Why 
was  not  this  defended  ? 

§  10.  Give  a  description  of  the  nature  and  position  of  the  pass  op 
TiiERMOPYL.E. — Whence  has  it  its  name? — What  farther  advantages 
had  it? 

§  11.  Who  commanded  the  fleet? — W^here  did  it  first  await  the  Per- 
sians?—How  large  a  force  was  at  first  sent  to  THERMOPYL^  ?— Of 
whom  was  it  composed,  and  under  whose  orders  ? 

§  12.  How  were  the  Spartans  employed  when  Xerxes  arrived  at  Ther- 
mdpylte? — What  conversation  ensued? — How  long  did  the  Persians  re- 
main inactive  ? — What  successive  attacks  were  then  made,  and  with  what 
result  ? 

§  13.  Who  betrayed  the  western  path? — Describe  the  way  in  which 
this  information  was  used  by  the  Persians. — What  course  did  LEONI- 

2  G 


b74  QUESTIONS  ON  U(j<.k  111. 

1)AS  jMirsnc  >vith  regard  U>  liirnsclf  ami  llio  various  fircf;ks  mirier  hix 
roniinaiKl  ? 

§  14.  Describe  the  eiiga|,'t'iiietit  IxHwecn  the  riiiti;!-;  iicNniti.K  ami  the 
Persians. 

§  15.  What  memorials  recorded  the  cxjdoits  at  Tl)ermoi)yla!  ? 

§  IG.  What  force  made  up  the  Greek  fleet? — What  slight  los.s  did 
they  sustain? — What  mark  of  fear  did  they  show? 

§  17.  What  {^reat  disaster  weakened  tlic  Tersian  fleet? — To  what  ex- 
tent of  loss  ? 

§  18.  How  was  the  Greek  fleet  prevented  from  leaving  Artemi.sium  a 
Bccond  time? — What  measure  did  the  Persians  devise  to  hinder  the  es- 
cape of  the  Greeks? — Describe  the  first  engagement  at  Artemisium  and 
its  result. 

§  I'J.  What  farther  loss  befell  the  Persian  fleet  from  the  weather? — 
What  accession  did  the  Greeks  gain  ? 

§  20.  Give  an  account  of  the  second  battle  at  Artemisium. — Why  did 
the  Greeks  withdraw  ? — What  stratagem  did  Themistocles  adopt,  and 
with  what  hopes  ? 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE    BATTLE    OF    SALAMI8. 

§  1.  What  i)Ian  did  the  Spartans  chiefly  rely  on  after  the  battle  of 
Thermopyke  ? — IIow  was  the  folly  of  this  manifest  ? 

§  2.  "Where  did  the  fleet  stay  after  its  departure  from  Artemisium  ? — 
To  what  places  did  the  Athenians  remove  ? — What  responses  did  they 
obtain  from  the  oracle  ? — How  did  Cimox  and  the  rich  men  act  ? 

§  3.  What  towns  did  Xerxes  destroy  in  Bceotia  ? — What  was  the  re- 
sult of  the  attack  on  Delphi? 

§  4.  Describe  the  position  of  the  Athenian  Acropolis. — Give  an  ac- 
count of  the  attacks  of  the  Persians  upon  it.  — What  was  now  the 
strength  of  the  Persian  fleet? — How  many  shijis  had  the  Greeks  to  op- 
pose this  ? — What  occurred  in  the  Persian  council  of  war  before  the  bat- 
tle of  Salamis  ? 

§  5.  How  did  the  first  council  of  the  Grecian  commanders  decide  ? — 
By  what  arguments  and  threats  did  Themistocles  obtain  a  reversal  of 
this  decision  ? — What  farther  intelligence  again  shook  the  confidence  of 
the  Peloponnesians  ? 

§  6.  By  what  artifice  did  Tliemistocles  oblige  tlie  Greeks  to  fight  at 
SALAMIS? — Where  was  Aristides  just  before  the  battle? — Describe 
his  reconciliation  with  Themistocles. — How  were  the  Grecian  command- 
ers at  last  convinced  of  their  being  surrounded  ? 

§  7.  Describe  the  arrangement  of  the  Persian  fleet  for  the  battle  of 
Salamis. — Where  was  Xerxes  during  the  battle? — Specify  the  positions 
of  the  ships  of  the  several  Greek  states. 

§  8.  How  are  the  Greeks  said  to  have  acted  at  the  beginning  of  the 
battle? — How  was  tlieir  courage  said  to  have  been  reanimated? — Give 
the  best  account  in  your  power  of  the  battle  of  Salamis. — Specify 
the  conduct  of  Artkmisia. 

§  9.  At  the  battle  of  Salamis  what  was  the  loss  on  each  side  ? — What 
special  service  did  Aristides  render  duiing  the  battle  ? — How  did  Xerxes 
treat  the  Phoenician  sailors  that  had  escaped  ? — What  effect  had  the  de- 
feat at  Salamis  on  the  mind  of  Xerxes? — What  arguments  did  Mardo- 
nius  use  in  addressing  him  ? 


Chap.  XX.         SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  675 

§  10.  What  second  message  was  borne  by  Sicinnus  to  Xerxes  from 
Themistocles  ?- — What  may  have  been  the  motive  of  the  last  named  ? — 
How  did  he  act  to  the  Islanders  ? 

§  11.  What  nations  and  forces  were  to  be  left  with  Mardonius? — De- 
scribe the  return  of  Xerxes  to  Asia. 

§  12.  On  whom  did  the  Greeks  confer  special  honoi"s? — To  what  de- 
ities did  they  make  offerings  ? — What  occurred  with  regard  to  the  prizes 
for  wisdom  and  conduct  f 

§  13.  At  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Salamis  what  power  had  the  Sicil- 
ian Greeks  to  resist? — How  had  the  Carthaginians  a  pretext  for  inter- 
fering ? — Who  were  the  opposing  generals  in  the  battle  of  Himeua  ? 
— What  was  the  result  of  that  engagement  ? 

CHAPTER  XX. 

BATTLES    OF    PL.iT.EA    AND    MYCALE. 

§  1.  In  the  spring  following  the  battle  of  Salamis  what  occurred  in 
the  Greek  and  Persian  fleets  respectively  ? 

§  2.  How  did  most  of  their  Grecian  allies  act  toward  the  Persians  ! 
— On  what  measure  did  Mardonius  greatly  rely? 

§  3.  Who  bore  the  proposals  of  Mardonius  to  the  Athenians? — What 
was  offered  to  them? — How  did  the  Athenians  receive  tlic  offers? — De- 
scribe the  conduct  of  the  Spartans. 

§  4.  How  did  the  Athenians  show  their  resolution  to  maintain  the 
^var  ? — How  were  the  Spartans  at  lengtli  roused  from  their  selfish  inac- 
tion ? — What  force  did  they  send  ? — Who  commanded  it  ? 

§  5.  What  position  did  Mardonius  occupy? — Show  its  advantages. — 
What  forces  composed  the  Grecian  army? — Describe  the  march  of  the 
Greeks. — Where  was  their  first  position  ? — Why  did  they  quit  it  ? 

§  6.  Describe  the  second  position  of  the  two  armies. — How  long  did 
they  continue  thus  opposed  to  each  other  ? — What  policy  did  Artabamis 
recommend  ? 

§  7.  What  mark  of  good-will  did  Alexander  show  the  Greeks? — 
What  changes  followed  ? — How  were  the  Greeks  induced  to  retreat  ? — 
What  occurred  in  the  attempt  to  effect  this  retreat  ? — Describe  the  con- 
duct of  Amompharetus. 

§  8.  Describe  the  part  of  the  Battle  of  Plat.ea  fought  between  the 
Persians  and  Spartans. — With  whom  were  the  Athenians  meantime 
engaged  ? — How  many  Persians  withdrew  in  good  order  ? — Describe 
the  action  at  the  camp. — What  is  said  to  have  been  the  loss  of  the  Per- 
sians ? 

§  9.  Describe  the  booty  gained  in  the  battle  of  Plata^a. — How  was  it 
disposed  of? — What  was  the  date  of  the  battle? 

§  10.  What  occurred  at  Thebes  after  tlie  Ijattle  of  Platrea? 

§  11.   Give  some  anecdotes  respecting  individual  Spartans. 

§  12.  What  signal  honors  were  conferred  on  Plata;a  and  its  terri- 
tory ? 

§  13.  What  battle  in  Asia  was  contemporaiy  with  that  at  Plata5a? — 
Describe  the  position  of  the  Persian  forces  at  Mycale. — Give  the  j)artic- 
ulars  of  the  battle  there. 

§  1-4.  What  were  the  results,  to  the  islands  and  coast  towns  of  the 
Greeks,  of  the  failure  of  the  expedition  of  Xerxes? 

§  15.  Describe  the  subsequent  proceedings  of  tiic  fleet  of  the  Greeks. 


C7G  QUKSTKJXS  ON  Book  IV 


CIIAITKU  XXI. 

IIISTOUY    OF    I.ITKIt  VTritK. 

§  1,  Name  the  three  fjireat  founders  of  'I'mi/efli/. — Who  were  the  great 
T^yric.  poets,  and  what  their  respcetivc  countries? 

§  2.  Wliat  various  countries  did  SiMoMr)i;s  visit? — T{elatc  the  legend 
of  his  jirotection  In'  Castor  and  Tolliix. — What  celehratiMl  actions  did 
liis])oenis  record? — Name  the  different  sorts  of  his  jwenis. — IJocs  much 
of  thcTn  remain  ? 

§  ;$.  Where  and  wlicn  was  I'INDAR  horn  ? — From  what  lyric  writers 
did  he  gain  improvement? — What  celebrated  sovereigns  were  hLs  j)a- 
trons? — How  did  the  Atlienians  show  their  respect  to  him? — What  tes. 
timony  was  ])aiil  to  his  merit  long  after  his  death? — Wliich  of  his  poems 
remain? — Wliat  is  their  eliaracterislic? — What  iMlin  poet  csjiccially 
speaks  of  liis  excellence  ? 

§  4.   Give  some  aceoimt  of  Thycvs  and  of  IJarchi/lides. 

§  5.  What  species  of  composition  were  the  Greeks  late  in  cultivating? 
— At  what  time  were  the  books  of  Mosks  written? 

§  6.  At  wliat  time  must  we  place  the  earliest  attempts  of  the  Greeks 
in  prose  composition? — Xante  the  earliest  Greek  prose-writers. — Give  an 
account  of  what  is  known  of  Ilccataus  and  his  works. — What  can  you 
tell  me  respecting  Charon  of  Lampsacus? — What  is  known  of  Ilellani- 
cus  of  Mitylcne? 

§  7.  Where  and  when  was  Herodotus  born? — What  dialect  did  he 
adopt,  and  why  ? — In  what  island  did  he  sojourn  while  a  young  man  ? 
How  far  did  his  ti-avels  extend  ? — Where  did  he  pass  the  latter  j)art  of 
his  life? — Quote  the  story  from  Lucian  respecting  the  publication  of  his 
history. — What  great  honor  was  paid  to  his  books? — Who  is  said  to  have 
been  present  ? 

§  8.  What  is  the  subject  of  Herodotus's  histort-  ? — What  mnhological 
subject  does  he  touch  on? — Give  a  brief  sketch  of  the  historic  subjects 
in  Herodotus's  book,  and  of  the  way  they  are  introduced. 

§  9.  Show  what  feeling  mutually  subsisted  between  Herodotus  and 
Athens. 

§  10.  Describe  the  peculiar  excellences  and  deficiencies  of  the  stj^le 
of  Herodotus. 


BOOK    IV. 

THE  ATHEXIAX  SUPREMACY  AXD  THE  FELO- 
PONNESIAX  WAR. 

(B.C.  477^04.) 

CHAPTER  XXn. 

2ROM   THE    EXPULSION   OF    THE    PERSI.VXS    TO    THE    DEATH    OF    THE- 
MISTOCLES. 

§  1.  After  the  expulsion  of  the  Persians  from  Greece  proper  what 
places  did  they  still  hold? — What  force  was  sent  to  dispossess  them,  and 
under  what  commanders? — What  were  the  achievements  of  this  force? 


Chap.  XXIU      SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  677 

§  2.  Describe  the  conduct  of  Pansanias. — Wliat  projects  had  he  form- 
ed?— How  was  his  design  made  evident? 

§  3.   Wliat  circumstances  gave  Athens  the  supremacy  at  sea? 

§  4.  What  name  was  given  to  the  league  which  Atliens  headed  ? — Of 
what  states  was  it  composed? — What  money  was  contributed? 

§  5.  Who  succeeded  Aristides  in  the  command  ? — What  were  the 
first  phices  he  took  ? — Wherein  consisted  their  importance  ? 

§  G.  Name  the  great  battles  in  the  Persian  war,  and  state  the  share 
that  Athens  had  in  each  battle. — To  what  great  citizens  did  that  city 
particularly  owe  her  eminence  ?— Show  this  by  a  little  detail. 

§  7.  How  was  tlie  rebuilding  of  the  fortifications  of  Athens  viewed? 
— --What  species  of  advice  did  the  Spartans  give  ? — Describe  the  artifice 
of  Themistocles  at  this  crisis,  and  its  success. 

§  8.  What  was  the  original  port  of  Athens? — What  ports  did  Themis- 
tocles add  to  it? — How  did  he  defend  these? 

§  9.  What  farther  step  toward  democracy  was  made  at  Athens  during 
the  Persian  war? — Who  became  opponents  of  Themistocles? — How  did 
that  statesman  give  offense? 

§  10.  What  constitutions  prevailed  at  Athens  and  Sparta  respectively  ? 
—Of  what  was  Themistocles  accused? — Wliithcr  did  he  first  retire? 

§  11.  Was  Pausanias  proved  guilty  of  treason  on  his  first  recall? — In 
what  way  did  he  again  go  out? — How  did  he  conduct  himself? — What 
schemes  did  he  form  at  home? — Detail  the  mode  of  his  complete  detec- 
tion.— Describe  the  end  of  Pausanias. 

§  12.  How  did  the  fall  of  Pausanias  aft'ect  Themistocles? — Relate  the 
latter  statesman's  adventures  till  his  arrival  in  Asia  Minor. 

§  13.  Wliom  did  Themistocles  find  on  the  throne  of  Persia? — How 
did  the  Persian  king  treat  him  ? — -What  promises  did  Themistocles  make  ? 
— What  various  statements  are  made  as  to  his  death  ? — Draw  the  char- 
acter of  Themistocles. 

§  14:.  What  honors  were  paid  to  the  memory  of  Aristides  ? 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

RISE    AND    GROWTH    OF    TIIK    ATHENIAN   EMPIRE. — FROM    THE    BATTLE 
OF    EURYMEDON    TO    THE    THIRTY    YEARS'    TRCCE    WITH    SPARTA. 

§  1.  What  great  qualities  had  Cimon  as  a  jiarty  leader? — How  did 
he  increase  his  popularity? 

§  2.  What  island  was  the  first  to  resist  the  power  of  Athens? — Witli 
what  result  ? 

§  3.  Where  is  the  Eurymedon? — Describe  the  actions  fought  there 
by  Cimon. — Give  the  date  of  these  battles. 

§  4.  How  did  the  dispute  between  Athens  and  Thasos  arise  ? — Whence 
arose  the  wealth  of  that  island? — What  success  had  it  against  Athens? 

§5.  What  induced  Sparta  to  propose  invading  Attica? — How  was 
this  purpose  frustrated  ? — Describe  the  causes  and  progress  of  the  revolt 
called  the  Third  Messeniun  War. 

§  G.  Detail  the  various  circumstances  which  had  conspired  to  depress 
Sparta  and  raise  Athens. 

§  7.  What  force,  and  under  whose  command,  proceeded  to  the  aid  of 
Sparta  ? — How  was  this  force  treated  ? — What  statesnuui  was  now  ris- 
ing to  rival  Cimon  at  Athens  ? 

§  8.  Describe  the  ])arentage,  manners,  and  character  of  PERICLES. 
— With  what  philosophers  did  he  hold  intercourse  ? 


67S  qUKSTIONS  ON  Book  IV, 

§  9.  Why  was  I'criik-s  liostile  to  the  roiirt  of  Arco7)agii.s? — What 
may  he  rcganled  as  aimm;;  tlie  hist  measures  which  comjdeted  the  dem- 
ocratic power  ill  Athens? 

§  10.  What  jjreat  (Uuniatist  left  Athens  in  conneeti<m  with  political 
Btrifu? — Wl\at  bet'ell  (Jiinoii  at  this  time? — Who  was  Ephialtes,  and  how 
did  he  fall? 

§  11.  With  what  )iowers  opfwsed  to  Sjiarta  did  Athens  under  Pericle« 
successively  effect  iillianee  ? — What  advantages  were  gained  by  the  union 
with  Megara? — Wiiat  was  tlu;  port  of  Megaia? — What  name  was  given 
to  the  fortifications  connecting  a  town  with  it.s  port? — What  was  the 
most  notahli-  instance  ? 

§  12.  Wiio  was  Inarus  ? — What  assi.stance  did  he  obtain  from  the 
Athenians  ? — What  was  the  fiite  of  this  armament  ? 

§  13.  What  disaster  befell  the  ^Eginetans  in  their  attempts  against 
Athens? — What  was  the  success  of  the  Corinthians  on  land? — Who 
was  the  victorious  Athenian  general  ? — What  was  the  nature  of  the 
force  under  him  ? 

§  14.   Describe  the.  LoxG  AVai.l.s  at  Athens. 

§  15.  What  pretext  did  the  Spartans  find,  after  suppressing  the  Mcssc- 
nian  revolt,  for  invading  continental  Greece  ? — What  was  the  real  object 
of  this  invasion? — Describs  its  progress  and  the  amount  of  its  success. — 
Name,  with  its  date,  the  battle  thus  gained. 

§  16.  Describe  the  conduct  of  Cimon  just  previous  to  the  battle  of 
Tanagra? — When  and  how  was  Cimon  recalled? 

§  17.  By  what  battle  did  the  Athenians  regain  their  influence  in  Boe- 
otia? — Wiiat  other  continental  states  did  they  acquire? — What  injuries 
did  their  fleet  inflict  on  Laconia  ? — What  western  islands  were  gained 
in  the  same  expedition  ? 

§  18.  At  what  date  was  the  five  years'  truce  concluded  by  Cimon? — 
Describs  the  circumstances  under  which  Cimon  died. — What  success 
had  the  fleet  which  had  been  under  his  command  ? 

§  19.  Wliat  are  said  to  have  been  the  terms  of  the  pacification  with 
Persia? — Show  on  the  map  the  jjoints  that  limited  the  progress  of  the 
Persian  war-ships. — How  far  is  this  jiacification  confirmed  in  historv-? 

§  20.  By  what  measures  did  Athens  make  the  subjection  of  her  allies 
more  complete  ? — When  her  power  was  greatest,  what  continental  states 
were  under  her  control  ? 

§21.  How  did  Athens  lose  her  predominance  in  Boeotia? — Who 
made  an  attempt  to  recover  it,  and  with  what  success  ? — What  other 
states  threw  off  her  yoke  soon  after  ? 

§  22.  AVIuit  important  island  did  Pericles  recover? — What  was  tbc 
date  and  what  the  terms  of  the  Thirty  Years'  Truce  ? 

Note. — We  may  take  this  opportunity  of  c.-xllins  tlie  .'tii'lent'?  attention  to  the  date 
B.C.  444,  as  tlie  ,Eka  of  Pericles.  The  tliree  similar  figures  make  it  easy  to  remem- 
ber, and  the  empire  of  Athens— lier  great  plory  in  arras,  in  arts,  in  taste,  in  literature 
— her  enterprising  spirit  and  great  energy,  render  tliis  epoch  one  of  the  most  remark- 
nble  in  the  history  of  mankind. 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

FROM    THE    THIRTY    TEARS'    TRUCE    TO    THE    WAR    BETWEEN    CORIXTH 
AXD    COItCYRA. 

§  1.  Who  succeeded  Cimon  in  the  lead  of  the  aristocracy  at  Athens? 
— Wherein  did  he  fitU  short  of  the  ch.aracters  of  Aristides  and  Cimon? 
— What  arrangements  did  the  party  adopt,  and  with  what  result ? 


Chap  XXV.      SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  679 

^OTTE.— The  politician  Thucijdides  was  the  son  of  Melesiaa;  the  great  uistoeian 
was  THCcYDinES,  tue  Son  of  Olohus. 

§  2.  What  were  the  opposing  ojiinions  of  Pericles  and  the  Aristocratia 
party  ? 

§3.  How  did  Pericles  obtain  the  sole  direction  of  affairs  at  Athens? 
— To  what  elevation  did  he  propose  to  raise  his  country? — Describe  the 
chief  erections  raised  in  the  Acropolis  of  Athens  during  Pericles'  ad- 
ministration.— What  other  great  sacred  buildings  did  lie  commence? — 
What  defensive  work  was  built  by  his  direction? — Was  his  politicoi 
scheme  equally  successful  ? 

§  \.  Distinguish  the  two  kinds  of  settlements  made  by  the  Athenians. 
—Describe  the  nature  of  a  YiKrjpovxia. — ^^'hat  ten-itoiies  were  chiefly 
thus  occupied  ? — What  were  the  two  chief  colonies  settled  by  Pericles'? 
— Where  were  these  respectively  ? 

§  5.  What  increase  had  been  made  in  the  contribution  of  the  Athe- 
nian allies  ? — To  what  purposes  was  it  apjjlied  ? — Of  what  other  wTongs 
had  the  subject  states  to  complain? — Which  of  the  islands  for  some  time 
retained  a  nominal  independence  ? — Can  any  thing  be  said  in  extenua- 
tion of  the  conduct  of  Athens? 

§  6.  How  did  the  quarrel  between  Athens  and  Samos  arise? — Detail 
the  chief  events  and  the  final  result  of  the  contest  thus  produced. — Why 
did  not  the  Peloponnesiaus  interfere  to  aid  Samos  ? — What  other  city 
was  subjugated  at  the  same  time  ? 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

CAUSES    OF    THE    PELOPOXXESIAN   WAB. 

§  1.  Describe  the  position  of  Epidamnus. — How  did  its  affaire  pro- 
duce a  dispute  between  Corinth  and  Corcyra? — Where  is  Corcyra?-. 
What  now  called,  and  to  what  power  subject? — Which  state  gained  the 
first  decisive  advantages? 

§  2.  AVhat  preparations  did  Corinth  make  to  regain  her  power? — 
To  whom  did  the  Corcyraeans  apply  ? — Describe  the  debate  on  the  sub- 
ject before  the  Athenian  assembly. — What  resolution  did  that  assembly 
adopt  ? 

§  3.  Show  the  superiority  of  the  naval  tactics  of  the  Athenians. — De- 
scribe the  action  between  the  Corcyrwan  and  Corinthian  fleets. — How 
were  the  Corinthians  prevented  from  renewing  their  attacks  ? — How  did 
the  Corinthians  treat  their  prisoners  ? 

§  4.  What  offense  had  Perdiccas  of  Macedon  received  from  the  Athe- 
nians?— What  measures  did  he  take  to  obtain  revenge? — What  success 
had  the  Athenians  against  the  Potida;ans  and  Corinthians  ? 

§  5.  What  complaints  did  the  Megarians  and  the  uEginetans  make 
in  the  congress  of  Peloponnesians  against  Athens? — Describe  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Corinthian  envoy. — By  what  arguments  did  the  embassa- 
dor from  Athens  defend  his  country's  conduct  ? — Describe  what  followed 
in  the  Lacedemonian  assembly. 

§  6.  What  support  did  the  Peloponnesians  gain  from  religion? — At 
what  dtite  did  these  events  take  place  ? 

§  7.  What  was  the  first  demand  of  the  Peloponnesians  on  the  Athe. 
nians? — What  was  its  object,  and  what  the  expectations  of  those  who 
made  it? 

§  8.  For  what  was  Aspasia  celebrated? — What  charge  was  brought 
?^ainst  her,  and  who  else  was  included  in  the  charge? — How  did  Peri- 


680  QUESTIONS  ON  nf>r)K  IV 

tics  nc-t? — What  various  faults  wciv,  allc^^cd  (i;.'iiiiist  I'liiflias ? — How  did 
tiic  Athenians  meet  the  flun^'c  i>t' iin|ii(-iy  inacic  \iy  the  rdoponnc  hians? 

§  '.).  \Vinit  was  liii!  sccund  demand  ot'tlie  .Spartans? — What  was  their 
idtiniatnm? — What  was  the  object  olthis? — How  did  the  Athenians  an- 
Bwer  it  ? 

§  10.  Wiiat  tioacheroua  act  preceded  the  declaration  of  war? — De- 
scribe the  i)anieul.'irs  of  tiiis. — What  was  its  success? — How  did  the  The- 
ban  re-enforcements  and  the  I'lata'ans  resjicctivelv  act? 

§11.  Whrn  tlie  Atlienians  iieard  of  the  attempt  on  Platffia,  what 
measures  did  they  adoi)t  ? — What  was  the  state  of  men's  minds  at  this 
epoch? — What  unusual  jirndi^'v  occurred? 

•  §  12.  Enumerate  the  allir>  and  forces  on  the  side  of  Sparta. — Stato 
what  powers  were  under  Athenian  influence. — What  resources  had 
Athens  already  collected  ? 

§  13.  What  Spartan  was  inclined  to  peace  just  prior  to  the  Pclopon- 
nesian  war? — What  messenger  was  sent  to  Athens? — Wiiat  resolution 
had  ihe  Athenians  made? 

CIIAPTEIl  XXVI. 

PELOPOXNESIAN    AVAR. FROM    TIIK    COMMENXEMEXT    OF    THE    WAR    TO 

THE    CAPTURE  AND    DESTRICTIOS    OF    PLAT.EA. 

§  1.  Describe  the  conduct  of  Archidamus  in  the  invasion  of  Attica. — 
What  policy  had  Pericles  recommended? — How  was  it  carried  out? — 
"What  famous  ])opular  leader  was  just  rising? 

§  2.  Describe  the  successes  of  the  lar}:er  naval  armament  of  the  Athe- 
nians.— What  operations  did  their  smaller  s(|uadr(jn  carry  out? 

§  3.  How  did  the  Megarians  fare  in  the  war? — Wliat  remote  alliance 
did  the  Athenians  form? — What  measures  of  reserve  did  they  adojit  ? — 
What  remarkable  ceremony  took.  |ilace  at  Athens  toward  the  end  of  the 
year  ? 

§  4.  What  formidable  disaster  befell  the  Athenians  in  the  second  year 
of  the  war? — Describe  the  etfect  of  tliis  on  men's  bodies  and  on  their 
conduct. — Mention  some  circumstances  that  show  the  severity  of  the 
visitation. 

§  5.  In  what  way  did  Pericles  strive  to  divert  the  minds  of  the  people 
ft-om  their  despair? — How  was  he  treated  on  his  return? 

§  6.  What  domestic  los.ses  did  Pericles  sustain  ? — What  feeling  did  he 
show? — From  what  cause  did  he  die? — What  remark  did  he  make  on 
his  death-bed  ? — Draw  the  character  of  Pericles,  stating  his  great  mental 
qualities. 

§  7.  How  far  were  the  Lacedaemonians  successful  with  their  ships? — 
What  cruel  proceedings  disgraced  the  Peloponnesians  ? — What  retalia- 
tion did  the  Athenians  make  ? 

§  8.  How  did  tlie  siege  of  Potid.Ta  terminate  ? — What  terms  wet* 
granted  ? — How  did  the  Athenians  regard  this  ? 

§  9.  On  what  measure  did  Archidamus  resolve  ? — What  negotintions 
preceded  the  commencement  of  the  eicge  ? — How  were  they  rendered 
unavailable  ? — What  force  occupied  Plattea  ? — Describe  the  first  meas- 
ures of  the  besiegers. — What  effectual  ]ilans  of  resistance  did  the  Pla- 
tseans  adopt? 

§  10.  Describe  the  besiegers' walls. — Give  a  minute  account  of  the  es 
cape  made  by  a  ])ortion  of  the  gan'ison. 

§  11.   What  j)romise  did  the  Spart^ms  mako  to  the  survivors  ot  'he 


Chap.  XXVIII.  SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  G81 

Plattean  garrison  ? — Describa  what  was  called  the  trial. — State  how  the 
garrison  and  the  buildings  were  disposed  of. 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

PELOPONNESIAN    WAK    CONTINUED. — FROM    THE    SIEGE    OF    PLAT.EA    TO 
THE    SEDITION   AT    CORCYRA. 

§  1.  What  remarks  may  be  made  on  the  general  cliaracter  of  tlits 
events  of  the  first  ten  years  of  tlie  Peloponnesian  war  ? 

§  2.  How  does  the  great  power  of  Sitalces  appear  evident  ? — Against 
what  power  did  he  make  attem])ts,  and  with  wliat  success? — Descril.e 
the  exploits  of  Phormio  in  the  third  year. — Give  an  account  of  the  Pe- 
loponnesians'  attempt  to  surprise  the  Pira;us,  and  its  conse<iuences. 

§  3.  What  event  menacing  to  the  Athenian  j)ower  occurred  in  the 
fourth  year  of  the  war? — Why  were  the  Athenians  unable  to  take  Mity- 
lene  bv  surprise? — What  promise  did  the  Peloponnesians  make  tiie  Mit- 
ylenaeans? — What  was  the  condition  of  Athens  at  this  time? — How  did 
they  contrive  to  equip  a  fleet  ? 

§  i.  Who  was  ])laced  in  command  of  the  Peloponnesian  squadron  in, 
tended  to  relieve  Mitylsny  ? — How  was  his  aid  rendered  inettectual  ?— 
Who  was  the  Lacediemonian  envoy  in  Mifylene? — What  nicasure  did 
he  advise,  and  with  what  result? — On  what  conditions  did  Mitylene  sur. 
render  ? 

§  5.  Name  some  of  the  persons  of  low  origin  and  pursuits  who  had 
become  speakers  in  the  Athenian  assembly. — Describe  particularly  the 
character  and  conduct  of  Cleon. — Disci-iininate  the  authorities  on  wiiich 
this  account  rests. — State  the  particulars  of  the  cniel  decree  passed 
against  the  Mitylenteans  by  Cleon's  influence. 

§  6.  Mention  some  cruel  acts  which  took  place  in  the  Peloponnesian 
war. — How  was  an  assembly  called  to  reverse  the  Mitylenaean  decree  ? 

§  7.  Wliat  arguments  did  Cleon  and  Diodotus  respectively  j)ut  forth 
for  and  against  tlie  reversal  of  the  decree  ? — How  was  the  sentence  of 
the  Athenian  assembly  conveyed  in  time  ? — How  were  the  people  and 
the  town  of  Mitylene  treated  ? — What  were  the  cause  and  manner  of  the 
death  of  Paches  ? 

§  8.  How  did  the  dissensions  in  Corcyra  begin,  and  what  were  the 
opposing  parties? — What  attempts  did  the  Oligarchs  make,  and  how 
were  they  frustrated? — Describe  the  conduct  of  the  rival  naval  com- 
manders.— Give  some  account  of  the  cruelties  of  the  triumphant  Demo- 
crats. 

§  9.  Give  some  account  of  the  reflections  of  Thucydides  on  the  state 
of  tlie  times  of  the  Peloponnesian  war. 

CHAPTER  XX\^1II. 

PELOPONNESIAN    WAR    CONTINUED. — FROM    THE    SEDITION    AT   CORCITIX 
TO    THE    PE.\.CE    OF    NICIAS. 

§  1.  What  prevented  the  invasion  of  Attica  by  the  Peloponncsiars  in 
the  sixth  year  of  the  war? — Name  and  describe  the  religious  proceedings 
pursued  by  the  Athenians. 

§  2.  Wlio  became  commander  of  the  Spartans  in  the  .seventh  year? — 
What  obliged  him  to  leave  Attica? — Describe  the  circumstances  under 
which  the  Athenians  fortified  a  post  at  Pylos. — Who  commanded  it,  and 
what  force  had  he  ? 

2  G  * 


682  QUESTIONS  ON  Book  IV. 

§  .'5.  Give  a  rough  sketch  of  t)ic  jilan  on  p.  300,  and  indicate  tlie  more 
iiii])<irtaiit  ])()siti()iis  on  it. — State  the  nieusiiies  adi)|it<d  \>\  the  various 
jiortioiis  of  th(!  I'eiopouncsian  armameiit.s  to  drive  the  Atlienians  from 
i'vlos. — Dcscrihe  the  measures  of  the  Athenian  coniinanderH  fordefen.se. 
■ — Relate  the  jtarticulars  and  result  of  the  first  Spartan  attack. 

§  4.  Of  what  omission  had  the  Spartans  hc(;n  ^n'lty? — Describe,  with 
it.s  ii'sult,  the  naval  enyaj^ement. — \\'hat  extreme  mea!>ure«i  were  ado])ted 
by  the  Spartans  to  save  their  men  on  Sphaeteria  ? 

§  .').  What  terms  did  Cleon  cause  the  Athenians  to  demand  of  the 
Spartan  envoys  from  Pylos? — What  was  the  result  thereof? 

§  6.  Under  what  cireunistanees  did  Demosthenes  send  from  Pylos  to 
Athens  for  new  assistance? — ^Vhat  measures  had  he  himself  ado[jtod? 

§  7.  Describe  what  occurred  at  Athens  on  the  arrival  of  Demosthenes' 
message. — What  force  had  ('Icon,  and  what  did  he  undertake? 

§  8.  What  circumstances,  intentional  and  accidental,  favored  Cleon's 
enterj)risc? — What  force  did  Demosthenes  eni{iloy  ajrainst  the  Spartans 
in  Sphaeteria  ? — Describe  the  circumstances  which  resulted  in  their  .sur- 
render. 

§  9.  What  advantages  might  the  Athenians  have  derived  from  their 
ca])ture  at  Sphaeteria? 

§  10.  What  was  the  conduct  of  Eurymedon  at  Corcyra? — What  new 
cruelties  took  place  there  ? — To  what  acts  have  they  been  compared  ? 

§  11.  What  successes  did  Nicias  gain  in  the  eighth  year? — What  verj' 
cruel  act  of  treacheiy  and  ingratitude  did  the  Spartans  commit  at  this 
time  ? 

§  12.  How  far  were  the  Athenians  successful  against  Megara  ? — Br 
whom  was  their  comj)lete  success  prevented  ? — Kelate  the  adventures 
which  preceded  the  battle  of  Delium. — Describe  the  ])osition  of  Delium. 
• — What  were  the  forces  and  arrangements  on  each  side  in  that  battle  ? 
— Give  the  particulars  and  result  of  the  engagement. — Name  two  distin- 
guished Athenians  who  fought  there.  —  How  did  these  two  act? 

§  13.  How  were  the  S])artans  induced  to  send  Brasidas  to  Thrace? — 
What  force  had  he? — Describe  his  march  thither. — What  excellent 
qualities  had  Brasidas  ? — What  towns  in  Thrace  did  he  successively 
take? — What  great  Greek  writer  had  a  share  in  these  events? — De- 
Bcribe  what  happened  to  this  writer. 

§  14.  How  was  the  truce  of  the  ninth  rear  prevented  from  ending  in  a 
general  pacification  ? 

§  15.  Describe  the  events  which  resulted  in  the  deaths  of  Cleon  and 
Brasidas. 

§  16.  What  statesmen  negotiated  the  truce  between  Sparta  and  Ath- 
ens ? — How  long  was  the  truce  to  last  ? — At  what  date  was  it  made  ? — 
What  were  its  terms  ? — In  what  light  did  the  Peloponnesian  allies  view 
it? 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

PELOrONXESIAN    "WAR    CONTINCED. FROM    THE    PEACE    OF    KICIAS    TO 

THE    EXPEDITION'    OF    THE    ATHESIAXS    TO    SICILY. 

§  1.  What  state  did  the  disappointed  allies  of  Sparta  attempt  to  raise 
to  the  head  of  Greece  ? 

§  2.  What  causes  of  difference  arose  between  Athens  and  Sparta  just 
after  the  truce  of  Nicias  ? 

§  3.   Give  some  account  of  the  origin  and  family  of  Ai.ciblides.— 


Chap.  XXX.      SRHTH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  683 

Describe  his  character. — Give  some  anecdotes  of  his  capricious  ecu- 
duct. 

§  4.  What  offense  had  the  Spartan  government  given  Alcibiades? — 
What  plan  of  jiolicy  did  he  adopt  to  thwart  ^jjarta  ? — What  embassiea 
resulted  from  this? — What  treacherous  and  dishonorable  trick  did  Al- 
cibiades devise  to  embroil  Athens  and  Sparta? — Describe  some  subse- 
quent events  connected  with  the  alliances  of  the  Greek  states. 

§  5.  Describe  the  appearance  made  by  the  Athenians,  and  the  suc- 
cesses of  Alcibiades  at  the  Olympic  festival. — Why  did  this  surprise  the 
Peloponnesians  ? — How  may  it  have  been  accomjjlished  ? 

§  6.  What  alliances  and  successes  did  Alcibiades  gain  in  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus ? 

§  7.  How  was  the  Argive  araiy  saved  from  destruction  in  B.C.  418? — 
In  what  way  did  Alcibiades  prevent  a  permanent  peace  between  Argos 
and  Sparta  ? — Describe  the  first  battle  of  Mantinea. — State  the  result. 

Note. — The  moat  important  battle  of  Mantinea  was  fought  in  u.c.  36-2:  an  account 
of  it  will  be  found  in  chap.  xl.  of  Dr.  Smith's  Histoy, 

§  8.  What  revolutions  occurred  at  Argos  at  this  time? — How  were 
they  occasioned  ? — What  were  the  relations  of  Sparta  and  Athens  after 
the  truce  of  Nicias  ? 

§  9.  Which  were  the  last  islands  added  by  Athens  to  her  empire  ? — 
How  did  the  conquerors  treat  their  new  acquisitions? 

§  10.  What  cities  in  Sicily  were  combined  in  opposing  alliances  early 
in  the  time  of  the  Peloponnesian  war  ? — Which  of  these  had  applied  to 
Athens,  and  when  ? — What  expeditions  had  Athens  in  the  early  years 
of  the  Peloponnesian  war  sent  to  Sicily  ? — What  had  resulted  from  these  ? 

§  11.  What  Sicilian  state  asked  aid  from  Athens  in  41G  b.c.  ? — What 
arguments  did  the  envoys  use  ? — Who  supported  them,  and  from  what 
motives  ? — How  were  the  Athenians  misled  as  to  the  wealth  of  Egesta  ? 

§  12.  What  generals  were  first  appointed  to  command  the  Great 
Sicilian  Expedition  of  Athens  ? — What  views  had  Nicias  relative  to 
the  enterprise  ? — How  were  his  attempts  to  stop  it  baffled  ? 

§  13.  Describe  the  feelings  and  exertions  with  which  the  Athenians 
prepared  for  their  Sicilian  expedition. — Who  disapproved  the  under- 
taking ? 

§  14.  What  outrage  produced  alarm  at  Athens  just  prior  to  the  Sicil- 
ian expedition? — How  may  we  account  for  the  terror  it  occasioned? — 
How  did  the  Athenians  act  to  Alcibiades  on  the  occasion  ? — What  ad- 
vantage did  his  enemies  thus  gain  ? 

§  15.  Describe  the  state  of  the  armament  intended  against  Syracuse. 
' — Also  the  scene  that  marked  its  departure. 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

PELOPON!fE.SIAN   WAR    CONTINUED. — THE    SICILIAN    EXPEDITION    CON- 
TINCED. 

§  1.  Specify  the  force  of  the  Sicilian  armament,  and  its  several  kinds 
of  ships  and  troops. 

§  2.  What  reception  did  it  meet  with  in  the  several  towns  of  Italy? — 
With  what  impressions  did  the  Syracusans  receive  the  news  of  the  ex- 
pedition ? 

§  3.  What  news  did  the  swift  vessels  bring  back  from  Egesta? — Wli»^ 
several  proposals  did  each  of  the  Athenian  generals  make  ? 

§  4.  Which  of  these  plans  was  followed? — With  what  success? 


C84  QUESTIONS  ON  Hook  IV. 

§  "..  Wliat  mciisurcs  were  takcm  jiniiinsf  Al(il)i(iilos  after  his  departure 
fur  Svraciis;!  ? — In  what  stiitc  ol' ('>-cliii^;  wa>  Aihcii-^? 

§  G.  Wliat  was  tli;-  iiriiaipal  cliarg(!  allcK<'d  af^ainst  AlcihiadcH? — In 
what  way  was  In-  taken  ? — Il(jw  (iid  he  escajx;? 

§  7.  Vviiat  were  tlie  (irst  iiroecedinjis  and  achi(.'vemcnts  of  Nicias  aftei 
the  departnre  of  Ah-ibia(U!S  ? — How  did  he  gain  a  holding  at  Syracuacj, 
and  where  did  In;  winter? 

§  8.  What  preparations  did  the  Syraensans  make  daring  tlic  wintei 
of  ».c.  415? — Wliat  was  tiie  conduct  of  Aieihiadi-s  at  Sjiarta? 

§  1).  Describe  the  city,  the  liarljors,  and  the  principal  jiositions  at  Syr. 
aciise,  constructing  a  rongii  map  similar  to  the  one  on  ]>.  'S'dl. — Truce 
on  the  map  liii'S  showing  the  juiiuipal  fortihcations. 

§  10.  AVIiat  imi)ortant  position  did  >.'icias  occupy? — What  works  did 
lie  plan  ami  cxeeiite  ? — What  were  the  first  attempts  of  the  Syraensans 
to  counteract  these? — IIow  did  Lainachus  fall,  and  what  effect  had  his 
loss? 

§  11.  What  S])artan  commander  Avas  sent  into  Italy,  and  with  wliat 
force? — Describe  his  progress  till  he  had  reached  Syracuse. — What 
message  did  he  send  Nicias? — What  defensive  works  did  he  construct? 
— What  additional  force  did  he  receive  ? — What  course  did  Nicias  adopt, 
and  what  was  the  posture  of  his  atiairs  ? 

§  12.  IIow  did  the  Athenians  act  on  the  receipt  of  Nicias'  dispatches 
from  Syracus3? — What  injurious  and  annoying  jilan  did  the  Spartans 
adopt  in  Attica  on  their  actively  renewing  the  war? — What  was  then 
the  position  of  affairs  in  Athens? — What  marks  of  extraordinary  spirit 
did  the  Athenians  notwithstanding  display  ? 

§  13.  Wliat  were  the  results  of  the  first  naval  engagement  at  Syra- 
cuse?— What  improvements  did  the  Syraensans  make  in  their  ships? — 
With  what  result  was  the  second  sea-battle  fought  ? 

§  !4.  Describe  the  force  brought  by  Demo.sthenes. — What  measures 
did  he  attempt  ? — What  jilans  did  he  recommend  ? — Why  were  they 
severally  rejected? — What  efforts'  were  made  on  each  side  for  a  final 
naval  encounter? 

§  15.  Give  a  particular  description  of  the  last  naval  battle,  stating  the 
force  on  each  side,  and  the  issue  of  the  combat. 

§  16.  What  was  the  plan  formed  by  the  Athenian  generals  for  their 
escape? — By  what  artifice  was  it  delayed? — Describe  the  departure  of 
the  Athenian  army  from  its  encampment. — Relate  the  incidents  of  their 
march  for  the  first  five  days. 

§  17.  Describe,  with  the  circumstances  which  preceded  it,  the  surren- 
der of  Nicias. — How  were  the  jirisoners  treated  ? — What  was  the  fate  of 
the  generals  ? 

§  18.  Give  an  account  of  the  character  of  Nicias. — Describe  the  merits 
of  Demosthenes  as  a  general. — Do  you  remember  a  great  exploit  of  his 
in  the  former  part  of  this  historj'  ? 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

FROM    TIIE    END    OF    THE    SICILIAN    EXPKniTION   TO    THE    OVERTIIEOW    OF 
THE    FOUR    HUXDREIJ    AT   ATHEXS. 

§  1.  IIow  is  intelligence  of  the  Athenian  defeat  at  Svracnse  said  to 
have  reached  Athens? — IIow  was  the  news  received? — Describe  the 
condition  of  Athens  at  that  time. — What  event  most  depressed  the 
Athenians? 


Chap.  XXXII.  SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  685 

§  2.  What  measures  were  adopted  for  defense  ? 

§  3.  Wliiit  various  states  hepui  to  rise  against  Athens? — How  was 
the  revolt  at  Ciiios  eifected  ? — What  other  states  followed  the  examijle? 

§  4.  How  did  the  Athenians  find  funds  for  a  fleet  ? — What  were  the 
terms  of  the  bargain  between  the  Sjiartans  and  Persians  ? — Relate  the 
particulars  of  the  revolution  at  ISanios. 

§  5.  What  successes  cheered  the  Athenians? — How  did  Tissaphernes 
act  toward  the  Spartans  ? 

§  6.  Describe  the  conduct  of  Alcibiades  at  this  juncture,  and  his  ad- 
Pice  to  the  Persian  satrajis. 

§  7.  What  proposals  did  Alcibiades  make  in  order  to  obtain  his  return 
jC  Athens? — What  measures  were  taken  to  carry  out  his  views? 

§  8.  Who  o])posed  and  wiio  supported  the  establishment  of  an  oligarchy 
at  Athens? — Ilow  was  it  effected? 

§  9.  How  did  Alcil)iades  hide  his  decci)tion  in  ;)romising  Persian 
help? — What  new  bargain  was  made  between  Sparta  and  the  Persian 
satraps  ? 

§  10.  How  was  the  oligarchical  movement  defeated  at  Samos? — In 
what  way  did  the  oligarchs  at  Athens  assail  the  democracy  ? 

§  11.  Where  was  the  meeting  convened  to  change  the  constitution?-- 
Enumerate  and  describe  the  changes. 

§  12.  Describe  the  conduct  of  the  new  government  at  Athens. — Re- 
cord its  negotiations  with  the  Spartans,  and  their  success. 

§  13.  What  communications  took  jilace  between  the  Four  Hundred 
and  the  fleet  at  Samos? — Who  were  the  leaders  of  the  counter-revolution 
there? — Ho\t  was  Alcibiades  restored,  and  what  were  his  first  proceed- 
ings ? 

§  14.  How  were  the  envoys  of  the  Four  Hundred  received  by  the  fleet 
at  Samos  ? — What  message  was  sent  back  ? 

§  15.  W^hat  leaders  among  the  Four  Hundred  were  opposed  to  each 
other? — In  what  policy  ? — What  was  the  fate  of  Phrynichus  ? 

§  10.  Describe  the  eircumstnnces  under  which  the  Athenians  lort 
Eubcea. 

§  17.  Wherein  lay  the  great  importance  of  the  lisss  of  Eubcea? — In 
the  restoration  of  democracy,  what  modification  was  made  in  the  old 
constitution? — Wliat  vengeance  was  inflicted  on  the  Four  Hundred? 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

FROM    THE    FALL   OF    THE    FOUR    HUNDUED    AT   ATHENS   TO    THE    KATTLE 
OF    .EGOSPOTAMI. 

§  1.  How  was  it  that  the  contest  was  now  altogether  maritime? — 
What  was  the  respective  naval  power  of  the  two  confederacies? — In 
what  quarters  was  the  war  successfully  carried  on  ? 

§  2.  Who  were  the  Athenian  and  S|)artan  commanders  in  the  battle 
off  Cynossema? — What  remarkable  structure  was  erected  by  the  Eu- 
bceans  ? 

§  3.  Where  was  the  next  engagement  ? — Describe  i*.. — How  was  it 
•decided  ? 

§  4.  How  did  Tissaphernes  treat  Alciliiades? — Relate  the  particulars 
of  the  action  in  which  Mindarus  was  slain. 

§  .'>.  Bv  what  measures  did  the  Athenians  follow  up  their  victory  ? — 
What  proposals  of  peace  were  made  ? — How  was  a  treaty  prevented  ? 

§  6.  What  help  did  Pharnabaziis  render  the  Spartans  ? 


68G  QUESTIONS  ON  Book  IV 

§  7.    What  towns  successively  tell  Ixfore  the  arms  of  Alcihiades  ? 

§  K.  Dcsciihc  tlie  icceiJtioii  ot'Alciliiades. — Wliut  measures  were  taken 
In  liis  favor? 

§  ".».  What  several  wounds  had  Alcihiades  previously  inflicted  on  his 
country's  ]iower? — What  measure  did  he  take  to  conciliate  the  priests? 

§  \().  What  two  important  historic  jicrsona^^es  at  this  time  came  into 
notice? — What  was  the  character  of  Cyku's,  and  what  his  command? — 
What  were  the  office,  <jri};in,  and  character  of  Lysandku  ? 

§  11.  What  occurred  at  the  banquet  where  Cyrus  entertained  Ly- 
sander  ? 

§  12.  What  conduct  of  Alcihiades  excited  dissatisfaction  ? 

§  1.3.  What  change  was  made  in  the  command  of  the  Athenian 
forces  ? 

§  14.  Who  .succeeded  Lysander  in  command? — Describe  the  new 
leader's  conduct. 

§  1").  Describe  the  events  which  placed  CoNOX  in  a  perilous  position. 

§  l(j.  State  the  efforts  made  to  relieve  him,  and  the  numbers  of  the 
o]ij)osing  fleets. — Where  did  tiie  great  action  take  place? 

§  17.  In  what  ditterci.i  ways  were  the  fleets  drawn  up  for  battle? — 
What  was  the  result  and  what  the  respective  losses  in  the  battle  ? — How 
did  Eteonicus  effect  his  escape? 

§  18.  What  charge  was  brought  against  the  Athenian  commanders  at 
A  rt/imisw  ? — What  did  they  allege  in  defense  ? — Wliat  circumstances  e:;- 
cited  the  peo])le  against  them? — What  was  their  fate? — Who  refused  to 
condemn  them  ? 

§  19.  How  did  Lysander  again  obtain  the  direction  of  the  Spartan 
fleet? — What  extraordinary  aid  and  power  did  Cyrus  give  him? — 
Where  did  he  station  liis  fleet? 

§  20.  Where  did  the  Athenian  fleet  take  its  station  ? — ^AVhat  disad- 
vantages had  this  place  ? — What  was  the  respective  conduct  of  the  Athe- 
nians and  Spartans  ? — What  advice  did  Alcihiades  give  ? — Describe  the 
BATTLE  OF  ^GospoTAMi. — At  what  date  was  it  fought? 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

FROM  THE   BATTLE   OF  JEGOSPOTAMI  TO  THE  0AT:RTHR0W  OF  THE  THIRTY 
TYRANTS    AND    THE    RE-ESTABLISHMENT    OF    DEMOCRACY    AT    ATHENS. 

§  1.  How  was  intelligence  of  the  defeat  at  .^go^potami  brought  to 
Athens  ? — How  was  the  news  received  ? 

§  2.  How  did  Lysander  follow  up  his  victory? — What  was  his  plan 
for  subduing  the  city  of  Athens  ? — What  form  of  government  did  he  set 
up  in  the  towns  he  took  ? 

§  3.  What  measures  did  the  Athenians  take  for  their  defense? — De- 
scribe the  first  measures  of  Lysander  against  Athens. — How  did  the 
people  show  their  spirit  ? 

§4.  How  did  Tlie7-nwenes  act? — What  may  hare  been  his  view  in 
ihis? — What  ])roposals  were  made  in  tlio  assembly  of  the  I'cloponnesian 
confederacv  as  to  the  fate  of  Athens  ? — What  terms  were  allowed  to  the 
city? 

§  5.  At  what  date  did  Lysander  take  possession  of  Athens? — How 
long  then  had  tlie  war  lasted  ? — Describe  the  way  the  terms  of  the  capit- 
ulation were  carried  out? — How  long  had  Athens  maintained  her  pow- 
er?— What  reflections  are  made  on  her  possession  and  use  of  it? 

§  6.  Give  some  account  of  the  origin  and  character  of  Critics. — De- 


<;hap.  XXXIV.  SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  687 

scribe  his  proceedings  for  setting  up  an  oligarchy. — What  name  was 
given  to  this  government? 

§  7.  Describe  the  return  of  Lysander  to  Spaita. 

§  8.  Give  some  account  of  the  cruel  tyrannies  of  The  Thirty. — Ex- 
plain the  particulars  of  the  noble  conduct  of  Socrates,  showing  how  the 
occasion  arose. 

§  9.  How  did  the  name  Cothurnus  apply  to  Theramencs  ? — What 
measure  was  taken  by  his  advice  ? 

§  10.  Describe  the  fate  of  Theramenes,  with  the  circumstances  pre- 
ceding and  accompanying  it. 

§  11.  How  many  jjerson?  are  said  to  have  perished  under  The  Thirty  ? 
—What  measures  did  they  take  to  suppress  mental  culture  ? 

§  12.  Where  did  Alcibiades  close  his  days? — Describe  his  death. — 
Give  your  opinion  of  his  cliaracter. 

§  13.  Show  the  great  supremacy  assumed  by  the  Spartans. — What 
honors  were  heaped  on  Lysander? 

§  14.  What  illustrious  Athenian  began  the  deliverance  of  his  country 
from  The  Thirty? — What  post  did  he  occujjy,  and  wliat  were  his  first 
successes  ? 

§  1.5.  By  what  measures  did  Critias  strive  to  secure  his  power? 

§  16.  Describe  the  success  of  Thrasybulus  at  the  Pincus. 

§  17.  On  the  death  of  Critias  what  new  tyranny  succeeded  that  of 
The  Thirty? — How  did  the  freedom  of  the  Athenians  find  indirect  aid 
even  among  the  Spartan  authorities  ? 

§  IS.  How  was  an  jpportunity  given  to  re-establish  the  democracy  at 
Atliens? 

§  19.  Describe  the  restoration  of  the  Athenian  democracy. — How  was 
this  event  rendered  memorable  in  a  literary  point  of  view  ? 

§  20.  How  did  the  newly-established  democracy  act? — What  was  the 
subsequent  position  of  Athens  ? 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

ATHENS,    AND    ATHENIAN    AND   GRECIAN    ART    DURING    THE    PERIOD   OF 
HER    EMPIRE. 

§  1.  How  is  Athens  situated? — Name  and  describe  the  chief  emi- 
nences in  its  position. — What  streams  supply  it  with  water? — Quote 
Milton's  description. — Draw  a  rough  plan  of  Athens,  indicating  the 
most  important  positions. 

§  2.  Whence  had  Athens  its  name? — What  were  the  old  names  of 
its  people? — W'hat  building  was  begun  by  the  Pisistratidx  ? 

§  3.  What  portion  of  the  structure  of  Athens  was  due  to  Themis- 
tocles? — Describe  the  nature  and  extent  of  his  erections. — Describe  the 
various  long  walls. 

§  4.  Give  some  idea  of  the  appearance  of  Athens  and  of  the  structure 
of  its  houses. — What  was  its  population,  and  how  compo.«ed  ? 

§  ~i.  At  what  time  should  the  period  of  highest  excellence  of  Athenian 
art  be  fixed  ? — In  what  various  arts  and  branches  of  literature  was  this 
eminence  displayed  ? 

§  6.  Name  some  of  the  earliest  sculptors. — State  their  country,  time, 
and  peculiarities. 

§  7.  Give  some  account  of  the  history  of  PIIIDI.VS,  stating  the  time 
of  his  birth  and  manner  of  his  death. — What  are  the  characteristics  of 
his  works? 


688  QUESTIONS  ON  Hook  IV. 

§  S.  Wliat  is  known  of  roLYCLETt-.s  ? — What  wns  )iis  most  famous 
work'/ — Wliiit  wi-re  tlie  excelk'nccs  and  tlu;  woiks  (jf  Myuon? 

§  !•.  Wluit  ));iint('r  was  contcmporarv  wiili  I'liidias? — What  works  did 
he  exi'ciiti' ? — What  excel  lences  and  dchcicncies  marked  his  works? 

§  10.  Name  tlie  other  great  ])ainters  of  tlie  jjcriod. — .Mention  some 
circumstances  indicating  tiic  great  fame  of  Zelxi.s. — Tell  the  story  of 
the  contest  ijctwecn  Zeuxis  and  I'aukiiasil.s. 

§  11.  Wiiat  piil)lic  buildings  were  erected  at  Athens  imder  the  ad- 
ministration of  Cinion? — Describe  the  temple  of  Nik//  uimpi  r,  stating 
its  position. — Mention  the  dimensions,  style,  and  ornaments  ot  the  'IhE' 

SEUM. 

§  12.  Give  a  rough  plan  of  tlie  AcnoPOMs,  showing  tlie  site  of  the 
principal  buildings. — Describe  the  a]ii)earance  of  the  Acrojtolis. — When 
and  at  wiiat  cost  were  the  PuorYL/KA  erected  ? — Describe  the  Projiylaja. 

§  13.  What  names  had  the  Parthenox  ? — Who  were  its  architects? 
— What  its  dimensions? — Describe  its  sculptures. 

§  14r.  ^Icntion  the  chief  circumstances  in  the  description  of  the  Chrys- 
elephantine statue  of  Athene. — Describe  the  ])osition,  ajipearance,  and 
pro])(>rtions  of  the  statue  of  Athene  1'komaciios. 

§  1").  Describe  the  EnEcuxuEUJi. — Give  the  legends  respecting  Ereeh- 
tlieus. — What  olyects  of  legendary  interest  were  contained  in  the  Erech- 
theum  ? 

§  l(i.  Describe,  with  their  positions  and  uses,  the  Dionysiac  theatre; 
the  Odeum  of  Pericles ;  the  Areopagus ;  the  Pnyx ;  the  Agora ;  the 
Ccramicus  ;   the  Lyceum. 

§  17.  What  great  architectural  works  in  the  Peloponnesus  are  de- 
scribed ? — (live  an  account  of  the  statue  of  Jujiiter  at  ()lymj)ia. 

§  18.   What  remarks  are  to  be  made  on  the  temple  at  Pliigalia? 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 

history  of  athenian  literatcre  down  to  the  end  of  the 
peloponnesian  war. 

§  1.  Among  which  portion  of  the  Greek  race  did  literature  first  begin? 
— At  what  time  did  the  Athenians  become  literary? 

§  2.  Among  what  trib;'  and  from  what  source  did  dramatic  literature 
begin? — Give  tlie  derivation  of  the  words  Trajtdij  and  Comedi/. — What 
is  known  of  K])icharmus  and  liis  works  ? 

§  3.  Who  is  named  as  the  earliest  introducer  of  Comedy  at  Athens? 
— What  peculiarly  shows  the  Dorian  origin  of  the  Drama? — Who  is 
said  to  have  first  introduced  sin  actor  into  Tragedy? — At  what  date? — 
What  tragic  authors  were  before  JEschylvs  ? — What  remarkable  anec- 
dote is  recorded  of  one  of  Phrynichus"s  dramas  ? — Explain  what  is  meant 
by  a  trilociji  and  a  teiralogji. 

§  4.  What  writers  are  respectively  regarded  as  Fathers  of  Epic  Poet- 
ry, of  Trciffcdi/,  and  of  History  .^ — Where  and  when  was  ^ESCHYLUS 
born? — ^lention  the  chief  events  of  his  life. — What  improvements  did 
he  introduce  into  tragedy? — What  are  the  characteristics  of  his  style? 
— How  many  tragedies  is  ^l^schylus  said  to  have  written? — How  many 
are  extant? — (Note  *,  p.  405.) 

§  .5.  "Who  succeeded  and  rivaled  ^-Eschylus? — When  and  where  wag 
he  horn  ? — Describe  the  jiecnliar  circumstances  under  which  he  gained 
his  first  Tragic  prize. — On  what  political  occasions  did  he  hold  office? 
— Record  the  closing  events  of  his  life. — What  improvements  are  due  ta 


Chap.  XXXV.    SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  689 

him  ? — What  are  the  excellences  of  his  style? — How  nuiny  tragedies  did 
SOPHOCLES  write?— How  many  remani  ?— (Note  *,  p.  40G.) 

§  6.  Where  and  when  was  EUKiPlUES  horn? — What  are  the  chief 
events  of  his  life  and  the  manner  of  his  death  ? — What  marks  of  dramat- 
ic decline  do  his  plays  exhibit? — Wliat  are  his  merits? — How  manv 
plays  of  Eurijiides  are  extant? — Why  is  one  peculiarly  interesting? 

§  7.  Who  are  the  writers  of  the  Old  Attic  Comedy  ? — When  was 
ARISTOPHANES  born?— How  many  of  his  plays  exist  ?— What  was 
the  probable  time  of  his  death  ? — What  was  the  nature  of  the  Old  At- 
tic CoMKDY  ? — Illustrate  this  by  some  accounts  of  the  jilots  of  jdays. — 
What  was  the  nature  of  the  Middle  Comedy  ? 

Note. — An  account  of  the  n.ituie  of  the  New  Comedy  and  its  authors  will  I*  found 
at  the  beginning  of  chap,  xlviii.,  p.  588. 

§  8.  Name  the  three  great  classical  Historians  of  Greece. — When, 
where,  and  in  what  rank  was  THL'CYDIUES  the  histoiian  born? — 
How  may  he  be  conveniently  distiiij;uished  from  the  rival  of  Pericles? 
{See  note  in  these  Questions  on  Chap.  XXIV.,  §  1.) — State  what  is  known 
of  the  historian's  life. — Give  an  accoimt  of  the  siilyect  of  his  work. — 
What  are  the  merits  and  faults  of  his  style? 

§  9.  About  what  time  was  XENOl'HON  born?— Who  were  his  sev- 
eral instructors  ? — Give  a  brief  sketch  of  his  life. — Name  his  chief  works. 
— What  merits  has  his  style  ?— What  period  does  his  history  describe? 
— Give  an  account  of  The  Cyropaidia  ;  The  Anabasis ;  The  Memora- 
bilia. 

§  10.  Give  a  brief  account  of  the  course  of  education  in  the  Greek 
states. 

§  11.  What  circumstance  rendered  the  lessons  of  the  Rhetor  and 
Sophist  so  important  ? — Name  some  eminent  men  wlio  taught  in  the 
most  glorious  time  of  Greek  History. — Distinguish  the  original  from  the 
more  recent  acceptation  of  the  word  Sophist. 

§  12.  Name  the  various  members  of  the  family  of  SOCRATES. — 
Record  some  of  his  personal  liabits  and  peculiarities. — What  events  of 
his  life  are  known  ? — How  did  Socrates  teach  ? — What  erroneous  view 
does  Aristophanes  give  of  the  pursuits  of  Socrates? 

§  13.  In  what  two  respects  did  Socrates  ditfer  from  the  Sophists? — 
What  philoso])hers  arose  from  among  his  hearers  ? 

§  14.  What  did  the  oracle  say  of  Socrates,  and  what  proof  did  he  ob- 
tain ? 

§  15.  At  what  date,  by  whom,  and  on  what  charge  was  Socrates  ac- 
cused ? — How  might  he  possibly  have  escaped  death  ? — How  was  his  life 
prolonged  for  some  days  ? — Describe  the  close  of  his  life. 


690  QUESTIONS  ()\  Book.  V. 


B  O  O  K    V. 
THE  SPARTAN  AND  TIIEBAN  SUPREMACIES 

(B.C.  403-373.) 
CHAPTEll  XXXVI. 

THE  EXPEDITION  OF  THE  GREEKS  UNDER  CYRU.S  AND  RETREAT  OF 
THE  TEN  THOUSAND. 

§  1 .  What  period  of  time  docs  Book  V.  embrace  ? — What  states  were 
supreme  dnrin;;  this  time  ? — Distiii^'iish  by  their  parentage  the  two  most 
celebrated  characters  named  (IVIU'S.^ — In  what  work  of  Xenophon  in 
the  expedition  of  the  yonnger  Cyrus  rekitcd? — Wherein  consisted  the 
importance  of  this  expedition? — Recount  the  particulars  of  the  provoca- 
tion Cyrus  received. 

§  2.  On  what  sj)ecies  of  force  did  Cyrus  chiefly  rely? — What  circum 
stances  in  Greece  favored  its  collection  ? — Who  was  the  chief  leader  of 
the  Greeks,  and  what  had  been  his  previous  position? — What  other  cel- 
ebrated Greek  was  ainoni;  them  ? 

§  3.  What  was  tlie  total  amount  of  Greeks  aiding  Cyrus? — Describe 
their  route  throuyjh  Asia  Minor. — What  occurred  near  and  in  Cilicia? 

§  4.  What  did  Cyrus  profess  to  bo  his  intention  when  in  Cilicia? — 
How  did  he  prevail  on  tiic  Greeks  to  proceed  ? — Where  did  the  fleet 
meet  them  ? — What  additional  force  did  it  bring  ? — What  proceedings  at 
Myriandrus  gained  for  Cyrus  tlie  love  of  the  Greeks? 

§  5.  Where  was  the  first  notice  of  the  real  ])urpose  of  the  expedition 
given  ? — How  did  they  cross  the  Euphrates  ? — What  amused  them  in 
the  des?rt  ? 

§  6.  What  was  the  probable  sti-ength  of  the  army  of  Artaxerxes  ? — 
What  was  the  purport  of  Cyrus's  address  i)rior  to  the  battle? — Describo 
the  battle  of  Cunaxa. — At  what  date  was  it  fought? — Give  the  partic- 
ulars of  the  death  of  Cyrus. 

§  7.  What  proposals  did  the  Greeks  make  after  the  battle  of  Cunaxa? 
• — What  difficulties  encompassed  them? — Describe  the  events  previous  to 
their  dcjiarture. 

§  8.  For  how  Ion:?  did  they  march  with  Tissaphernes  ? — What  was 
the  fate  of  Clearchus  ? — Who  perished  with  him  ? — Describe  the  con- 
duct of  Aria3us. 

§  9.  Describe  the  condition  and  state  of  mind  of  the  Greeks  after  the 
loss  of  their  officers.- — Recount  what  occurrcil  to  Xenophon. — State  how 
he  acted,  with  the  result. 

§  10.  Who  were  the  two  princijial  leaders  in  the  retreat? — Which 
had  the  greater  influence,  and  how  ? — What  arrangement  was  made  to 
keep  in  check  the  hostile  cavalry? — Describe  their  march  to  the  mount- 
ains of  the  Carduchi. 

§  11.  Wiiy  were  they  obliged  to  make  their  way  across  the  mount- 
ains?— How  long  did  tiiis  portion  of  their  journey  take? — What  diffi- 
culties had  they  to  overcome? 

§  12.  Wl;;it  river  did  they  next  cross,  and  how  ? — Into  what  country 
di'*  ♦hi'?  )))-iug  them  ? — Whence  arose  tlieir  chief  suff'erings  here? — What 
sort  of  villages  did  they  find  ? 


Chap.  XXXVII.  SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  691 

§  13.  What  circumstances  first  filled  the  army  with  extreme  jov? — 
How  was  it  testified  ?— What  nations  had  they  still  to  traverse  ?— What 
was  the  first  Greek  city  they  reached  ? 

§  14.  How  did  they  try  to  gain  the  means  of  return  by  sea? — Name 
the  chief  towns  and  tribes  they  had  to  pass  ere  they  reached  Chrysopo- 
lis. — Where  were  they  mustered,  and  what  number'remained  ? 

§  15.  What  occasioned  their  crossing  from  Asia  to  Europe? — How 
were  they  about  to  revenge  the  deceit  jjracticed  on  them,  and  what  pre- 
vented their  doing  so? — What  barbarian  king  did  they  serve? — With 
whose  army  was  the  remnant  of  the  Ten  Thousand  finally  incoqjorated  ? 

CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

FROM    THE    COMMENCEMENT    OF    THE    SP\KTAN    EMPIRE    TO    THE    BATTLE 
OF    CNIDUS. 

§  1.  How  long  had  Sparta  the  entire  lead,  and  liow  long  onlv  partial 
superiority  ? — What  events  and  dates  mark  out  these  divisions  of  "time  ? — 
What  afiVonts  and  dislike  provoked  the  invasion  of  Ells  by  the  Spartans? 
— How  many  campaigns  were  carried  on,  and  with  what  final  result? — 
Explain  the  word  theory  as  used  on  p.  -135  of  Dr.  Smith's  History. 

§  2.  What  schemes  had  Lysander  formed  ? — Describe  the  position 
held  bv  the  Spartan  kings. 

§  3.   How  did  Agesilaus  obtain  the  throne  of  Sparta  ? 

§  4.  What  excellences  did  Agesilaus  possess? — What  was  Lysander's 
view  in  the  elevation  of  Agesilaus  ? — What  defects  had  Agesilaus  ? — 
How  were  their  ill  consequences  obviated  ? — What  conspiracy  was  sup- 
pressed at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Agesilaus  ? 

§  5.  By  what  arrangements  did  Sparta  govern  her  dependent  states? 
- — Com])are  the  treatment  thus  resulting  with  the  rule  of  Athens? — 
What  efiect  had  tlie  Spartan  conquests  on  the  ])ecuniary  condition  of 
the  citizens  ? — Did  all  the  Lacedtemonians  become  equal  gainers  ? 

§  6.  How  did  the  war  in  Asia  Minor  begin  ? — Who  was  the  first 
Spartan  general  there  ? — What  force  had  he  ? — AVho  succeeded  him  ? — 
What  were  the  achievements  of  Dercyllidas? — What  were  the  demands 
of  the  opposing  ]jowers  ? — Who  now  took  command  of  the  Persian  tieet  ? 

§  7.  Who  were  the  projectors  of  the  invasion  of  Asia  Minor  by  Agesi- 
laus?— How  did  he  try  to  give  a  legendary  interest  to  his  expedition? 
— How  was  this  part  of  his  i)lan  frustrated  ? 

§8.  At  what  date  did  Af/esiliius  invade  Asia? — How  did  Lysander 
act,  and  what  was  the  result? 

§  9.  What  did  Agesilaus  accomplish  in  his  first  camjiaign  ? — Where 
and  in  what  occupation  did  he  ]jass  the  winter? — What  was  his  metlioJ 
of  action  and  success  at  the  beginning  of  the  second  camjuxign  ? 

§  10.  What  was  the  fate  of  Tissa])hernes ? — By  whom  procured? — 
From  what  motive  ? — Who  succeedeil  him  ? — What  arrangement  did  he 
make  with  Agesilaus  ? 

§  11.  What  remarkable  instance  of  their  confidence  did  the  Spartans 
show  Agesilaus? — What  islanil  did  the  Spartans  lose? 

§  12.  Describe  the  interview  between  Agesilaus  and  Pharnabazus. — 
State  the  conversation  that  occurred  betwixt  them. 

§  13.  Whv  did  Agesilaus  leave  Asia? — Give  the  particulars  of  the 
battle  of  Cnidiis. — Who  was  the  victorious  anil  wiio  the  defeated  com- 
mander ? — At  what  date  and  season  of  the  year  was  it  fougiit  ? 

JfOTB. The  battle  of  Cnidus,  being  fought  off  tlie  coast  of  Asia,  is  witli  propriety  ro 


692  QUESTIONS  ON  Book  V. 

rorded  in  this  chapter.  Chnptcr  xxxviil.  renumeM  the  nnrrntive  of  pvfnti'  in  <inf.rp.: 
the  buttle  «( (Uir.iUli  there  iiKaitioiieil  whh,  p^rhap:',  a  lillh-  lii'foic  that  of  Cniilii^,  while 
that  of  Coronen  wan  a  littk!  lalei'.  Tiii.H  nutu  in  added  le.^t  tlic  roader  Hhoiild  Huppo^c 
tho  order  oj  imrnitujn  U>  he  i)iecii'cly  tlie  order  of  time. 

CIIAPTEK  XXXVIII. 

THE    CORINTHIAN  WAR.       FROM    Till:    HATTLE    OK    CNIDL.S    TO    THE    I'EACE 
or    ANTAIXIUAS. 

§  1.  By  what  Satnip  ami  lliront:Ii  wliosc  aKf'ncy  was  tho  Corintliian 
war  excited  against  Sjiaita? — What  money  did  lie  take? — What  states 
did  he  prevail  u|)oii  ? 

§  2.  How  did  hostilities  l)e<;in  between  Sjiarta  and  the  Thebans? — 
What  w;vfl  the  jilaii  for  invading;  Bceolia  ? 

§3.  What  fourth  ])owcr  joined  the  Corinthian  allies? — IIow  and 
where  was  Lysander  slain? — \Miat  were  the  farther  results  of  this  en- 
gagement? 

§  4.  What  farther  accession  did  the  Corinthian  allies  gain? — What 
name  did  the  war  bear? — Whom  did  the  Ejihors  simimon  to  conduct  it  ? 
— Give  an  account  of  the  battle  of  Corinth,  and  its  results. 

§  f).  Wl'.o  joined  Agesllans  on  his  journey  frf)m  Asia  Minor? — De- 
scribe his  march. — What  countries  and  mountains  had  he  to  pass? — 
How  did  he  conceal  the  bad  news  which  reached  him  ? 

§  6.  Describe  the  battle  of  Coronea  in  its  first  operations. — Detail 
the  conduct  of  the  Thebans. — What  was  the  result  of  the  battle? — How 
was  the  great  success  of  Agesilaus  in  Asia  made  evident? 

§  7.  What  were  the  consequences  of  the  battle  of  Cnidiis? — What 
town  and  what  peninsula  were  retained  by  the  Spartans,  and  through 
whose  agency? 

§  8.  What  were  the  exploits  of  the  fleet  nnder  Conon  in  the  beginning 
of  the  year  393  n.c.  ? — What  very  important  benefit  did  he  confer  on 
his  country  ? — By  what  means  ? 

§  9.  Wliat  mountains  cross  the  isthmus  of  Corinth  ? — What  passes 
cross  them  ? — What  advantages  for  defense  do  these  ])asses  aflbnl  ? — 
W^hat  political  changes  took  ])lace  at  Corinth  in  392  B.C.  ? — What  ad- 
vantages did  these  obtain  t\)r  the  Sjiartans? 

§  10.  What  successes  against  the  Corinthian  allies  did  Agesilaus 
gain  in  the  summer  of  391  B.C.? — What  effect  had  these  on  the  The- 
bans?— How  did  Agesilaus  treat  the  Theban  envoys? 

§  11.  What  changes  did  Iphicratcs  introduce  in  the  arming  of  light 
troops? — With  what  object? — What  were  the  first  successes  of  his  tar- 
geteers  or  pe/tastsf — What  circumstances  gave  him  the  ojipoitunity  of  a 
more  important  success? — Give  the  particulars  of  this  exjjloit. — State 
its  effect  on  Agesilaus  and  the  Theban  eii\oys. — Describe  the  subse- 
quent conquests  of  Iphicratcs. — Why  was  I]ihicrates  superseded  ? 

§  12.  To  what  were  the  first  attempts  of  Antalcidas  in  negotiation  di- 
rected?— How  far  were  they  successful? — How  did  Conon's  pidilic  ca- 
reer end  ? — What  was  his  probable  fate  ? — What  success  did  Stnithas 
gain? 

§  13.  What  circumstances  induced  the  Athenians  to  send  out  Thrasyb- 
ulus? — What  successes  had  he? — How  did  he  perish? — What  other 
eminent  Athenian  went  afterward  to  the  Hellesjjont  ? — What  successes 
had  this  new  commander? 

§  14.  Kecord  the  particulars  of  the  enterprise  ofTeleutais  against  the 
Piraeus. 


Chaf.  XXXIX.  SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  693 

§  15.  From  what  vaiious  sources  did  the  Spartans  obtain  increasea 
force? — What  circumstances  now  disposed  the  Athenians  to  peace? — 
Wlnit  Satrap  declared  the  Peace  of  Anialddus  ? — Cite  its  precise  terras 
— What  state  made  a  temjjorary  opposition? 

§  16.  What  was  tlie  date  of  the  peace  of  Antalcidas? — Wlicrein  con- 
sisted  its  disgrace  to  Greece? — What  stales  are  most  bhimabie  for  it? — 
What  remarks  were  made  on  it? 

CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

FROM  THE  PEACE  OF  ANTALCIDAS  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  CALLIA3. 

§  1.  What  measures  hostile  to  Thebes  did  the  Spartans  adopt  imme- 
diately after  the  peace  of  Antalcidas  ? 

§  2.   How  did  they  treat  the  town  of  Mantinea? 

§  3.  Describe  the  position  of  Olyntbus. — What  towns  had  joined  and 
wliich  towns  had  opposed  the  Olynthian  confederacy? — Which  party 
did  Sparta  support,  and  with  what  force? 

§  4.  Describe  the  circumstances  under  which  the  Spartans  seized  the 
Cadmea. — What  was  the  Cyadmca,  and  why  so  called  ? — What  irreat 
advantage  did  they  thus  gain? — How  was  this  act  viewed? — In  what 
way  did  the  Spartan  government  proceed  with  regard  to  it? 

§  5.  How  long  did  the  Olynthians  resist  the  power  of  Sparta? — Who 
concluded  this  war,  and  how  ? — Wherein  was  this  disadvantageous  to 
Grecian  interests? — What  other  state  yielded  to  Sparta  about  the  same 
time? 

§  6.  What  was  at  this  time  the  position  of  Sparta  ? 

§  7.  Who  were  the  two  great  leaders  of  Thebes  during  the  time  of  its 
greatest  glory? — Give  some  account  of  the  character  and  conduct  of 
each. — Detail  the  particulars  of  the  conspiracy  by  wliich  Thebes  was 
freed  from  the  rule  of  the  Spartan  party. — What  part  did  Epaminondas 
take  ? 

§  8.  Under  what  circumstances  and  terms  was  the  Cadmea  evacuated 
by  the  Spartans? 

§  9.  With  what  feelings  did  the  Spartans  receive  the  intelligence  of 
the  revolution  at  Thebes? — How  were  the  Atlicnians  induced  to  ally 
themselves  with  Thebes  ? 

§  10.  Give  an  account  of  the  new  confederacy  formed  in  Greece  after 
the  liberation  of  the  Cadmea. — State  some  of  tiie  measures  adopted  in 
forming  it. — What  ])ersons  were  most  active  in  its  formation  ? 

§  11.  What  was  the  force  of  tlie  new  league? — Describe  the  compo- 
sition and  purpose  of  the  Sacred  Band  at  Thebes. 

§  12.  Give  a  full  account  of  the  excellences  of  Epaminondas'a  char-> 
acter,  and  the  means  by  which  tliey  were  attained. 

§  13.  Describe  the  attempts  of  the  Spartans  in  their  invasions  of 
Thebes  during  the  first  three  campaigns,  with  their  result. 

§  14.  Give  an  account  of  the  exploits  of  the  Athenian  fleet  in  the  year 
376  B.C. 

§  15.  What  circumstances  caused  tlio  jealousy  of  Athens  against 
Thebes? — Describe  the  exploit  of  Peloi)i(las  atTegyra. — What  succcssoa 
and  attempts  of  the  Thebans  followed  this  victory  ? 

§  16.  In  what  manner  was  the  peace  made  between  Athens  and 
Sparta  broken  ? — Describe  the  adventures  and  fate  of  Mncsip])ns  in  Cor 
eyra. — What  farther  advantages  did  the  Athenians  gain? 

§  17.  Where  were  the  deiaities  to  be  assembled  for  negotiating  the 
treaty  called  the  Peace  of  Callias  f 


694  (QUESTIONS  ON  B<xjk  V 

§  18.  At  wliat  (Intt;  was  the  peace  of  Callias  made? — Wliat  were  the 
terms  ol'  il? — Describe  the  dispute  i>etweeii  Ej)aminondas  and  Agesilaus 
on  the  occasiua. 

CHAPTER   XL. 

THK    fiUI'REMACY    OF    TIIEHES. 

§  1.  What  were  tlie  expectations  of  tiie  Greeks  as  to  the  issue  of  the 
9tru).;gic  between  Sparta  and  Thebes  ? — Describe  the  march  of  Cleom- 
brotus  into  Boeotia. 

§  2.  Wliat  advantage  had  Clcombrotus  secured  in  liis  march  ? — What 
circumstances  discouraged  the  Tliebans? — What  was  the  nianccuvrc  of 
Ei)amiiiondas  to  secure  the  victory  ? — 13cscribe  tiie  uattle  of  Lei'ctra 
and  its  results. — Give  its  date. 

§  ;?.  How  did  the  Spartan  government  show  its  courage  after  the  bat- 
tle of  Leuctray 

§  4.  What  were  the  position  and  aims  of  Jason  of  Pherae  ? — What 
course  did  he  advise  the  Thebans  to  adoj)!  after  the  battle  of  Lcuctra? 

§  5.  What  states  joined  Thebes  after  the  battle  of  Leuctra  ? — What 
conditions  respectively  were  granted  by  Thebes  to  Orchomenes  and  to 
Thespia;  ? 

§  6.  What  intentions  had  Jason  of  Pheras  declared  just  prior  to  bis 
death?— How  did  he  fall? 

§  7.  What  policy  did  Athens  adopt  after  the  battle  of  Leuctra? — 
What  Pelo])onncsian  states  were  raised  up  by  Thebes  against  Sparta? — 
Who  was  the  most  active  Arcadian  statesman  at  the  time  ? 

§  8.  How  long  had  the  Mcssenians  lived  in  e.xile  ? — With  what  force 
did  Epaminondas  invade  Laconia  in  n.c.  370? — What  extraordinary 
measure  did  the  Spartans  adopt  for  their  defense? — To  whose  exertions 
was  the  defense  of  Sparta  owing? 

§  9.  What  town  was  built  to  form  the  capital  of  Arcadia? — Find  it 
on  the  map,  and  describe  its  position. —  What  was  the  new  constitution 
of  Arcadia  ? — Describe  the  position  and  strength  of  the  new  town  of 
Messene. — On  what  charge  was  Epaminondas  arraigned  ? — What  was 
his  reply,  and  what  the  result  ? 

§  10.  On  what  terms  were  Athens  and  Sparta  allied  against  Thebes? 
— What  was  their  plan  of  defense  ? — What  were  the  results  of  the  cam- 
paign of  B.C.  301)  ? 

§11.  What  ambitious  views  did  Lycomedes  and  the  Arcadians  form  * 
— What  successes  did  they  gain  ? 

§  12.  In  what  battle  were  the  Arcadians  subsequently  defeated? — 
How  did  the  Thebans  regard  this  defeat  ? — What  was  the  object  an(? 
what  the  result  of  Pelopidas's  expedition  to  Thessaly  in  B.C.  368  ? — Who 
was  amonrr  the  Macedonian  hostages? 

§  13.  What  was  the  object  of  the  third  expedition  made  by  Epami- 
nondas into  the  Peloponnesus? — How  did  he  display  his  moderation?— 
How  did  the  Thebans  regard  it,  and  what  consequences  followed  their 
proceedings  ? 

§  14.  What  was  the  object  and  what  the  result  of  the  Theban  em- 
bassy to  Persia? — What  rejjresentations  did  Antiochus  make  of  the  stat« 
of  the  Persian  monarchy  ? — How  was  the  Persian  mandate  in  favor  of 
Thebes  received  by  the  Greeks  ? 

§  15.  Of  what  outrage  was  Alexander  of  Phcra;  guilty  ? — Wliat  ad 
Tantage  did  he  gain  by  it  ? — How  was  the  prisoner  rescued  ? 


Chap.XLI.        SMITH'S  HISIOKY  OF  GREECE.  61)5 

§  16.  Where  was  Oropus? — Under  what  circumstances  did  the  The- 
baus  gain  it  ? — What  alliance  iinfuvorable  to  Thebes  soon  followed  ? 

§  1 7.  What  treacherous  attempt  in  Corinth  did  the  Athenians  plan  ? 
— With  what  result? — What  peace  was  made  in  consequence? 

§  IS.  What  maritime  conquests  were  made  for  Athens  by  Timothcus  ? 
— What  success  attended  Epaniinondas  at  sea? 

§  19.  Describe  the  circumstances  under  which  Pclopidas  fell. — How 
was  his  death  avenged  ? 

§  20.  What  occasioned  the  difference  between  Arcadia  and  Elis? — 
What  powers  snjjported  each  ? — What  occurred  at  the  time  of  the  cele- 
bration of  the  10-tth  Olympiad? 

§  21.  What  proceedings  estranged  Mantinea  from  the  Arcadian 
league  ? — What  towns  in  Arcadia  were  respectively  at  the  head  of  the 
Theban  and  Spartan  parties  ? — What  circumstances  led  to  the  fourth 
expedition  of  Epaminondas  into  the  Peloponnesus? 

§  22.  At  what  date  did  Epaminondas  lead  his  last  expedition  into  the 
Peloponnesus  ? — What  two  bold  attempts  did  he  then  unsuccessfully 
make  ? 

§  23.  Describe  the  battle-field  of  Manti>t:a. — Detail  the  occurrences 
at  the  commencement  of  the  battle. — What  was  the  plan  of  Ejiaminon- 
das  ? — What  was  the  result  of  the  battle  ? — Give  the  particulars  of  the 
last  hours  of  Epaminondas's  life. — On  what  terms  was  peace  made? 

§  24.  Give  an  account  of  the  close  of  the  life  of  King  Agesilaus. 

CHAPTER  XLI. 

HISTORY    OF    THE    SICILIAN    GREEKS    FROJI    THE    DESTRUCTION    OF   THE 
ATHENIAN    ARMAMENT    TO    THE    DEATH    OF    TIMOLEON. 

§  1.  What  is  the  subject  of  Chap.  XLI.  ? — What  period  of  time  doei 
it  embrace? — Notice  briefly  the  events  in  Syracusan  history  from  the  de- 
feat of  the  Athenians  to  the  time  of  the  seizure  of  power  by  Dionysiui; 
the  elder. — What  event  gave  Dionysius  the  opportunity  of  gaining  pow- 
er ? — How  and  at  what  date  did  he  become  tyrant  of  Syracuse  ? 

§  2.  What  Sicilian  towns  did  he  successively  conquer? — What  state 
was  his  most  formidable  opponent  ? — How  was  he  rescued  from  immi- 
nent danger  B.C.  394? — What  other  country  besides  Sicily  submitted  to 
his  sway  ? — In  what  ecndition  was  Syracuse  under  him  ? — What  great 
Grecian  state  profited  by  his  alliance  ? 

§  3.  What  proofs  may  be  cited  of  the  taste  of  Dionysius  for  literature? 
— How  is  he  said  to  have  treated  Plato? 

§  4.  What  were  the  merits  and  defects  in  the  character  "f  Dionysius? 
— How  long  did  he  hold  power? — Tell  the  story  of  Damocles. — Cite 
Horace's  allusion  to  it. 

§  5.  Who  succeeded  Dionysius  the  elder? — N;;me  the  several  mem- 
bers of  the  family. — How  was  Dion  connected  ^\•ith  it  ? — What  plans  did 
he  recommend  to  Dionysius  II.? — How  did  Dion  fall  into  disfavor? — 
What  were  the  first  measures  taken  against  liini  ? 

§  6.  What  farther  outrage  of  Dionysius  II.  stimulated  Dion  to  re- 
venge ? — What  circumstances  favored  his  enterjirise  ? — With  what  forco 
did  he  land  in  Sicily? — Describe  his  entrance  into  Syracuse. — Whero 
was  Dionysius  II.  at  this  time  ? — What  attempts  did  he  make,  and  with 
what  success  ? 

§  7.   How  did  Dion  lose  his  popularity? — What  wa.s  his  fate? 

§  8.  Into  what  state  did  Sicily  now  fall  ? — What  danger  caiiaed  th^ 
appeal  to  Corinth  ? 


6'JQ  QUESTIONS  ON  Book  VL 

§  [).  Descril)c  the  character  of  Timoleox. — Uccount  his  history  while 
at  Coriuth. 

§  10.  What  circumstances  ten<lcd  to  dishearten  and  what  to  encour- 
age Timoleon  in  his  iittcinj)t  to  deliver  Syracuse;? — What  various  ene- 
mies had  he  to  encounter? — Wliat  force  acconi])anied  him? — In  wiiat 
hands  were  tiie  various  juirts  of  Syracuse? — How  did  lie  ^ain  Onyn'iix'f 
— Where  and  liow  did  Dioiiysius  II.  ]>ass  tlie  close  of  his  life? — Wijat 
great  force  did  Ilicetus  suniuion  to  his  aid? — How  were  these  rendered 
useless  to  him? 

§  1 1.  What  were  the  first  measures  of  Timoleon  when  master  of  Syr- 
acuse?— What  farthiT  stcjis  were  taken  to  promote  the  freedom  and 
welfare  of  the  Syracusans? 

§  12.  What  circumstances  preceded  the  battle  of  the  Crimesus? — 
Wiiat  were  the  oi)posing  forces  in  that  battle  ? — What  were  the  result  of 
the  battle  and  the  loss  of  the  Carth:i<i;inians? 

§  13.   Wliat  fartlier  successes  attended  the  arms  of  Timoleon? 

§  li.  Describe  the  close  of  Timolcon's  life. 


BOOK  YI. 
THE  MACEDONIAN  SUPREMACY. 

(B.C.  353-146.) 
CHAPTER  XLII. 

FRO-H    THE    ACCESSION    OF    PHILIP    TO    THE    END    OF    THE    SACRED    WAR. 

§  1.  Give  a  brief  view  of  the  changes  which  took  place  successively  as 
to  the  possession  of  the  leading  ])ower  among  the  states  of  Greece. 

§  2.  What  are  the  boundaries  of  Macedon  Proper,  and  from  what 
countries  do  they  sejjarate  it?— Wiiat  are  its  principal  rivers? — What 
was  the  probable  origin  of  its  ])eo])le  ? 

§  3.  From  what  race  did  tiie  Royal  family  of  Macedon  claim  descent? 
• — What  king  was  contem])orary  with  the  Pisistratida;  ? — At  what  time 
was  Macedon  subject  to  Persia? — What  advantages  did  Archelaus  con- 
fer on  Macedon? — What  towns  were  successively  the  capitals? — Of 
whom  was  the  famous  Pliilij)  son  ? 

Note.  -  For  the  piirt  t:iken  by  Alex.inder  of  Macedon  in  the  great  Persian  war 
ngainst  Athene,  see  chap,  xx.,  5§  ;!  and  7. 

§  4.  What  advantages  did  Philip  gain  by  his  residence  at  Thebes? — 
What  were  the  princijjal  features  of  Phili|rs  character? 

§  5.  At  what  age  and  at  what  date  ditl  PHILIP  take  on  him  the  gov- 
ernment  of  Macedon? — In  what  capacity  did  he  first  act? — Who  were 
rival  claimants? — What  su])port  had  each? — How  did  Philip  rid  him- 
self of  them? — Wiiat  nations  did  he  tlien  subdue,  and  how? — How  did 
he  treat  his  nephew  ? 

§  G.  By  what  military  measures  did  Philip  strengthen  his  power? — 
Show  the  strictness  of  his  dicipline. 

§  7.  Where  was  Amphipolis? — Wherein  lay  its  importance? — What 
powers  wished  to  possess  it? — How  did  Phiiip  keep  them  quiet? — What 
towns  did  he  successively  gain? — Wiiat  fortunate  events  hapj)cned  tc 
Philip  in  B.C.  356  ? — What  advantages  did  he  gain  east  of  the  Strj- 
mon? 


Chai'.  XLIII.     SMITH'S  HISTOKY  OF  GREECE.  697 

§  8.  What  states  opposed  Athens  iu  the  Social  Wau  ?— What  causes 
produced  it? — What  generals  commanded  the  Athenmiis? — What  re- 
sult had  the  war? 

§  U.  Between  what  powers  did  the  Sacked  Wau  begin":' — IIuw  was 
it  occasioned? — Who  was  the  first  leader  of  the  Phociaus  ? — What  were 
his  first  measures  and  successes  ? 

§  10.  What  states  joined  the  Phocians? — What  prevented  their  giving 
efficient  help? — Whence  did  Philomelus  get  means  to  carry  on  war?— 
Who  succeeded  Philomelus? — What  conquests  did  he  make? 

§  11.  Where  did  Philip  lose  his  eye? — What  pi-etext  had  he  for  in- 
vading Thessaly  ? — What  was  his  ultimate  success  in  that  country  ? — 
How  was  he  induced  to  withdraw  from  before  Thermopyhe  ? 

§  12.  By  what  persons  was  public  sj)caking  first  jiracticcd  at  Athens? 
— What  occasioned  a  change  in  that  respect? — At  what  time  was  Ue- 
MOSTHEXES  THE  Oratok  bom  ? — In  what  cause  did  he  first  use  his  ora- 
torical skill? — Who  had  been  his  instructor? — What  was  his  success  in 
his  first  attempts  at  public  speaking  ? — What  natural  defects  had  he  ? — 
How  did  he  remedy  these  ? 

§  13.  In  what  light  did  Demosthenes  regard  Philip? — What  were 
the  object  and  success  of  the  first  I'hilijipic  ? — What  gave  occasion  to 
ihe  Olynthiac  orations  ? 

Note. — The  young  student  should  remark  that,  from  the  forc3  and  excellence  of 
the  Paiuppics  delivered  by  Demosthenes,  that  word  was  afterward  applied  to  the 
speeches  of  the  great  Piomaa  orator  Cicero  against  Marcus  Antonius,  and  that  it  Is 
ofisn  used  to  signify  "■  a  vehement  speech  inaue  against  mvj  jterson." 

§  14.  AVho  was  the  most  celebrated  opponent  of  the  policy  of  Demos- 
thenes at  Athens  ? — Give  the  character  of  Phocion. — State  his  probable 
motives. — Relate  some  anecdotes  of  him. — At  what  date  did  Philip  take 
Olynthus? — How  did  he  treat  his  conquest  ? 

§  15.  Why  was  Philip's  conquest  of  Olynthus  alarming  to  the  Athc- 
niaiis? — Who  succeeded  Onomarchus  in  the  command  of  the  Phocians? 
— Wiiat  success  had  he? — What  two  leaders  successively  commanded 
them? — What  negotiations  took  place  between  Philii>  and  the  Athenians 
just  before  the  close  of  the  Sacred  War? — Show  his  great  art  and  du- 
plicity jn  treating. 

§  IG.  What  charge  did  Demosthenes  bring  against  ^schines  and  his 
party? — Describe  the  way  in  which  Phili]3  terminated  the  Phocian  or 
Sacred  War. — To  what  treatment  were  the  Phocians  subjected? — What 
advantages  did  Philip  gain  by  his  termination  of  this  war? 

CHAPTER  XLIII 

FROM    THE    END    OF    THE    SACRED    WAR    TO   THE    DEATH    OF    rHILlP. 

§  1.  What  were  the  results  of  the  Sacred  War? — How  was  the  speech 
of  Demosthenes  "  On  the  Peace"  occasioned? — Wliat  was  his  line  of  ar- 
gument in  that  oration  ? 

§  2.  In  what  way  did  Philip  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesus?— What  occasioned  the  secontl  PhiUppu-.  of  Demosthenes? — What 
were  the  occasion  and  result  of  the  speeches  Ilfpi  napaTrpKriittat;? 

§  3.  To  what  countries  did  Philip  next  send  exi)editions  ?— What  hos- 
trie  acts  against  Macedon  were  done  by  Diopithes  ? 

§  4.  What  were  the  occasion  and  nature  of  Demosthenes'  speech  *'  On 
the  Chersonese?'' — At  what  date  did  Philii)  attack  the  Greek  cities  N.  of 
the  Hellespont? — What  difficulties  did  the  siege  oi  Perinthus  present? 

2  II 


098  QUESTIONS  OX  r,-KiK   VL 

§  r».  Describe  the  cxjiioits  of  Vliocion  in  Eiilxra. 

§  ().  VVhiit  is  tlic  ]>iiriM)it  of  the  extant  letter  of  Philiji  to  titc  Athe- 
nians?— What  was  the  result  of  the  expedition  of  Ohares  to  i>y/.antiuni  ? 
— Describe  the  conilnet  and  the  success  of  J'hocion. — Give  an  aeeouiit 
of  the  expedition  of  I'liilij)  into  Seythia. — What  events  fidlowed  it? 

§  7.  Describe  the  (hs]iutc  wiiicii  arose,  in  the  Ainj)hirtyonie  council 
between  ^schines  and  tlic  Anipiiissian  deputies. — What  decree  resulted 
from  this? 

§  8.  What  may  have  been  the  motive  of  iEschines? — How  did  Philip 
become  f/oieral  of  the  Aiii/ihirti/rms  f 

§  9.  By  what  act  did  I'liiliji  disjilay  his  designs  against  Attica  and  Boo- 
otia? — Describe  what  then  occurrecl  at  Athens. — What  was  the  advica 
of  Demosthenes? — Record  tlie  proceedings  at  Thebes. 

§  10.  Where  and  at  what  date  was  fought  the  decisive  battle  vi-hich 
humbled  Greece  under  Macedon? — Describe  tliis  battle. — What  monu- 
ment remains  of  it  ? — W'hat  charge  is  made  against  Demosthenes  as  to 
the  battle  ? — What  shows  it  unjust  ? 

§  11.  How  did  Philip  behave  on  his  victory? — W'hat  reproof  wa* 
given  him?— What  terms  did  he  grant  Athens? — How  did  he  treat 
Thebes  ? 

§  12.  What  grand  object  had  Philip  in  view? — W'here  did  the  con- 
gress assemble  ? — What  city  sent  no  deputies? — Describe  Philip's  next  ex- 
pedition to  the  Peloponnesus. — What  other  states  now  submitted  to  him  ? 

§  13.  How  did  the  ill-will  between  Philip  and  his  son  Alexander 
arise  ? — Give  the  particulars  of  the  fii-st  quarrel. — How  was  a  partial  rec- 
onciliation brought  about  ? 

§  14.  W^hat  were  the  date  and  purpose  of  the  expedition  sent  by  Philip 
into  Asia? — Where  and  how  did  Philip  celebrate  the  marriage  of  his 
daughter  Cleopatra? — What  dreams  are  said  to  have  portended  hLs  fall? 

§  ^Ti.  Describe  the  murder  of  Philip. — What  motive  caused  it  ? — W^ho 
have  been  suspected  as  ]»rivy  to  it? — With  what  jirobability  in  each 
ease? — At  what  date  did  Philip  fall? — What  remarks  are  to  be  made 
on  his  achievements  ? 

CHAPTER  XLIV. 

ALEX.\XI>EU    THE    GREAT. 

§  1.  How  old  was  ALEXANDER  at  the  time  of  Philip's  death  ?— 
Who  were  the  early  instructors  of  Alexander  ? — With  w  hat  sentiments 
did  they  fill  him  ?— -During  what  time  was  he  probably  under  Aristotle  ? 

§  2  How  did  Demosthenes  act  when  informed  of  Philip's  death  ? — 
What  did  Phocion  remark  respecting  ii  ? — What  measures  did  Demos- 
thenes take  to  insure  success? — What  states  were  disposed  to  aid  him? 

§  3.  By  what  means  did  Alexander  disconcert  the  views  of  Demos- 
thenes ?-^Wni  at  dignities  held  by  his  father  did  he  gain? — Describe  his 
interview  with  Diogenes,  and  record  the  conversation  which  occurred. 

§  4.  Against  w  hat  nations  had  Alexander  next  to  march  ? — Describe 
his  operations  in  each  case. 

§  5.  What  induced  the  Thebans  and  Athenians  again  to  attempt  tc 
shake  off  Alexander's  yoke? — Describe  Alexander's  conduct  and  suc- 
cess against  Thebes. — What  loss  of  Thebans  ensued? — By  whom  was 
Thebes  sentenced,  and  how  was  it  treated? — On  what  pretenses? — 
What  demand  did  Alexander  make  from  Athens? — How  was  he  ap- 
l^eased  ? — Tell  the  anecdote  of  Phocion's  self-deniaL 


Chap.  XLIV.      SMITH'S  HlSTOliY  OF  GREECE.  e?U 

§  6.  Whom  did  Alexander  leave  as  recent  in  Macedonia,  and  with 
what  force  ? — What  was  the  amount  and  composition  of  his  own  army  ? 
Dascribe  the  circumstances  which  occasioned  the  weakness  of  the  Per- 
sian empire? — What  events  had  previously  shown  this  weakness? 

Note.— In  addition  to  tlie  expedition  of  Cyru.-J,  tlie  exploits  of  AgejilHus  in  Asia, 
and  the  observation  of  AntiosUus  tlie  Arcadian,  might  both  have  been  quoted  as  phovr- 
ing  the  weakness  of  Persia.     See  D.-.  Smith's  History,  pp.  440-442,  and  end  of  p.  479. 

§  7.  Describe  Alexander's  passage  into  Asia. — Also  his  visit  to  the 
plain  of  Troy. 

§  8.  Wiiere  was  fought  Alexander's  first  great  battle  against  the  Per 
sians  ? — What  forces  opposed  him?— What  difttculties  had  lie  to  sur. 
mount? — Describ3  the  battle. — Give  its  date. — How  did  he  act  when  it 
was  ended? 

§  U.  Nama  the  towns  which  successively  yielded  to  Alexander  after 
the  battle  of  the  Granicus. — What  arrangements  did  he  make  for  win- 
ter?— Name  the  countries,  towns,  mountains,  and  rivei-s  which  lie  passed 
at  the  end  of  B.C.  334. — What  remarkable  event  occurred  at  Gordium? 

§  10.  Describe  tha  route  by  whi«h  he  entered  Cilicia. — What  circum- 
stances endangered  his  life  in  that  country  ? — Relate  the  anecdote  rela- 
tive to  Alexander  and  his  physician. — -What  force  did  Darius  in  person 
bring  against  him? — Describe  the  route  of  Darius. — What  was  now  the 
|)osition  of  Alexander? — Wherein  was  the  great  disadvantage  of  the  ])0- 
sition  of  Darius  ? — Describe  the  disposition  of  his  army. — Who  com- 
manded the  wings  of  the  Macedonians  ? — Describe  Alexander's  conduct 
in  the  battle. — How  did  Darius  act,  and  what  were  the  consequences  ? — 
What  loss  did  the  Persians  sustain  ? — Descvil)e  the  tent  of  Darius. — 
Who  were  inmates  of  it? — How  did  Alexander  treat  them? 

Note. — The  battle  of  Issus  is  minutely  and  graphically  described  in  Professor 
Crea.sy's  work  before  quoted.  In  a  (juotation  there  made  from  Napoleon  tlie  river  is 
erroneously  called  the  Issus  instead  of  the  Pindarus. 

§  11.  What  was  the  date  of  the  battle  of  Issus? — What  operations 
did  Alexander  next  contemplate,  and  from  what  motive? — What  moan- 
had  Darius  still  left  for  carrying  on  the  war? — What  proposals  did  he 
make  to  Alexander? — How  were  they  received  ? — Describe  Alexander's 
conversation  with  the  envoys  from  TYRE. — Describe  the  difficulties  pre- 
sented by  the  position  and  state  of  Tyre. — Becount  the  first  attempts  of 
Alexander  in  besieging  Tyre,  and  tlie  successful  resistance  of  the  T}t- 
ians. — Describe  the  subsequent  efforts  of  both  sides. — How  was  the  city 
taken  ? — How  long  had  it  resisted  ? — How  were  the  town  and  its  peojiLi 
treated? — State  the  second  offers  of  Darius. — How  were  they  received? 
§  12.  What  town  resisted  Alexander  on  his  march  to  Egypt? — What 
is  the  tradition  given  by  Josephus  as  to  Alexander's  visit  to  Jerusalem  ? 
— How  did  Alexander's  treatment  of  the  Egyptians  form  a  contrast  to 
that  of  the  Persians? — Where  did  he  found  the  famous  Alexandria? — 
For  wliat  did  that  city  become  renowned? — Describe  Alexander's  visit 
to  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Amnion. 

§  13.  At  what  date  did  Alexander  return  to  Asia  from  Egypt? — 
Wlmc  were  Arbet.a  and  Gauga.mela  ? — From  which  of  these  jilaccs  is 
/Alexander's  great  battle  named? — What  was  the  character  of  Darius'a 
position ?— Describe  the  arrangement  of  his  army. — Give  n,  proof  of 
Abxander's  remarkable  seir-iMJSscssion. — What  forces  had  he  at  Gauga- 
mela? — How  did  he  arrange  them? — Wh.it  mistake  weakened  the  Per- 
siuns? — How  was  the  battle  decided  ?— Where  did  the  pursuit  of  tha 
arrny  end  ? — What  was  taken  at  Arbela  ? 


700  QUKSTIONH  (»N  Hook  VI 

§  l\.  Wliithor  (lid  AlexaiKkr  iiiiucli  ni'ti-r  llic  battle  of  Arl^clii? — 
How  did  till'  Hiilivloiiians  n'C-t:ivc  him? — Why  was  tliis  ? — Ih-m-rWti:  h'u 
entry  into  tiiL-  cily. — W'iiat  imiasiircs  did  hr  adopt  tiicrc  ? — Wiioiii  diil 
he  place  ill  tlic,  various  oHic.cs? — What  larj.'(!  city  next  received  him? — 
What  aiuoiiiit  of  treasure  did  he  j^aiii,  wliat  interesting  spoils  did  he 
liiui,  and  how  did  he  dispose  of  them? — What  re-enforcements  joined 
him  at  Siisa  ? — What  ditHciiliies  retarded  his  advance  to  I'erM-polin? — 
How  were  they  overcome  ? — What  cities  were  the  various  capitals  and 
residences  of  the  Persian  kinjis? — What  amount  of  treasure  was  fountj 
•It  I'ersepolis? — What  foolish  act  at  that  place  is  laid  to  Alexander's 
charge  ? 

'  §  15.  Whither  did  Darius  flee  from  Arhela^? — When  did  Alexandc: 
resume  the  iniisnit  of  Jiini  ? — What  measures  did  Alexander  adopt  at 
i£cbatana? — I)escril)t'  his  ])ursuit  of  Darius  from  tiience.  —  How  was  Div- 
rius  treated  hy  Hes-sus? — Describe  his  death,  and  Alexander's  treatment 
of  his  body. 

§  IG.  What  is  tlie  position  of  Ilyrcania? — What  to'wn  was  its  capi- 
tal?— State  the  jjosition  and  ancient  name  of  J/enit. — Why  was  Plii- 
lotas  put  to  death  ? — Who  was  slain  at  the  same  time,  iunl  how? 

§  17.  What  cities  did  Alexander  found  in  u.c.  3^0? — What  was  the 
fate  of  IJessus? — What  was  the  ancient  name  of  Samaraind!' — Of  wha* 
country  was  it  the  capital  ? — Describe  Alexander's  exploits  in  Sogdinna. 
— What  was  the  country  and  i)arcnta,ije  of  lioxANA  ? 

§  18.  Describo  the  circumstances  preceding  and  attending  the  death 
\{  CliUts. — How  did  Alexander  show  his  grief  for  the  act? 

§  19.  What  was  the  pfot  qt' Hcnnolmtn? — Who  were  ])Ut  to  death  for 
.t'i — Where  and  with  what  force  did  Alexander  croas  the  Indus? — 
What  country  did  he  thus  enter? — Describe  the  battle  against  Poms. — 
How  did  that  king  show  his  sjiirit  ?— Ph)W  did  Alexander  treat  him  ? — 
Wiiat  cities  did  he  found  in  India? — Why  did  he  discontinue  his  prog- 
ress eastward  ? — What  river  was  the  limit  of  his  advance  ? 

§  20.  What  divisio:i  di.l  Alexander  make  of  his  army  in  returning 
from  the  Panjab? — How  docs  the  ancient  ignorance  of  geography  ap- 
pear ? — Describe  the  perilous  position  of  Alexander  in  the  town  of  the 
Malli. — Give  an  account  of  the  rest  of  the  voyage  down  the  Indus. — 
Wiiat  orders  were  given  to  Niarchns ? 

§  21.  Describe  the  march  through  Gedrosia. — How  did  Alexander 
show  the  equity  of  his  government? 

§  22.  What  measures  were  taken  by  Alexander  to  unite  the  varions 
races  subject  to  him? — Wliat  innovations  caused  discontent? — How  did 
he  suppress  the  mutiny  ? — What  measures  followed  the  reconciliation? 

§  23.  What  great  festival  was  held  at  Ecbatana  ? — What  honors  were 
shown  to  Hephaistion's  mem.ory? — What  proofs  of  Alexander's  great- 
ness were  displayed  just  before  his  end  at  Babylon? — What  vast  designs 
was  he  projecting? — What  occasioned  Alexander's  death? — Give  its 
precise  date. — How  long  w-erc  his  life  and  his  reign? 

§  24.  Do  you  consider  Alexander  properly  deserves  to  be  called 
Great? — Wherein  consisted  the  main  difficulty  of  his  exploits? — What 
was  the  nature  of  his  motives? — What  benetitsdid  mankind  derive  from 
Alexander's  conquesse  ? 


Chap.  XLV.      SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  701 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

FROM   THE    DEATH    OF    ALEXANDER    THE    GREAT   TO    THE    liATTLE    OF 
IPSUS. 

§  1.  What  was  the  last  uct  of  Alexander? — What  ].iocecdinf;  was 
taken  to  arrange  for  the  government  of  the  empire  ? — To  whom  was  the 
sovereignty  to  belong? — State  the  names  of  the  chief  generals,  and  the 
provinces  originally  assigned  them. — What  did  Ferdiccas  retain? — 
Where  was  Alexander  buried  ? 

§  2.  What  state  in  Greece  attempted  to  throw  off  Alexander's  yoke 
three  years  after  his  departure  for  Asia? — What  was  the  result  of  this? 
• — Describe  the  dispute  at  Athens  "  On  the  CVo2f«, "  stathig  the  various 
persons  concerned,  and  the  result. 

§  3.  Who  was  Harpalus  ? — How  did  he  become  a  favorite  with  Alex-, 
ander? — What  employments  were  successively  intrusted  to  him? — Why 
did  he  leave  Asia  ? — How  was  he  received  at  Athens  ? — What  eftect  had 
tliis  on  Demosthenes? — Whither  did  he  retire? 

§  4.  What  orator  led  the  Anti-Macedonian  party  after  the  exile  of 
Demosthenes  ? — What  states  joined  Athens  on  the  death  of  Alexander  ? 
— Who  became  the  general? — Record  the  discussion  with  Phocion. — 
What  was  the  war  called,  and  why  ? 

§  5.  Under  what  circumstances  did  Demosthenes  return  ? — What  was 
the  fate  of  Leostlienes,  and  who  succeeded  him  ? — Wliat  victory  did  An- 
tiphilus  gain  ? — Where  and  when  was  fought  the  deciding  battle  in  the 
Lamian  war? — How  did  Antipater  first  weaken  Athens? — What  terms 
did  he  at  last  grant  ? 

§  6.  Describe  the  death  of  Hyperides  and  that  of  Demosthenes. — 
Where  did  it  occur  ? 

§  7.  What  position  did  Perdiccas  hold  ? — What  ambitious  project  had 
he  fonned? — What  steps  did  he  take  for  its  accomplishment? — Who 
conspired  against  him? — How  did  Perdiccas  perish? 

§  8.  What  re-distribution  of  power  was  made  at  Triparadisus  ? — 
Who  succeeded  Antipater  as  regent? — Who  took  offense  at  this? — How 
did  Polysperchon  attempt  to  conciliate  the  Greek  states  ? — Why  and  to 
whom  did  Phocion  flee  ? — Describe  his  subsequent  fate. 

§  9.  What  ill  successes  did  Polysjierchon  suffer? — Whom  did  Cas- 
sander  make  ruler  of  Athens? — Who  was  Ettrijdice? — With  whom  did 
she  ally  herself? — How  did  she  and  Philip  Arrhiditvs  perish? — What 
was  the  f\\te  of  Olympias? — Who  rebuilt  Thebes? 

§  10.  What  generals  combined  against  Antigonns? — What  success 
attended  the  war  which  resulted  ? — What  became  of  Roxana  and  her 
son? 

§  11.  Who  was  Demelrius  Poliorcfies  ?— Bow  long  did  Demetrius  cf 
Phalerus  rule  Athens?— To  wiiat  did  he  owe  his  elevation ?— For  what 
was  he  distinguished?— How  did  he  at  first  rule?— How  did  he  lose  liis 
popularity? — Who  deprived  him  of  the  government? — Ilow  did  Deme- 
trius Poliorcetes  please  tiie  Athenians?— What  honors  did  tliey  bestow 
on  him  and  on  Antigonns  ? 

§  12.  Where  did  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  defeat  Ptolemy  ?— What  made 
this  battle  remarkable  ? — What  title  did  the  generals  now  assume? — De- 
scribe the  attempts  of  Demetrius  on  Rhodes. 

§  13.  What   success   meantime    attended   Cassnndcr? — Where   and 


7Q2  QUESTIONS  ON  liooK  \1 

wild)  iVul  liis  oi)|i(>nentH  dcfvat  Aiitigoniis? — Whiif  hecatnc  of  tlic  capiUil 
of  So  cuciis  ? — Wliiit  i)oss;!s>i()iis  liiil  Lysimucliiis  •;uiii  ? 

CilAl'TKli  \L\I. 
FROM  Tin;  iiArri.i;  oi-  n'wcs  to  tiik  cosycisT  ov  (julkci;  iir  Tnii 

UOMAN8. 

§  I.  VVli;it  fiiiliiiis  (lid  Deiiictriiis  I'oliorcft.-s  succussivi-ly  rnc:L't  with? 
— What  circiimstaiici's  increased  liis  power ? — At  what  dutc  did  lie  take 
Athens? — Wow  did  he  treat  the  city? 

§  2.  Who  succeeded  Cassander  on  the  throne  of  Maccdon? — What 
two  claimants  next  dis])iitcd  the  throne? — What  i)rinces  did  they  buiii- 
nion  to  their  aid?^ — !ln\v  did  Dcniotriits  I'oiicjrcctcs  f^ain  Madethjii  ? — 
Hov/  Ion;;  did  lit;  rciijn  there? — When,  where,  and  how  did  his  life  end? 
§  ;{.  What  extent  of  iloininion  did  ivysimachus  ultinnittly  gain? — 
Why  did  I'toleniy  CA'raiinus  leave  E^'ypt  ? — What  crime  did  he  eomniit 
at  the  court  of  Lysimachus? — Where,  when,  anil  how  did  Lysimachiih 
fall? — Who  then  divided  Alexander's  cni].in!  hetween  them? 

§  -4.  What  was  the  fate  of  Scleucus? — Who  divideil  his  dominions? — 
Who  slew  Ptolemy  Ceraumis? — Where  did  the  invading  Celts  establish 
themselves  ? 

§  5.  Who  estal)lished  himself  on  the  throne  of  Maccdon  in  u.c.  27H? 
— Describe  the  death  of  I'yrrhiis. — About  what  date  did  Antirjonus  (io- 
nutati  take  Athens? 

§  6.  What  had  been  the  objects  of  the  old  Aciiaian  Lkagck? — What 
statesman  raised  the  new  league  into  im])Ortance? — At  what  date? — 
What  was  the  constitution  of  the  Achaian  league? — What  states  suc- 
cessively joined  it  ? 

§  7.  Into  what  comlitioii  did  Sparta  come,  and  through  what  means? 
—What  king  attempted  a  reformation? — What  was  his  fate? — Who 
was  subsequently  more  successful? — What  occasioned  the  Cltomeidc 
War? — After  Antigonus  Gonatas  what  two  kings  successively  ruled 
Macedon? — Who  were  commanders  on  tlij  two  sides  in  the  hattlk  of 
Sellasia  ? — At  what  date  and  with  what  result  was  that  battle  fought? 
§  8.  How  do  we  usually  distinguisli  that  Phili])  of  Maccdon  wh.o 
fought  against  the  Romans? — What  is  known  of  the  ^Etolian  league  in 
early  times? — What  extent  of  powder  did  this  league  gain  after  the  death 
of  Alexander  tiie  Great? 

§  !).  What  occasioned  the  alliance  between  Philip  and  the  Achaans? 
— Why  and  when  did  he  make  peace  w  ith  the  yEtolians? 

§  10.  What  were  the  terms  of  the  treaty  between  Philip  and  Han- 
nibal ? — What  towns  did  Philip  attempt  to"  take  ? — With  what  object  ? 
— With  what  success? — How^  and  when  did  Aratas  perish? — What  con- 
ipiests  did  the  Romans  make  for  the  j-Etolians? 

§  11.  Who  is  called  the  last  of  the  Greeks? — Where  was  he  born? — 
What  ofHces  did  ho  successively  gain  ? — What  imi)rovements  did  he  in- 
troduce ? — What  victory  did  he  gain  ? 

§  12,  At  what  date  did  the  Mcueiionian  war  tcith  Home  begin? — 
When  and  where  was  fought  the  great  l.attle  which  humbled  Philip? — 
Who  was  the  Roman  commander? — What  terms  did  the  Romans  pro- 
fess to  grant  to  Phili])  and  to  the  Greek  states  ? 

§  13.  What  .states  did  the  ^Etoliaus  strive  to  nnite  against  the  lio- 
mans? — Where  was  Antiocluis  defeated  by  them? — What  terms  were 
allowed  the  ^tolians? 


Chap.  XLVII.     SMITH'8  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  703 

§  14.  How  did  Pliilopcemen  treat  Sparta? — How  and  at  what  date 
and  age  did  riiilopcemen  die? — Who  avenged  his  death? 

Note.— It  may  help  the  young  student's  memory  to  oh.serve  that  Hannibal,  his  an- 
tagonist the  eliler  Scipio  Afkicaxus,  and  riiii.oi'iJEMEN,  all  died  in  the  nante  year. 

§  15.  Who  was  the  Last  king  of  Macedon  ? — How  long  did  he  remain 
at  peace  with  Rome? — Wliat  alliances  did  he  form? — On  what  ac- 
counts did  the  Romans  declare  war  against  him  ? — What  success  had 
Perseus  at  first  ? — In  what  great  battle  was  he  defeated  ? — Give  the  date 
and  some  particulars  of  this  battL\ — Who  was  the  successful  com- 
mander? 

§  16.  Of  what  bnsj  conduct  was  Callicratcs  guilty? — What  was  the 
•onsequence  ? — How  did  the  Romans  treat  the  northwestern  Greek 
states  ? 

§  17.  How  did  the  (piarrel  between  Athens  and  Oropus  arise? — What 
noted  Athenian  philosophers  went  as  embassadors  to  Rome? — On  what 
ground  did  Diajus  induce  tlse  Achaians  to  attack  Si)arta  ? 

§  18.  What  decision  of  the  Romans  created  a  riot  at  Corinth? — Who 
were  the  two  last  Strategl  of  the  Achteans? — Who  gained  the  last  bat- 
tle fought  by  the  Greeks  against  Rome? — At  what  date  was  Corinth 
taken  ? — Unckar  what  name  did  Greece  become  a  Roman  province  ? 

CHAPTER  XLVII. 

HISTORY   OF    GRECIAN    ART    FRO.M    THE    END    OF    THE    PELOPOXXESIAN 
AVAR    TO    ITS    DECLINE. 

§  1.  Wliat  remarkable  difference  existed  in  the  two  schools  of  Attic 
sculpture  ? — What  gods  were  respectiA-ely  the  favorite  subjects  of  each 
school  ? 

§  2.  'Wliere  was  Scopaa  born,  and  when  did  he  flourish  ? — What 
works  are  attributed  to  him  ? 

§  3.  In  what  respects  did  Praxiteles  excel? — What  were  his  most  fa- 
mous works  ? 

§  4.  W^hat  were  the  characteristics  of  the  Sicyonian  school  of  sculp- 
ture?— Who  were  its  chief  artists? — When  did  Knpliranor  flourLsh  ? — 
What  woi'ks  did  he  execute? — When  did  Lysippus  flourish? — What 
works  are  attributed  to  him  ? 

§  5.  Who  were  the  painters  of  the  Sicyonian  school  ? — What  were  the 
merits  of  APELLES? — Whence  arose  the  proverb  "A'e  sulor,'"  etc.  ? — 
What  testimony  was  given  by  Alexander  to  his  merit  ? 

§  G.  What  changes  marked  the  architecture  of  Alexander's  age? — 
What  cities  were  instances  of  this? — Name  and  describe  some  architec- 
tural works  of  this  age. 

§  7.  What  causes  tended  to  the  decline  of  Grecian  art  after  Alexan- 
der's age? — What  Rhodian  was  famous  as  a  sculptor? — Descriho  his 
"hief  work. — What  artists  jjroduced  the  group  of  the  l.noroon  Y — Do  you 
know  in  what  poet  the  legend  represented  is  narrateil  ? — Name  some 
other  famous  extant  works  of  the  period. 

§  8.  What  conquests  caused  the  removal  of  Greek  works  to  Rome  ?— 
Show  how  vast  their  number  was. 


704  QUESTKJNS,   K'lXJ.  I'.ook  VL 


CHAPTER  XL VIII. 

GHKCIAN    LITER ArUKE    ir.O.M    THE    END  Of    THE    I'ELOPOSNESIAN    WAR 
TO   THE    LATEST    PERIOD. 

§  1.  Name  some  traj;ic  writers  later  than  tJic  tJiree  most  renowncfJ. 
' — Who  were  tlie  most  distinguished  writers  of  the  Middle  fjmntdy? — 
When  did  the  iVew  6'o;«<^Jy  begin  ? — What  were  its  j.ceuliarities? — Who 
were  its  most  famous  writers? — Give  an  account  of  the  origin  of  ME- 
NANDEK. — How  did  he  die? — How  many  plays  did  he  write? — How 
may  we  form  a  knowledge  of  tlieir  merits? 

§  2.  Wliat  circiiiiistances  made  cloqnenre  so  important  at  Athens? — 
— Wiiat  want  of  eipiity  and  legality  is  evident  in  the  Athenian  courts? 

§  3.  Name  with  their  countries  tlie  (irst  famous  teachei-s  of  Rhetoric. 

§4.  Who  are  tlie  ten  orators  of  the  Alexandrian  canon? — What  is 
known  o(  AiUij>/ion's  history  and  works? — What  is  told  of  Andocides? — 
For  what  is  the  style  of  Lysius  famous? — When  and  how  did  Isocrates 
die? — What  is  the  sui)jcet  of  the  sjjeeches  of /sreus." — Give  an  account 
of  the  life  and  works  of  yEsciiiNES. — W'liat  have  you  farther  to  remark 
of  DEMOSTHENES? — Which  are  his  most  famous  public  and  private 
speeches  ? 

§  5.  Who  was  the  most  distinguished  disciple  of  Socrates? — What 
was  his  descent? — What  countries  did  he  visit? — Where  did  he  teach? 
— Who  were  among  his  hearers  ? 

§  6.  Can  you  explain  what  is  meant  when  PLATO  is  called  a  realist  T 
— What  works  contain  his  jiolifital  views  ? 

§  7.  What  were  the  luinor  scliools  founded  by  the  hearers  of  Socrates? 
— What  were  the  notions  of  A  i{!ili/>ptis  and  the  Cyrennic  sect?- — AVho 
founded  the  Cynic  sect? — What  different  derivations  hare  been  given 
for  the  name  ? 

§  8.  Name  with  their  foundei-s  the  four  ])rincipal  schools  of  Greek 
Philosophers. — Who  succeeded  Plato  ? — What  division  is  made  of  the 
Academicians? — To  what  did  their  teaching  at  last  tend? 

§  9.  Where  was  ARISTOTLE  born  ? — Give  some  particulars  of  his 
earlier  historv'. — Where  did  he  tcacli  at  Athens? — What  distinction  was 
made  in  his  lectures? — What  is  related  of  his  personal  appearance? — ■ 
On  what  subjects  did  he  write? 

§  10.  Whence  was  the  Stoic  sect  named? — What  Roman  writers  of 
the  Stoic  sect  have  left  works  still  extant? — Where  was  EricuRrs  born? 
— What  did  he  teach? — What  Latin  jioem  sets  forth  his  notions  ? 

§  11.  After  the  death  of  Alexander  what  city  became  famous  for  lit- 
erature?— Name  some  of  the  chief  critics  of  the  Alexandrine  schools. — 
What  were  invented  there  ? — Name  also  some  poets  of  that  age  and 
place. 

§  12.  Name  with  their  works  some  of  the  more  recent  Greek  his- 
torians 

§  13.  Wiiat  are  the  7nost  valuable  writings  in  Greek? — Name  some  of 
he  Greek  Christian  Fathers. — When  and  how  were  the  Greek  language 
and  literature  made  known  to  Western  Europe  f 


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Portrait  of  William  of  Orange.  Cheap  Edition,  3  vols.,  in  a  Box. 
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Sheep,  $7  r,0;  Half  Calf,  $12  7.5.  Sold  only  in  Sets.  Original 
Library  Edition,  3  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth,  $10  .50. 

MOTLEY'S  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  History  of  the  United 
Netherlands :  From  the  Death  of  William  the  Silent  to  the  Twelve 
Years'  Truce— 1584-1 009.  With  a  full  View  of  the  English-Dutch 
Struggle  against  Spain,  and  of  the  Origin  and  Destruction  of  the 
Spanish  Armada.  By  John  Lotiirop  Motley,  LL.D.,  D.C.L. 
Portraits.  Cheap  Edition,  4  vols.,  in  a  Box,  8vo,  Cloth,  with  Paper 
Labels,  Uncut  Edges  and  Gilt  Tops,  $8  00;  Sheep,  $10  00;  Half 
Calf,  $17  00.  Sold  only  in  Sets.  Original  Library  Edition,  4  vols., 
8vo,  Cloth,  $14  00. 

MOTLEY'S  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD.  The  Life  and  Death  of  John 
of  Barneveld,  Advocate  of  Holland.  With  a  View  of  the  Prin>ary 
Causes  and  Movements  of  the  "  Thirty  Years'  War."  By  John 
LoTHROP  Motley,  LL.D.,  D.C.L.  Illustrated.  Cheap  Edition, 
2  vols.,  in  a  Box,  8vo,  Cloth,  with  Paper  Labels,  Uncut  Edges  and 
Gilt  Tops,  $4  00:  Sheep,  $5  00;  Half  Calf,  $8  50.  Sold  only  in 
Sets.     Original  Library  Edition,  2  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth,  $7  00. 

HILDRETH'S  UNITED  STATES.  History  of  the  United  States. 
First  Series:  From  the  Discovery  of  the  Continent  to  the  Or- 
ganization of  the  Government  under  the  Federal  Constitution.  Sec- 
ond Series  :  From  the  Adoi)tion  of  the  Feder.il  Constitution  to  the 
End  of  the  Sixteenth  Congress.  By  Richard  Hildketh.  Popular 
Edition,  6  vols.,  in  a  Box,  8vo,  Cloth,  with  Paper  Labels,  Uncut 
Edges  and  Gilt  Tops,  $12  00 ;  Sheep,  $15  00 ;  Half  Calf,  $25  50. 
Sold  only  in  Sets. 

IREVELYAN'S  LIFE  OF  MACAULAY.  The  Life  and  Letters  of 
liOrd  Macaulay.  By  his  Nephew,  G.  Otto  Treveltan,  M.P. 
With  Portrait  on  Steel.  2  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth,  Uncut  Edges  and  Gilt 
Tops,  $5  00 ;  Sheep,  $6  00 ;  Half  Calf,  $9  50.  Popular  Edition, 
2  vols,  in  one,  12mo,  Cloth,  $1   75 

TREVELYAN'S  LIFE  OF  FOX.  The  Early  History  of  Charles 
James  Fox.  By  George  Ofto  Treveltan.  8vo,  Cloth,  Uncm 
Edges  and  Gilt  Tops.  $2  50;    Half  Calf.  |4  75. 


Valuable  Works  for  Public  and  Private  Libraries.  3 

WRITINGS  AND  SPEECHES  OF  SAMUEL  J.  TILDEN.  Edited 
by  JouN  BiGELOAv.  2  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth,  Gilt  Tops  and  Uncut  Edges, 
$6  00  per  set. 

GENERAL  DIX'S  MEMOIRS.  Memoirs  of  John  Adams  Dix.  Com- 
piled by  his  Son,  Morgan  Dix.  With  Five  Steel-plate  Portraits. 
2  vols,,  8vo,  Cloth,  Gilt  Tops  and  Uncut  Edges,  $5  00. 

HUNT'S  MEMOIR  OF  MRS.  LIVINGSTON.  A  Memoir  of  Mr.s, 
Edward  Livingston.  With  Letters  hitherto  Unpublished.  By  Lod- 
18E  Livingston  Hunt.     12mo,  Cloth,  $1  25. 

GEORGE  ELIOT'S  LIFE.  George  Eliot's  Life,  Related  in  her  Let- 
ters and  Journals.  Arranged  and  Edited  by  her  Husband,  J.  W. 
Cross.  Portraits  and  Illustrations.  In  Three  Volumes.  12mO( 
Cloth,  $3  75.  New  Edition,  with  Fresh  Matter.  (Uniform  with 
"Harper's  Library  Edition  "  of  George  Eliot's  Works.) 

PEARS'S  FALL  OF  CONSTANTINOPLE.  The  Fall  of  Constan- 
tinople. Being  the  Story  of  the  Fourth  Crusade.  By  Edwin 
Peaks,  LL.B.     8vo,  Cloth,  !$2  50. 

RANKE'S  UNIVERSAL  HISTORY.  The  Oldest  Historical  Group 
of  Nations  and  the  Greeks.  By  Leopold  von  Ranke.  Edited  by 
G.  W.  Protheko,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  King's  College,  Cambridge. 
Vol.  I.      8vo,  Cloth,  $2  50. 

LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  THE  REV.  SYDNEY  SMITH.  A  Sketch 
of  the  Life  and  Times  of  the  Rev.  Sydney  Smith.  Based  on  Family 
Documents  and  the  Recollections  of  Personal  Friends.  By  Stuart 
J.  Reid.     With  Steel-plate  Portrait  and  Illustrations.     8vo,  Cloth, 

f  3  00. 

STORMONTH'S  ENGLISH  DICTIONARY.  A  Dictionary  of  the 
English  Language,  Pronouncing,  Etymological,  and  Explanatory ; 
embracing  Scientific  and  other  Terms,  Numerous  Familiar  Term.s, 
and  a  Copious  Selection  of  Old  English  Words.  By  the  Rev.  James 
Stormonth.  The  Pronunciation  Revised  by  the  Rev.  P.  II.  Piielp, 
M.A.  Imperial  8vo,  Cloth,  $G  00;  Half  Roan,  $7  00;  Full  Sheep, 
$7  60.     (New  Edition.) 

PARTON'S  CARICATURE.  Caricature  and  Other  Comic  Art,  in 
All  Times  and  Many  Lands.  By  James  Parton.  203  Illustrations. 
8vo,  Cloth,  Uncut  Edges  and  Gilt  Tops,  $5  00  ;  Half  Calf,  $7  25. 

DU  CHAILLU'S  LAND  OF  THE  MIDNIGHT  SUN.  Summer 
and  Winter  Journeys  in  Sweden,  Norway,  Lapland,  and  Northern 
Finland,     By  Paul  B.  Dn  Chaillu.      Illustrated.      2  vols.,  8to, 

Cloth,  $7  50;    Half  Calf,  $12  00. 


4  Valuable  Works  for  Public  and  Private  Libraries. 

LOSSING'S  CYCL01M-:i)IA  OF  UNITED  S'J'ATES  HISTORY. 
From  the  Al)oiiKi":il  rcriod  to  I87G.  By  B.  J.  Lossing,  LL.D. 
Illustrated  by  2  Steel  Portraits  and  over  1000  Engravings.  2  vols., 
Royal  8vo,  Cloth,  $10  00;  Sheep,  .?12  O.'t;  Half  Morocco,  §1.0  00. 
{Sold  by  Subscription  only.) 

LOSSING'S  FIELD-BOOK  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.  Pictorial 
Field-Book  of  the  Revolution  ;  or,  Illustrations  by  Pen  and  Pencil 
of  the  History,  Biography,  Scenery,  Relics,  and  Traditions  of  the 
War  for  Independence.  By  Bknson  J.  Lossing.  2  vols.,  8vo, 
Cloth,  $U  00;  Sheep  or  Roan,  $15  00;  Half  Calf,  $18  00. 

LOSSING'S  FIELD-BOOK  OF  THE  WAH  OF  1812.  Pictorial 
Field-Book  of  the  War  of  1812;  or,  lUusirations  by  Pen  and  Pencil 
of  the  History,  Biograpliy,  Scenery,  Relics,  and  Traditions  of  the 
last  War  for  American  Independence.  By  Benson  J.  Lossing. 
With  several  hundred  Engravings.  1088  pages,  8vo,  Cloth,  $7  00; 
Sheep  or  Roan,  $8  50;  Half  Calf,  $10  00. 

MiJLLER'S  POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  RECENT  TIMES  (1816- 
1875).  With  Special  Reference  to  Germany.  By  William  Mijl- 
LER.  Translated,  with  an  Appendix  covering  the  Period  from  1876 
to  1881,  by  the  Rev.  John  P.  Peters,  Ph.D.      12mo,  Cloth,  $3  00. 

STANLEY'S  THROUGH  THE  DARK  CONTINENT.  Through 
the  Dark  Continent ;  or,  The  Sources  of  the  Nile,  Around  the  Great 
Lakes  of  Equatorial  Africa,  and  Down  the  Livingstone  River  to  the 
Atlantic  Ocean.  149  Illustrations  and  10  Maps.  By  H.  M.  Stan- 
let.  2  vols.,  Svo,  Cloth,  $10  00;  Sheep,  $12  00;  Half  Morocco. 
$15  00. 

STANLEY'S  CONGO.  The  Congo  and  the  Founding  of  its  Free 
State,  a  Story  of  Work  and  E.^ploration.  With  over  One  Hundred 
Full-page  and  smaller  Illustrations,  Two  Large  Maps,  and  several 
smalier  ones.  By  H.  M.  Stanley.  2  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth,  $10  00; 
Sheep,  $12  00;  Half  Morocco,  $15  00. 

GREEN'S  ENGLISH  PEOPLE.  History  of  the  English  People. 
By  John  Richard  Green,  M.A.  With  Maps.  4  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth, 
$10  00;   Sheep,  $12  00;   Half  Calf,  $19  00. 

GREEN'S  MAKING  OF  ENGLAND.  The  Making  of  England. 
By  John  Richard  Green.  With  Maps.  Svo,  Cloth,  $2  50 ;  Sheep, 
$3  00 ;  Half  Calf,  $3  75. 

GREENS  CONQUEST  OF  ENGLAND.  The  Conquest  of  England. 
By  John  Richard  Green.  With  Maps.  Svo.  Cloth,  $2  50  ;  Sheep, 
$3  00;  Half  Calf,  $3  7.5. 


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